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MRS. FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT
211 EAST 62ND STREET
NEW YORK 21, N. Y.
MARITY ARCHIVES "NATIONAL RECORDS TRUMAN AND LIBRARY
January 13, 1956
U.S.
SERVICE"
GOVERNMENT
Dear Mr. President:
I am sure that you feel as I do that the
situation in the Near East is highly critical,
largely brought about through Soviet planning
and action, and if they succeed in getting rid
of our bases in North Africa and getting rid of
Israel which is the only democratic area in the
Near East which can make a stand against them,
they will have a bridge to Pakistan, India, and
the rest of Asia. Because I feel this way, I
have listened to the suggestion from some of
my friends in the Jewish community that a sig-
nificant statement by a few people would carry
more weight than some of the statements which
are being made today with a great many signatures
attached.
The enclosed statement has been carefully
worked out and I am sending it to you, to Walter
Reuther and to George Meany hoping that you might
all be willing to sign it if you think it is a
wise move at this time. If there are any changes
which you think wise, we would of course want you
to make them. If you don't think it wise, you
must, of course, also let me know. I have
great faith in your judgment and therefore
would like to feel that I was not moving without
your agreement in this matter.
Very cordially yours,
BARRY TRUMAN AND
Uraar Rooseach
U.S. GOVERN
ИЕМ ЛОВК 31° W A'
SU EVRL изио PINEEL
wes ЕНУИКГИ D' HOOBEAET'S
GRAFT STATEMENT ON ISRAEL
in
The future of Israel and the Arab lands of the Near East are extric-
ably intertwined. Present antagonisms and fears have forced both Israel
and the Arab lands to channel human and material resources into arms when
they are desperately needed for the peaceful development of the Middle
East. The threat to peace in the Middle East is a threat to world peace.
Border clashes with increasing frequency may at any time erupt into war
which may spread far beyond the Middle East. The problems which have
arisen between the Arab States and Israel, difficult though they are, can
be solved, given good will and the sincere desire for peace.
It is essential that America should do all that lies within its
power to prevent war and lay the foundation for permanent peace in the
Middle East.
The State of Israel is a great and irrevocable historic fact. It
represents the rebirth of a nation that has given to the world one of its
greatest traditions. When it proclaimed its independence in 1948, the
United States was the first government to give Israel recognition. In
doing so, our government gave practical expression to an ideal and policy
supported by every administration since World War I, and repeatedly en-
dorsed by bipartisan resolutions in Congress and the platforms of both
major parties.
This country has extended the hand of friendship and given assistance
to the Arab States, through its support of the cultural interest of the
Arab world and its participation with the Arabs in the exploitation of the
region's rich natural resources. Through the United Nations and through
our own assistance programs, we have aided the Arab governments to meet
their economic and social problems. Our technicians and diplomats are
laboring to bring into being vast projects in the Jordan and Sinai which
promise great benefits to the Arab world. We have been prepared to enter
into mutual security agreements with the Arabs for the defense of their
frontiers and those of the free world. Secretary Dulles has made clear
2.
the willingness of the United States to extend financial and economic
assistance and to help settle the refugee problem.
Israel, with the help of scientists, technicians and administrators
drawn from every land, has shown how the desert can be transformed by
human skill and perseverance. Israel has demonstrated the tremendous
possibilities for economic and social development in this area, where there
is both belief in and the practice of democracy. Peace would make these
skills and achievements available to the whole Near East and help the
region to achieve a new flowering, unparalleled since Biblical days.
In facing the real problems of the Arab refugees, it must be recog-
nized that Israel cannot economically or politically afford to admit more
than a small number. Though a significant part, Israel is only a amall
part, and is by no means the most richly endowed part of the Middle East.
The opportunity for the settlement of nearly a million Arab refugees is
far more promising in the vast Arab Lands that surround Israel than in the
small State of Israel under any conditions that could possibly be created
there. America, together with other countries ready to give financial and
technical assistance for the resettlement of Arab refugees, has the right
to expect the good will and full cooperation of the Arab Lands and of
Israel to the extent of its ability to provide financial compensation.
The United States must pursue an unequivocal policy in regard to the
Middle East. It must make clear that any change in the status quo by
force will not be recognized or tolerated. No constructive purpose could
be served by gnawing at or seeking to roll back the boundaries of Israel.
No part of Israel has ever been part of Egypt or Jordan. The Arab
States and Israel are bound by the United Nations Charter not to use
threats of force or force as an instrument of national policy. They are
bound by armistice agreements that forbid alteration of boundaries by the
use of force. Changes of boundaries can therefore be brought about only
3.
by mutual agreement.
It is for the United States to restate and implement its basic
principles in such a way that there can be no uncertainty as to where
it stands. The cynical invitation to an arms race, the spreading of con-
fusion and the exciting of mutual fear and h@stdlity by the shipment of
Communist arms to Egypt can be offset only by the clarification of our
position, persistent efforts towards mutual confidence, and our active
efforts towards achieving peace. We must counteract every attempt by the
Soviet Union to upset the present precarious balance of power in this
area. This requires that the United States should now provide the defens-
ive arms needed by Israel to protect itself against any aggression made
possible or incited by the introduction of Communist arms.
The Tripartite Declaration of 1950, under which the United States, the
United Kingdom and France committed themselves that "should they find
that any of these states were preparing to violate frontier or armistice
lines" they would "immediately take action within and outside the United
Nations to prevent such violation" must now be strengthened by incorpora-
tion into treaties offered on equal terms to Israel and the Arab Lands.
Because of Soviet intervention, such treaties can no longer be conditioned
on either acceptance by both sides or by mutual agreement in regard to
border changes, since such conditions would, if imposed, only delay the
enactment of treaties that are essential to maintaing peace in this area.
Peace is the highest American interest in the Near East. What is
at stake is not only the survival of the small State of Israel, for which
we have long avowed "our firm friendship," but, as the President has
reminded us, the peace of the world.
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"ocrText": "MRS. FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT\n211 EAST 62ND STREET\nNEW YORK 21, N. Y.\nMARITY ARCHIVES \"NATIONAL RECORDS TRUMAN AND LIBRARY\nJanuary 13, 1956\nU.S.\nSERVICE\"\nGOVERNMENT\nDear Mr. President:\nI am sure that you feel as I do that the\nsituation in the Near East is highly critical,\nlargely brought about through Soviet planning\nand action, and if they succeed in getting rid\nof our bases in North Africa and getting rid of\nIsrael which is the only democratic area in the\nNear East which can make a stand against them,\nthey will have a bridge to Pakistan, India, and\nthe rest of Asia. Because I feel this way, I\nhave listened to the suggestion from some of\nmy friends in the Jewish community that a sig-\nnificant statement by a few people would carry\nmore weight than some of the statements which\nare being made today with a great many signatures\nattached.\nThe enclosed statement has been carefully\nworked out and I am sending it to you, to Walter\nReuther and to George Meany hoping that you might\nall be willing to sign it if you think it is a\nwise move at this time. If there are any changes\nwhich you think wise, we would of course want you\nto make them. If you don't think it wise, you\nmust, of course, also let me know. I have\ngreat faith in your judgment and therefore\nwould like to feel that I was not moving without\nyour agreement in this matter.\nVery cordially yours,\nBARRY TRUMAN AND\nUraar Rooseach\nU.S. GOVERN\nИЕМ ЛОВК 31° W A'\nSU EVRL изио PINEEL\nwes ЕНУИКГИ D' HOOBEAET'S\nGRAFT STATEMENT ON ISRAEL\nin\nThe future of Israel and the Arab lands of the Near East are extric-\nably intertwined. Present antagonisms and fears have forced both Israel\nand the Arab lands to channel human and material resources into arms when\nthey are desperately needed for the peaceful development of the Middle\nEast. The threat to peace in the Middle East is a threat to world peace.\nBorder clashes with increasing frequency may at any time erupt into war\nwhich may spread far beyond the Middle East. The problems which have\narisen between the Arab States and Israel, difficult though they are, can\nbe solved, given good will and the sincere desire for peace.\nIt is essential that America should do all that lies within its\npower to prevent war and lay the foundation for permanent peace in the\nMiddle East.\nThe State of Israel is a great and irrevocable historic fact. It\nrepresents the rebirth of a nation that has given to the world one of its\ngreatest traditions. When it proclaimed its independence in 1948, the\nUnited States was the first government to give Israel recognition. In\ndoing so, our government gave practical expression to an ideal and policy\nsupported by every administration since World War I, and repeatedly en-\ndorsed by bipartisan resolutions in Congress and the platforms of both\nmajor parties.\nThis country has extended the hand of friendship and given assistance\nto the Arab States, through its support of the cultural interest of the\nArab world and its participation with the Arabs in the exploitation of the\nregion's rich natural resources. Through the United Nations and through\nour own assistance programs, we have aided the Arab governments to meet\ntheir economic and social problems. Our technicians and diplomats are\nlaboring to bring into being vast projects in the Jordan and Sinai which\npromise great benefits to the Arab world. We have been prepared to enter\ninto mutual security agreements with the Arabs for the defense of their\nfrontiers and those of the free world. Secretary Dulles has made clear\n2.\nthe willingness of the United States to extend financial and economic\nassistance and to help settle the refugee problem.\nIsrael, with the help of scientists, technicians and administrators\ndrawn from every land, has shown how the desert can be transformed by\nhuman skill and perseverance. Israel has demonstrated the tremendous\npossibilities for economic and social development in this area, where there\nis both belief in and the practice of democracy. Peace would make these\nskills and achievements available to the whole Near East and help the\nregion to achieve a new flowering, unparalleled since Biblical days.\nIn facing the real problems of the Arab refugees, it must be recog-\nnized that Israel cannot economically or politically afford to admit more\nthan a small number. Though a significant part, Israel is only a amall\npart, and is by no means the most richly endowed part of the Middle East.\nThe opportunity for the settlement of nearly a million Arab refugees is\nfar more promising in the vast Arab Lands that surround Israel than in the\nsmall State of Israel under any conditions that could possibly be created\nthere. America, together with other countries ready to give financial and\ntechnical assistance for the resettlement of Arab refugees, has the right\nto expect the good will and full cooperation of the Arab Lands and of\nIsrael to the extent of its ability to provide financial compensation.\nThe United States must pursue an unequivocal policy in regard to the\nMiddle East. It must make clear that any change in the status quo by\nforce will not be recognized or tolerated. No constructive purpose could\nbe served by gnawing at or seeking to roll back the boundaries of Israel.\nNo part of Israel has ever been part of Egypt or Jordan. The Arab\nStates and Israel are bound by the United Nations Charter not to use\nthreats of force or force as an instrument of national policy. They are\nbound by armistice agreements that forbid alteration of boundaries by the\nuse of force. Changes of boundaries can therefore be brought about only\n3.\nby mutual agreement.\nIt is for the United States to restate and implement its basic\nprinciples in such a way that there can be no uncertainty as to where\nit stands. The cynical invitation to an arms race, the spreading of con-\nfusion and the exciting of mutual fear and h@stdlity by the shipment of\nCommunist arms to Egypt can be offset only by the clarification of our\nposition, persistent efforts towards mutual confidence, and our active\nefforts towards achieving peace. We must counteract every attempt by the\nSoviet Union to upset the present precarious balance of power in this\narea. This requires that the United States should now provide the defens-\nive arms needed by Israel to protect itself against any aggression made\npossible or incited by the introduction of Communist arms.\nThe Tripartite Declaration of 1950, under which the United States, the\nUnited Kingdom and France committed themselves that \"should they find\nthat any of these states were preparing to violate frontier or armistice\nlines\" they would \"immediately take action within and outside the United\nNations to prevent such violation\" must now be strengthened by incorpora-\ntion into treaties offered on equal terms to Israel and the Arab Lands.\nBecause of Soviet intervention, such treaties can no longer be conditioned\non either acceptance by both sides or by mutual agreement in regard to\nborder changes, since such conditions would, if imposed, only delay the\nenactment of treaties that are essential to maintaing peace in this area.\nPeace is the highest American interest in the Near East. What is\nat stake is not only the survival of the small State of Israel, for which\nwe have long avowed \"our firm friendship,\" but, as the President has\nreminded us, the peace of the world."
}