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MRS. FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT 211 EAST 62ND STREET NEW YORK 21, N. Y. MARITY ARCHIVES "NATIONAL RECORDS TRUMAN AND LIBRARY January 13, 1956 U.S. SERVICE" GOVERNMENT Dear Mr. President: I am sure that you feel as I do that the situation in the Near East is highly critical, largely brought about through Soviet planning and action, and if they succeed in getting rid of our bases in North Africa and getting rid of Israel which is the only democratic area in the Near East which can make a stand against them, they will have a bridge to Pakistan, India, and the rest of Asia. Because I feel this way, I have listened to the suggestion from some of my friends in the Jewish community that a sig- nificant statement by a few people would carry more weight than some of the statements which are being made today with a great many signatures attached. The enclosed statement has been carefully worked out and I am sending it to you, to Walter Reuther and to George Meany hoping that you might all be willing to sign it if you think it is a wise move at this time. If there are any changes which you think wise, we would of course want you to make them. If you don't think it wise, you must, of course, also let me know. I have great faith in your judgment and therefore would like to feel that I was not moving without your agreement in this matter. Very cordially yours, BARRY TRUMAN AND Uraar Rooseach U.S. GOVERN ИЕМ ЛОВК 31° W A' SU EVRL изио PINEEL wes ЕНУИКГИ D' HOOBEAET'S GRAFT STATEMENT ON ISRAEL in The future of Israel and the Arab lands of the Near East are extric- ably intertwined. Present antagonisms and fears have forced both Israel and the Arab lands to channel human and material resources into arms when they are desperately needed for the peaceful development of the Middle East. The threat to peace in the Middle East is a threat to world peace. Border clashes with increasing frequency may at any time erupt into war which may spread far beyond the Middle East. The problems which have arisen between the Arab States and Israel, difficult though they are, can be solved, given good will and the sincere desire for peace. It is essential that America should do all that lies within its power to prevent war and lay the foundation for permanent peace in the Middle East. The State of Israel is a great and irrevocable historic fact. It represents the rebirth of a nation that has given to the world one of its greatest traditions. When it proclaimed its independence in 1948, the United States was the first government to give Israel recognition. In doing so, our government gave practical expression to an ideal and policy supported by every administration since World War I, and repeatedly en- dorsed by bipartisan resolutions in Congress and the platforms of both major parties. This country has extended the hand of friendship and given assistance to the Arab States, through its support of the cultural interest of the Arab world and its participation with the Arabs in the exploitation of the region's rich natural resources. Through the United Nations and through our own assistance programs, we have aided the Arab governments to meet their economic and social problems. Our technicians and diplomats are laboring to bring into being vast projects in the Jordan and Sinai which promise great benefits to the Arab world. We have been prepared to enter into mutual security agreements with the Arabs for the defense of their frontiers and those of the free world. Secretary Dulles has made clear 2. the willingness of the United States to extend financial and economic assistance and to help settle the refugee problem. Israel, with the help of scientists, technicians and administrators drawn from every land, has shown how the desert can be transformed by human skill and perseverance. Israel has demonstrated the tremendous possibilities for economic and social development in this area, where there is both belief in and the practice of democracy. Peace would make these skills and achievements available to the whole Near East and help the region to achieve a new flowering, unparalleled since Biblical days. In facing the real problems of the Arab refugees, it must be recog- nized that Israel cannot economically or politically afford to admit more than a small number. Though a significant part, Israel is only a amall part, and is by no means the most richly endowed part of the Middle East. The opportunity for the settlement of nearly a million Arab refugees is far more promising in the vast Arab Lands that surround Israel than in the small State of Israel under any conditions that could possibly be created there. America, together with other countries ready to give financial and technical assistance for the resettlement of Arab refugees, has the right to expect the good will and full cooperation of the Arab Lands and of Israel to the extent of its ability to provide financial compensation. The United States must pursue an unequivocal policy in regard to the Middle East. It must make clear that any change in the status quo by force will not be recognized or tolerated. No constructive purpose could be served by gnawing at or seeking to roll back the boundaries of Israel. No part of Israel has ever been part of Egypt or Jordan. The Arab States and Israel are bound by the United Nations Charter not to use threats of force or force as an instrument of national policy. They are bound by armistice agreements that forbid alteration of boundaries by the use of force. Changes of boundaries can therefore be brought about only 3. by mutual agreement. It is for the United States to restate and implement its basic principles in such a way that there can be no uncertainty as to where it stands. The cynical invitation to an arms race, the spreading of con- fusion and the exciting of mutual fear and h@stdlity by the shipment of Communist arms to Egypt can be offset only by the clarification of our position, persistent efforts towards mutual confidence, and our active efforts towards achieving peace. We must counteract every attempt by the Soviet Union to upset the present precarious balance of power in this area. This requires that the United States should now provide the defens- ive arms needed by Israel to protect itself against any aggression made possible or incited by the introduction of Communist arms. The Tripartite Declaration of 1950, under which the United States, the United Kingdom and France committed themselves that "should they find that any of these states were preparing to violate frontier or armistice lines" they would "immediately take action within and outside the United Nations to prevent such violation" must now be strengthened by incorpora- tion into treaties offered on equal terms to Israel and the Arab Lands. Because of Soviet intervention, such treaties can no longer be conditioned on either acceptance by both sides or by mutual agreement in regard to border changes, since such conditions would, if imposed, only delay the enactment of treaties that are essential to maintaing peace in this area. Peace is the highest American interest in the Near East. What is at stake is not only the survival of the small State of Israel, for which we have long avowed "our firm friendship," but, as the President has reminded us, the peace of the world.

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    "ocrText": "MRS. FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT\n211 EAST 62ND STREET\nNEW YORK 21, N. Y.\nMARITY ARCHIVES \"NATIONAL RECORDS TRUMAN AND LIBRARY\nJanuary 13, 1956\nU.S.\nSERVICE\"\nGOVERNMENT\nDear Mr. President:\nI am sure that you feel as I do that the\nsituation in the Near East is highly critical,\nlargely brought about through Soviet planning\nand action, and if they succeed in getting rid\nof our bases in North Africa and getting rid of\nIsrael which is the only democratic area in the\nNear East which can make a stand against them,\nthey will have a bridge to Pakistan, India, and\nthe rest of Asia. Because I feel this way, I\nhave listened to the suggestion from some of\nmy friends in the Jewish community that a sig-\nnificant statement by a few people would carry\nmore weight than some of the statements which\nare being made today with a great many signatures\nattached.\nThe enclosed statement has been carefully\nworked out and I am sending it to you, to Walter\nReuther and to George Meany hoping that you might\nall be willing to sign it if you think it is a\nwise move at this time. If there are any changes\nwhich you think wise, we would of course want you\nto make them. If you don't think it wise, you\nmust, of course, also let me know. I have\ngreat faith in your judgment and therefore\nwould like to feel that I was not moving without\nyour agreement in this matter.\nVery cordially yours,\nBARRY TRUMAN AND\nUraar Rooseach\nU.S. GOVERN\nИЕМ ЛОВК 31° W A'\nSU EVRL изио PINEEL\nwes ЕНУИКГИ D' HOOBEAET'S\nGRAFT STATEMENT ON ISRAEL\nin\nThe future of Israel and the Arab lands of the Near East are extric-\nably intertwined. Present antagonisms and fears have forced both Israel\nand the Arab lands to channel human and material resources into arms when\nthey are desperately needed for the peaceful development of the Middle\nEast. The threat to peace in the Middle East is a threat to world peace.\nBorder clashes with increasing frequency may at any time erupt into war\nwhich may spread far beyond the Middle East. The problems which have\narisen between the Arab States and Israel, difficult though they are, can\nbe solved, given good will and the sincere desire for peace.\nIt is essential that America should do all that lies within its\npower to prevent war and lay the foundation for permanent peace in the\nMiddle East.\nThe State of Israel is a great and irrevocable historic fact. It\nrepresents the rebirth of a nation that has given to the world one of its\ngreatest traditions. When it proclaimed its independence in 1948, the\nUnited States was the first government to give Israel recognition. In\ndoing so, our government gave practical expression to an ideal and policy\nsupported by every administration since World War I, and repeatedly en-\ndorsed by bipartisan resolutions in Congress and the platforms of both\nmajor parties.\nThis country has extended the hand of friendship and given assistance\nto the Arab States, through its support of the cultural interest of the\nArab world and its participation with the Arabs in the exploitation of the\nregion's rich natural resources. Through the United Nations and through\nour own assistance programs, we have aided the Arab governments to meet\ntheir economic and social problems. Our technicians and diplomats are\nlaboring to bring into being vast projects in the Jordan and Sinai which\npromise great benefits to the Arab world. We have been prepared to enter\ninto mutual security agreements with the Arabs for the defense of their\nfrontiers and those of the free world. Secretary Dulles has made clear\n2.\nthe willingness of the United States to extend financial and economic\nassistance and to help settle the refugee problem.\nIsrael, with the help of scientists, technicians and administrators\ndrawn from every land, has shown how the desert can be transformed by\nhuman skill and perseverance. Israel has demonstrated the tremendous\npossibilities for economic and social development in this area, where there\nis both belief in and the practice of democracy. Peace would make these\nskills and achievements available to the whole Near East and help the\nregion to achieve a new flowering, unparalleled since Biblical days.\nIn facing the real problems of the Arab refugees, it must be recog-\nnized that Israel cannot economically or politically afford to admit more\nthan a small number. Though a significant part, Israel is only a amall\npart, and is by no means the most richly endowed part of the Middle East.\nThe opportunity for the settlement of nearly a million Arab refugees is\nfar more promising in the vast Arab Lands that surround Israel than in the\nsmall State of Israel under any conditions that could possibly be created\nthere. America, together with other countries ready to give financial and\ntechnical assistance for the resettlement of Arab refugees, has the right\nto expect the good will and full cooperation of the Arab Lands and of\nIsrael to the extent of its ability to provide financial compensation.\nThe United States must pursue an unequivocal policy in regard to the\nMiddle East. It must make clear that any change in the status quo by\nforce will not be recognized or tolerated. No constructive purpose could\nbe served by gnawing at or seeking to roll back the boundaries of Israel.\nNo part of Israel has ever been part of Egypt or Jordan. The Arab\nStates and Israel are bound by the United Nations Charter not to use\nthreats of force or force as an instrument of national policy. They are\nbound by armistice agreements that forbid alteration of boundaries by the\nuse of force. Changes of boundaries can therefore be brought about only\n3.\nby mutual agreement.\nIt is for the United States to restate and implement its basic\nprinciples in such a way that there can be no uncertainty as to where\nit stands. The cynical invitation to an arms race, the spreading of con-\nfusion and the exciting of mutual fear and h@stdlity by the shipment of\nCommunist arms to Egypt can be offset only by the clarification of our\nposition, persistent efforts towards mutual confidence, and our active\nefforts towards achieving peace. We must counteract every attempt by the\nSoviet Union to upset the present precarious balance of power in this\narea. This requires that the United States should now provide the defens-\nive arms needed by Israel to protect itself against any aggression made\npossible or incited by the introduction of Communist arms.\nThe Tripartite Declaration of 1950, under which the United States, the\nUnited Kingdom and France committed themselves that \"should they find\nthat any of these states were preparing to violate frontier or armistice\nlines\" they would \"immediately take action within and outside the United\nNations to prevent such violation\" must now be strengthened by incorpora-\ntion into treaties offered on equal terms to Israel and the Arab Lands.\nBecause of Soviet intervention, such treaties can no longer be conditioned\non either acceptance by both sides or by mutual agreement in regard to\nborder changes, since such conditions would, if imposed, only delay the\nenactment of treaties that are essential to maintaing peace in this area.\nPeace is the highest American interest in the Near East. What is\nat stake is not only the survival of the small State of Israel, for which\nwe have long avowed \"our firm friendship,\" but, as the President has\nreminded us, the peace of the world."
}