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-7- economic power is moving in on him. Of course, his fear is often directed at Wall Street. He envisages Wall Street as a solid phalanx, with Morgan as symbol and head, ready to crush and subjugate him, and he cries, "Down with Wall Street. He wants economic freedom and a free America. But when it comes to labor unionism ne frequently has the same reaction. For instance, when he observes that John L. Lewis apparently has the votes and wills of six hundred thousand miners in his pocket, he says, Why that is the very same thing, a vast economic power moving in on us, just like Well Street. 11 And I can say this much, that emotionally or sentimentally the farmer reacts even more strongly to labor moving in on him as C master than he does to Wall Street. In the case of Wall Street he may fear and resent the oppressor but at least he does not feel any social humiliation because after all Wall Street is socially superior. But it is different in the case of the wage earner whom the farmer looks upon as a sort of hired man or servent girl. When the wage earners organize into strong unions and begin to move in on him, his reaction is one of indignation. It is a good deal as though the servant girl, in the absence of her mistress, had rigged herself out in her mistress' finery. It is an outrage. Now, of course, this is not just. It is not fair. I do not subscribe to the farmer's feeling of superiority, but that is the way he does feel. Why do we find the farmers responding so warmly to anti-labor slogans and measures? To be sure, we know that their slogans and measures are not of a spontaneous origin, that the leaders of American business are having a very good time sitting on the sidelines and watching the farmer end the worker getting into each other's hair; and very likely they have not been sitting on the side lines all the time. Very likely there has been some instigation end inspiration, but just the same, there is something in the farmer which makes him respond to this incitement. The inspiration may be from the outside but the bitter feeling is certainly there. Let us look at the question of subsidies. When the New Deal came in after years of depression, the farmer did not hesitate to take subsidies from the government. When he was menaced with the loss of his farm due to mortgage foreclosure, he took subsidies. But he was happy about it. He took the subsidios because he had to and they were given to him almost for the mere asking; but at the same time he had the uncomfortable feeling that he was a kept man. The situation was not ideal from his standpoint. His ideal was a free American, dependent only on himself. He took the subsidies but he was not satisfied. Somehow he felt that his honor was affected, that he was being supported by the government. To him the ideal situation was, as I have stressed, one in which the market was such that he would get a good income through his own efforts, without anybody doing it for him. Call it fanciful, perhaps, but life is full of such fancies. That was ten years ago. Now let us look st the present situation. The market from the farmer's standpoint is ideal. In other words, the farmer fools that he can make more than a fair living because the farmer's income has never been SO high; the farmers are saving money, paying off their mortgages. The farmer of course does not realize that the market is ideal not because it is a natural market but because it is a "rigged" market, rigged by the government. If the government were to withdraw its demand for farm products for the army, for our allies, if the government were to

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    "ocrText": "-7-\neconomic power is moving in on him. Of course, his fear is often directed\nat Wall Street. He envisages Wall Street as a solid phalanx, with Morgan\nas symbol and head, ready to crush and subjugate him, and he cries, \"Down\nwith\nWall Street. He wants economic freedom and a free America.\nBut when it comes to labor unionism ne frequently has the same reaction.\nFor instance, when he observes that John L. Lewis apparently has the votes\nand wills of six hundred thousand miners in his pocket, he says, Why that\nis the very same thing, a vast economic power moving in on us, just like\nWell Street. 11\nAnd I can say this much, that emotionally or sentimentally the farmer\nreacts even more strongly to labor moving in on him as C master than he\ndoes to Wall Street. In the case of Wall Street he may fear and resent\nthe oppressor but at least he does not feel any social humiliation because\nafter all Wall Street is socially superior. But it is different in the\ncase of the wage earner whom the farmer looks upon as a sort of hired man\nor servent girl. When the wage earners organize into strong unions and\nbegin to move in on him, his reaction is one of indignation. It is a good\ndeal as though the servant girl, in the absence of her mistress, had rigged\nherself out in her mistress' finery. It is an outrage.\nNow, of course, this is not just. It is not fair. I do not subscribe\nto the farmer's feeling of superiority, but that is the way he does feel.\nWhy do we find the farmers responding so warmly to anti-labor slogans\nand measures? To be sure, we know that their slogans and measures are not\nof a spontaneous origin, that the leaders of American business are having\na very good time sitting on the sidelines and watching the farmer end the\nworker getting into each other's hair; and very likely they have not been\nsitting on the side lines all the time. Very likely there has been some\ninstigation end inspiration, but just the same, there is something in the\nfarmer which makes him respond to this incitement. The inspiration may\nbe from the outside but the bitter feeling is certainly there.\nLet us look at the question of subsidies. When the New Deal came in\nafter years of depression, the farmer did not hesitate to take subsidies\nfrom the government. When he was menaced with the loss of his farm due\nto mortgage foreclosure, he took subsidies. But he was happy about\nit. He took the subsidios because he had to and they were given to him\nalmost for the mere asking; but at the same time he had the uncomfortable\nfeeling that he was a kept man. The situation was not ideal from his\nstandpoint. His ideal was a free American, dependent only on himself.\nHe took the subsidies but he was not satisfied. Somehow he felt that his\nhonor was affected, that he was being supported by the government.\nTo him the ideal situation was, as I have stressed, one in which the\nmarket was such that he would get a good income through his own efforts,\nwithout anybody doing it for him. Call it fanciful, perhaps, but life\nis full of such fancies.\nThat was ten years ago. Now let us look st the present situation. The\nmarket from the farmer's standpoint is ideal. In other words, the farmer\nfools that he can make more than a fair living because the farmer's income\nhas never been SO high; the farmers are saving money, paying off their\nmortgages. The farmer of course does not realize that the market is ideal\nnot because it is a natural market but because it is a \"rigged\" market,\nrigged by the government. If the government were to withdraw its demand\nfor farm products for the army, for our allies, if the government were to"
}