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to defend them in the event they should become militar-
ily involved with the U.S.S.R. relate in large measure
to their doubts as to the stability and long-term con-
sistency of U. S. policy. A U. S. defense effort laid
out on long-term lines will be much more apt to reassure
them than one aimed at a given peak of probable likeli- -
hood of war but subject to later downward fluctuations.
(c) From the standpoint of the possibility of an actual
waging of war with Russia, a defense effort laid out on
a permanent basis would lack the advantages of being
able to meet a particular peak danger by a peak effort
in military preparedness; but it would have distinct
advantages if military complications were to occur at
a time other than that which we had calculated to be
the most likely one.
2.
A U. S. defense effort founded on the idea of meeting a peak
of war danger by a peak of military preparedness.
(a) As a deterrent to the Soviet Union, this type of effort
would be effective only for the period toward which it
was directed; for the subsequent period it would have
the reverse effect. If the Soviet leaders knew that
we were undertaking a defense effort of this nature
(and it is certain that they would know it), they would
be able to plan for maximum military and political pres-
sure at a date when our own military effort might be ex-
pected to have subsided.
(b) From the standpoint of encouragement to peoples resist-
ing Soviet pressures, this type of defense effort would
have only a limited value. To the extent that it gave
the impression that U. S. plans were sporadic and unde-
pendable, it might do more harm than good.
(c) From the standpoint of actual waging of war, such a de-
fense effort could conceivably have advantages only in
the event that our calculations as to the likely timing
of Soviet military aggression were correct. At present,
we have no adequate means of arriving at a correct cal-
culation of such a factor. But in any case we must al-
ways beax in mind that the defense effort itself would
undoubtedly alter the situation on which our expectancy
had been based; for it would probably act as an effect-
ive deterrent for that particular period and we would
probably not be called upon actually to use our forces
at the time for which we had planned their maximum
strength. This means that there would be relatively
little likelihood of our forces being used for waging
NSC 20/2
- 9 -
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"ocrText": "TOP SECRET\nto defend them in the event they should become militar-\nily involved with the U.S.S.R. relate in large measure\nto their doubts as to the stability and long-term con-\nsistency of U. S. policy. A U. S. defense effort laid\nout on long-term lines will be much more apt to reassure\nthem than one aimed at a given peak of probable likeli- -\nhood of war but subject to later downward fluctuations.\n(c) From the standpoint of the possibility of an actual\nwaging of war with Russia, a defense effort laid out on\na permanent basis would lack the advantages of being\nable to meet a particular peak danger by a peak effort\nin military preparedness; but it would have distinct\nadvantages if military complications were to occur at\na time other than that which we had calculated to be\nthe most likely one.\n2.\nA U. S. defense effort founded on the idea of meeting a peak\nof war danger by a peak of military preparedness.\n(a) As a deterrent to the Soviet Union, this type of effort\nwould be effective only for the period toward which it\nwas directed; for the subsequent period it would have\nthe reverse effect. If the Soviet leaders knew that\nwe were undertaking a defense effort of this nature\n(and it is certain that they would know it), they would\nbe able to plan for maximum military and political pres-\nsure at a date when our own military effort might be ex-\npected to have subsided.\n(b) From the standpoint of encouragement to peoples resist-\ning Soviet pressures, this type of defense effort would\nhave only a limited value. To the extent that it gave\nthe impression that U. S. plans were sporadic and unde-\npendable, it might do more harm than good.\n(c) From the standpoint of actual waging of war, such a de-\nfense effort could conceivably have advantages only in\nthe event that our calculations as to the likely timing\nof Soviet military aggression were correct. At present,\nwe have no adequate means of arriving at a correct cal-\nculation of such a factor. But in any case we must al-\nways beax in mind that the defense effort itself would\nundoubtedly alter the situation on which our expectancy\nhad been based; for it would probably act as an effect-\nive deterrent for that particular period and we would\nprobably not be called upon actually to use our forces\nat the time for which we had planned their maximum\nstrength. This means that there would be relatively\nlittle likelihood of our forces being used for waging\nNSC 20/2\n- 9 -\nTOP SECRET"
}