Ask the Scholar
Page 20 of 32
I can add historical knowledge about this page.
Page image
OCR
SECRET
culate profits, whatever hope it held for the future, held little immediate interest for
US investors in the absence of dollar funds to remit; and the depreciation of the peso
decreed at the same time as the liberalized base for calculating profits appeared, in
the absence of any special conversion rate agreement, to cut down the dollar total of
blocked profits. The expected supply of ECA dollar funds did not materialize. In
addition, prospects of bumper crops in the US and substantial improvement in Euro-
pean agricultural production reversed Argentina's position in international trade from
that of being able to make exorbitant demands in a sellers market to one of competing
for buyers at reduced prices. The exhaustion of hard-currency exchange, the failure
of new dollar supplies to materialize, and the loss of favorable position in food sales
have forced the Perón administration to face the necessity of assigning priorities
between the various elements in its foreign economic policy, and perhaps modifying
the program of government intervention.
The crisis has underlined the conflict between the policies of independence and of
economic development and the effect of these policies on the domestic position of
the Perón regime and on US-Argentine relations. If the government is unable to pay
for industrialization in dollars earned in international trade, as it had apparently
counted on doing, it must pay in concessions and guarantees to US companies or in
special arrangements with the US Government in order to finance the industrialization
program, and these concessions to foreign interests involve a change-possibly danger-
ous to the stability of the Perón regime-in the nature of Argentine domestic and
foreign policy as developed by that regime. Alternatively it must modify its indus-
trialization program to suit the reduced dollar receipts, eking these out with goods
from European countries, and must reckon with the possibility that failure of the
industrialization program would in its turn have serious effects on the stability of
the regime.
President Perón is thus faced with a grave decision-whether to sacrifice the imme-
diate appearance of complete independence that is so satisfying to his extravagantly
nationalist fellow-countrymen, or to modify the program of economic development that
was to give Argentina real independence in the long run. The decision is the more
difficult because the chances for a face-saving compromise have been lessened by the
regime's own activities; the Perón administration has resorted to such extreme measures
in its economic and political foreign relations, in order to maintain Argentine inde-
pendence and to increase the administration's influence at home and abroad, that the
distance between those policies tending toward cooperation with the US and particu-
larly with US business and those policies now accepted as normal by Argentine public
opinion has widened considerably. Thus, as the Argentine crisis has deepened, bridg-
ing this gap has become more difficult as it has become more necessary.
At present, President Perón, rather than making a clear decision or trying to
achieve a compromise, appears to be temporizing while endeavoring to determine
whether or not US aid will be available in sufficient volume to offset the political dis-
advantages of curbing anti-US groups. The gravity with which he regards his pres-
ent dilemma is evident in recent crisis measures employed. He has been simultaneously
13
SECRET
Page data
- Page
- 20
- Source index
- 0
- Type
- photo
- Media ID
- 8ffe6bd088aa8fd3
- Size
- unknown
Document data
- ID
- 225249115
- Core
- doc
- Type
- document
DTO data
{
"id": "225249115",
"sourceUrl": "https://catalog.archives.gov/id/225249115",
"contentType": "document",
"title": "Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Reports and Estimates Report, Number 50-48, Probably Argentine Policy Toward the United States to 1952 and Its Effects on United States Interests",
"citationUrl": "https://catalog.archives.gov/id/225249115",
"collections": [
"President's Secretary's Files (Truman Administration)",
"Intelligence Files"
],
"iiifBase": "https://s3.amazonaws.com/NARAprodstorage/lz/presidential-libraries/truman/hst-psf/602196/875477/875477-03-01.jpg",
"thumbnailUrl": "https://s3.amazonaws.com/NARAprodstorage/lz/presidential-libraries/truman/hst-psf/602196/875477/875477-03-01.jpg",
"largeImageUrl": "https://s3.amazonaws.com/NARAprodstorage/lz/presidential-libraries/truman/hst-psf/602196/875477/875477-03-01.jpg",
"imageCount": 32,
"hasImages": true,
"source": "import",
"hasTranscription": false
}
Context sent to Scholar
Document identity
{
"localId": "225249115",
"label": "Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Reports and Estimates Report, Number 50-48, Probably Argentine Policy Toward the United States to 1952 and Its Effects on United States Interests",
"core": "doc",
"dtoType": "document",
"citationUrl": "https://catalog.archives.gov/id/225249115"
}
Document source metadata
{
"id": "225249115",
"sourceUrl": "https://catalog.archives.gov/id/225249115",
"contentType": "document",
"title": "Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Reports and Estimates Report, Number 50-48, Probably Argentine Policy Toward the United States to 1952 and Its Effects on United States Interests",
"citationUrl": "https://catalog.archives.gov/id/225249115",
"collections": [
"President's Secretary's Files (Truman Administration)",
"Intelligence Files"
],
"iiifBase": "https://s3.amazonaws.com/NARAprodstorage/lz/presidential-libraries/truman/hst-psf/602196/875477/875477-03-01.jpg",
"thumbnailUrl": "https://s3.amazonaws.com/NARAprodstorage/lz/presidential-libraries/truman/hst-psf/602196/875477/875477-03-01.jpg",
"largeImageUrl": "https://s3.amazonaws.com/NARAprodstorage/lz/presidential-libraries/truman/hst-psf/602196/875477/875477-03-01.jpg",
"imageCount": 32,
"hasImages": true,
"source": "import",
"hasTranscription": false
}
Document source extras
{
"url": "https://catalog.archives.gov/id/225249115",
"naId": 225249115,
"levelOfDescription": "item",
"productionDates": [
{
"day": 15,
"logicalDate": "1949-02-15",
"month": 2,
"year": 1949
}
],
"recordType": "description",
"ocrSource": "nara-archive"
}
Page context
{
"seq": 20,
"pageIndex": 0,
"type": "photo",
"url": "https://s3.amazonaws.com/NARAprodstorage/lz/presidential-libraries/truman/hst-psf/602196/875477/875477-03-20.jpg",
"mediaId": "8ffe6bd088aa8fd3",
"ocrText": "SECRET\nculate profits, whatever hope it held for the future, held little immediate interest for\nUS investors in the absence of dollar funds to remit; and the depreciation of the peso\ndecreed at the same time as the liberalized base for calculating profits appeared, in\nthe absence of any special conversion rate agreement, to cut down the dollar total of\nblocked profits. The expected supply of ECA dollar funds did not materialize. In\naddition, prospects of bumper crops in the US and substantial improvement in Euro-\npean agricultural production reversed Argentina's position in international trade from\nthat of being able to make exorbitant demands in a sellers market to one of competing\nfor buyers at reduced prices. The exhaustion of hard-currency exchange, the failure\nof new dollar supplies to materialize, and the loss of favorable position in food sales\nhave forced the Perón administration to face the necessity of assigning priorities\nbetween the various elements in its foreign economic policy, and perhaps modifying\nthe program of government intervention.\nThe crisis has underlined the conflict between the policies of independence and of\neconomic development and the effect of these policies on the domestic position of\nthe Perón regime and on US-Argentine relations. If the government is unable to pay\nfor industrialization in dollars earned in international trade, as it had apparently\ncounted on doing, it must pay in concessions and guarantees to US companies or in\nspecial arrangements with the US Government in order to finance the industrialization\nprogram, and these concessions to foreign interests involve a change-possibly danger-\nous to the stability of the Perón regime-in the nature of Argentine domestic and\nforeign policy as developed by that regime. Alternatively it must modify its indus-\ntrialization program to suit the reduced dollar receipts, eking these out with goods\nfrom European countries, and must reckon with the possibility that failure of the\nindustrialization program would in its turn have serious effects on the stability of\nthe regime.\nPresident Perón is thus faced with a grave decision-whether to sacrifice the imme-\ndiate appearance of complete independence that is so satisfying to his extravagantly\nnationalist fellow-countrymen, or to modify the program of economic development that\nwas to give Argentina real independence in the long run. The decision is the more\ndifficult because the chances for a face-saving compromise have been lessened by the\nregime's own activities; the Perón administration has resorted to such extreme measures\nin its economic and political foreign relations, in order to maintain Argentine inde-\npendence and to increase the administration's influence at home and abroad, that the\ndistance between those policies tending toward cooperation with the US and particu-\nlarly with US business and those policies now accepted as normal by Argentine public\nopinion has widened considerably. Thus, as the Argentine crisis has deepened, bridg-\ning this gap has become more difficult as it has become more necessary.\nAt present, President Perón, rather than making a clear decision or trying to\nachieve a compromise, appears to be temporizing while endeavoring to determine\nwhether or not US aid will be available in sufficient volume to offset the political dis-\nadvantages of curbing anti-US groups. The gravity with which he regards his pres-\nent dilemma is evident in recent crisis measures employed. He has been simultaneously\n13\nSECRET"
}