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ai bolreq S 10 gainniged and nl .90101 doidw sviasenqque APPENDIX A atrit ad Jon bluco moidos OUTLINE OF JCP ACTIVITIES babas bris Japan Communist Party became an independent body in 1921. At this time Bolshevik successes in Russia had convinced a number of Japanese radicals of the merits of Communist ideology and a small underground group was formed. In 1922, the JCP received the blessings and instructions of the Comintern at the First Congress of the Toilers of the Far East. Counsels of violence emanating from the Comintern representatives were not lost upon the Japanese government, however, and in June of 1923 a number of arrests were made. The effects of these arrests and further attacks upon the Left were disastrous for party organization and for some years thereafter those who escaped imprisonment, as well as those subsequently released, met in Shang- hai and Moscow in attempts to draw up plans for the reorganization of the Party. A reorganization was effected by the end of 1926, but this did not serve to end internal dissension arising from ideological differences. In 1927, therefore, the Executive Com- mittee of the Communist International adopted Theses which were to guide the JCP until 1932. A long-range program prescribed revolutionary perspective and absolute party independence, with proletarian organizations to be regarded only as sources of and channels through which new membership might be drawn. Despite this and sub- sequent precedents established by the Comintern, however, discord within the JCP continued. The conditions of economic distress which faced Japan in the period between 1928 and 1931 and which might otherwise have given impetus to left-wing activity were countered not only by the continued disunity and dissension within the party but also by increasingly repressive government measures. In early 1928, a sys- tematic police campaign against suspected Communists and their sympathizers was inaugurated which resulted in the jailing of a large proportion of Communist leader- ship. Finally, by means of an emergency ordinance, the Government revised the Peace Preservation Law thereby drastically increasing the penalties for leadership of, or membership in, organizations having as their objective the alteration of the national polity. In the spring of 1932, the Comintern once again intervened in the troubled affairs of the JCP. The Theses issued at this time were in part a scathing denunciation of the Japanese Communists and in part a restatement of the then current Communist doc- trine calling for penetration of socialist parties and reformist trade unions in an attempt to split them and win their members away from the leadership. By 1935, however, the Soviet Union's position in the international scene was reflected in a reversal of inter- national Communist policy which, in turn, was immediately echoed in the program of the JCP. The principal features of this policy consisted of a new interpretation of the nature and dangers of fascism and, in consequence, a new attitude calling for a united front with democrats and other democratic elements. 17

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    "ocrText": "ai bolreq S 10 gainniged and\nnl\n.90101\ndoidw\nsviasenqque\nAPPENDIX A\natrit\nad\nJon\nbluco\nmoidos\nOUTLINE OF JCP ACTIVITIES\nbabas\nbris\nJapan Communist Party became an independent body in 1921. At this time\nBolshevik successes in Russia had convinced a number of Japanese radicals of the\nmerits of Communist ideology and a small underground group was formed. In 1922,\nthe JCP received the blessings and instructions of the Comintern at the First Congress\nof the Toilers of the Far East. Counsels of violence emanating from the Comintern\nrepresentatives were not lost upon the Japanese government, however, and in June of\n1923 a number of arrests were made. The effects of these arrests and further attacks\nupon the Left were disastrous for party organization and for some years thereafter\nthose who escaped imprisonment, as well as those subsequently released, met in Shang-\nhai and Moscow in attempts to draw up plans for the reorganization of the Party.\nA reorganization was effected by the end of 1926, but this did not serve to end internal\ndissension arising from ideological differences. In 1927, therefore, the Executive Com-\nmittee of the Communist International adopted Theses which were to guide the JCP\nuntil 1932. A long-range program prescribed revolutionary perspective and absolute\nparty independence, with proletarian organizations to be regarded only as sources of\nand channels through which new membership might be drawn. Despite this and sub-\nsequent precedents established by the Comintern, however, discord within the JCP\ncontinued. The conditions of economic distress which faced Japan in the period\nbetween 1928 and 1931 and which might otherwise have given impetus to left-wing\nactivity were countered not only by the continued disunity and dissension within the\nparty but also by increasingly repressive government measures. In early 1928, a sys-\ntematic police campaign against suspected Communists and their sympathizers was\ninaugurated which resulted in the jailing of a large proportion of Communist leader-\nship. Finally, by means of an emergency ordinance, the Government revised the Peace\nPreservation Law thereby drastically increasing the penalties for leadership of, or\nmembership in, organizations having as their objective the alteration of the national\npolity.\nIn the spring of 1932, the Comintern once again intervened in the troubled affairs\nof\nthe JCP. The Theses issued at this time were in part a scathing denunciation of the\nJapanese Communists and in part a restatement of the then current Communist doc-\ntrine calling for penetration of socialist parties and reformist trade unions in an attempt\nto split them and win their members away from the leadership. By 1935, however, the\nSoviet Union's position in the international scene was reflected in a reversal of inter-\nnational Communist policy which, in turn, was immediately echoed in the program of\nthe JCP. The principal features of this policy consisted of a new interpretation of the\nnature and dangers of fascism and, in consequence, a new attitude calling for a united\nfront with democrats and other democratic elements.\n17"
}