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INFORMATION
-22-
of our commitment
15/ not to intervene 16/ in the internal political affairs
of the other American states 17/ While the doctrine works to our dis-
advantage in some particulars (cf notes 7 and 8), too little regard is
paid
15 The OAS charter provides: "No State or group of States has the right
to intervene directly or indirectly, for any reason whatever, in the
internal or external affairs of any other State. The foregoing principle
prohibits not only armed force but also any other form of interference or
attempted threat against the personality of the State or against its
political, economic and cultural elements. No State may use or encourage
the use of coercive measures of an economic or political character in order
to force the sovereign will of another State and obtain from it advantages
of any kind. This is not a United States doctrine; it was imposed on U.S.
by the unanimous will of the Latin American states as the price of their
participation in the inter-American syatem and is directed solely against uso
16/ The term #intervene" has never been defined and we should resist efforts
to specify its elements (this could only result in tying our hands more
securely) But it is safe to say that it is interpreted in Latin America
as including any threat or act on our part intended by us to
bring pressure on a Latin American state in order to oblige that state
to do something which it would not have done spontaneously of its own
free will. An indispensable element of intervention is the intent,
the designe An illustration of the care with which the American Govern-
ment must deal with this of the tendency of Latin Americans
to expand its meaning beyond reasonable limitSmis the 1947 success of
the Cubans in convincing Latin America that we were guilty of "economic
aggression" because a law of Congress related the size of the Cuban suger
quota to the payment by Cuba of debts owing to American citizens.
17
It is often contended that, because of our predominant powers our every
act, both of commission and omission, influences political developments
elsewhere and hence it is fatuous to attempt to justify our failure to
take some particular action concerning Latin America on the ground of
non-interventione The answer to this contention is that it overlooks
entirely the practical aspects of our problem-sethe disastrous conseu
quences of open intervention on the inter-American system and, in turn,
the effect of a defection in Latin America on our world position and our
security. Again, this argument ignores the fact that if we must intere
vene we should not do it overtly so as not to convict ourselves of
having the intent to bring pressure. Finally, it overlooks our
experience: Each of our attempts to intervene openly (e.go the Argentine
experiment in 1946 and the Nicaraguan fiasco in 1947) has not only
ended in failure but has actually strengthened the very regimes it was
descimed to weaben. The argument that we intervene elsewhere is not
cogent since the non-intervention agreement (and the fears and prejudices
which gave rise to it) is peculiar to this hemisphere
DECLASSIFIED
B. O. 11652, Sec. 3(E) and ,(D) or te
D p. of State litter,
By NLT NC NARS.Dete 5-27-77
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"ocrText": "INFORMATION\n-22-\nof our commitment\n15/ not to intervene 16/ in the internal political affairs\nof the other American states 17/ While the doctrine works to our dis-\nadvantage in some particulars (cf notes 7 and 8), too little regard is\npaid\n15 The OAS charter provides: \"No State or group of States has the right\nto intervene directly or indirectly, for any reason whatever, in the\ninternal or external affairs of any other State. The foregoing principle\nprohibits not only armed force but also any other form of interference or\nattempted threat against the personality of the State or against its\npolitical, economic and cultural elements. No State may use or encourage\nthe use of coercive measures of an economic or political character in order\nto force the sovereign will of another State and obtain from it advantages\nof any kind. This is not a United States doctrine; it was imposed on U.S.\nby the unanimous will of the Latin American states as the price of their\nparticipation in the inter-American syatem and is directed solely against uso\n16/ The term #intervene\" has never been defined and we should resist efforts\nto specify its elements (this could only result in tying our hands more\nsecurely) But it is safe to say that it is interpreted in Latin America\nas including any threat or act on our part intended by us to\nbring pressure on a Latin American state in order to oblige that state\nto do something which it would not have done spontaneously of its own\nfree will. An indispensable element of intervention is the intent,\nthe designe An illustration of the care with which the American Govern-\nment must deal with this of the tendency of Latin Americans\nto expand its meaning beyond reasonable limitSmis the 1947 success of\nthe Cubans in convincing Latin America that we were guilty of \"economic\naggression\" because a law of Congress related the size of the Cuban suger\nquota to the payment by Cuba of debts owing to American citizens.\n17\nIt is often contended that, because of our predominant powers our every\nact, both of commission and omission, influences political developments\nelsewhere and hence it is fatuous to attempt to justify our failure to\ntake some particular action concerning Latin America on the ground of\nnon-interventione The answer to this contention is that it overlooks\nentirely the practical aspects of our problem-sethe disastrous conseu\nquences of open intervention on the inter-American system and, in turn,\nthe effect of a defection in Latin America on our world position and our\nsecurity. Again, this argument ignores the fact that if we must intere\nvene we should not do it overtly so as not to convict ourselves of\nhaving the intent to bring pressure. Finally, it overlooks our\nexperience: Each of our attempts to intervene openly (e.go the Argentine\nexperiment in 1946 and the Nicaraguan fiasco in 1947) has not only\nended in failure but has actually strengthened the very regimes it was\ndescimed to weaben. The argument that we intervene elsewhere is not\ncogent since the non-intervention agreement (and the fears and prejudices\nwhich gave rise to it) is peculiar to this hemisphere\nDECLASSIFIED\nB. O. 11652, Sec. 3(E) and ,(D) or te\nD p. of State litter,\nBy NLT NC NARS.Dete 5-27-77"
}