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vessels to convoy merchant ships, American or British. It cannot even forbid convoying through the very heart of combat areas or in enemy territory, although such action is the equivalent of declaring war. Pursuant to this philosophy, the President may not only order our battleships, cruisers, and destroyers to convoy British merchant vessels across the Atlantic but, over a helpless Congress and people, he may order our Navy officers and men to land in England and there, in English ports, establish and maintain the bases that are inevitably necessary to the operation of the convoy system. That is where the philosophy being preached would take us and nowhere else." (pp. 1601-2) *** "Again, that is not all. The President is Commander in Chief of the Army, too. If he can send the Navy anywhere, he can send the Army anywhere--a A. E. F. to beat back a German invasion at Dover, or to retrace the steps of the British at Dunkirk, or to scale the rocky coast of Brittany, or die of thirst in the Libyan desert. There are no limits to where he can send them or what he can order them to do, according to the philosophy of those who say that as Commander in Chief of the Army and the Navy the President can send the Army and the Navy anywhere. "If there are any limits under the new doctrine, I should be pleased to stop now and have its disciples, if there are any in the Senate, specify them and explain their reasoning. "The way to deal with this totalitarian school of thought is to nip it in the bud. The Congress must assert its authority over the matter of getting us into war, here and now. The way to do it is not to yield weakly to such preposterous claims of power but to legislate clearly and positively that our naval vessels shall not be used for convoy purposes, and shall not be sent anywhere on earth outside the Western Hemisphere except, of course, to our possessions. The way not to do it is to yield to these preposterous claims as they inch their way into the Capitol, or to put up with a weasel-worded amendment such as was accepted in the House. We should adopt a correspondingly clear amendment with regard to use of our Army. " (p. 1602) "The power 'to declare war' is an empty shell if it can be circumvented and flouted by acts of the Chief Executive which involve our country in war without a declaration, over the heads of the Congress. If ever there was a proper case for calling into play the auxiliary power 'to make all laws which - 2 -

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    "ocrText": "vessels to convoy merchant ships, American or British. It\ncannot even forbid convoying through the very heart of\ncombat areas or in enemy territory, although such action is\nthe equivalent of declaring war. Pursuant to this philosophy,\nthe President may not only order our battleships, cruisers,\nand destroyers to convoy British merchant vessels across the\nAtlantic but, over a helpless Congress and people, he may order\nour Navy officers and men to land in England and there, in\nEnglish ports, establish and maintain the bases that are\ninevitably necessary to the operation of the convoy system.\nThat is where the philosophy being preached would take us and\nnowhere else.\" (pp. 1601-2)\n***\n\"Again, that is not all. The President is Commander in\nChief of the Army, too. If he can send the Navy anywhere, he\ncan send the Army anywhere--a A. E. F. to beat back a German\ninvasion at Dover, or to retrace the steps of the British at\nDunkirk, or to scale the rocky coast of Brittany, or die of\nthirst in the Libyan desert. There are no limits to where he\ncan send them or what he can order them to do, according to\nthe philosophy of those who say that as Commander in Chief of\nthe Army and the Navy the President can send the Army and the\nNavy anywhere.\n\"If there are any limits under the new doctrine, I should\nbe pleased to stop now and have its disciples, if there are\nany in the Senate, specify them and explain their reasoning.\n\"The way to deal with this totalitarian school of thought\nis to nip it in the bud. The Congress must assert its authority\nover the matter of getting us into war, here and now. The way\nto do it is not to yield weakly to such preposterous claims of\npower but to legislate clearly and positively that our naval\nvessels shall not be used for convoy purposes, and shall not be\nsent anywhere on earth outside the Western Hemisphere except,\nof course, to our possessions. The way not to do it is to\nyield to these preposterous claims as they inch their way into\nthe Capitol, or to put up with a weasel-worded amendment such\nas was accepted in the House. We should adopt a correspondingly\nclear amendment with regard to use of our Army. \" (p. 1602)\n\"The power 'to declare war' is an empty shell if it can\nbe circumvented and flouted by acts of the Chief Executive which\ninvolve our country in war without a declaration, over the\nheads of the Congress. If ever there was a proper case for\ncalling into play the auxiliary power 'to make all laws which\n- 2 -"
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