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3.
Condition (I)
SECRET
(a) It is only natural to expect that Japan should
desire the restoration in full of her sovereignty over territory
of which the inhabitants have a historical affinity with her own
people and which she has not acquired by aggression from any
other country. The Rjuku and the Bonin Islands fully satisfy
this description. Nevertheless the Treaty proposes that until
the United States Government seek and obtain trusteeship over
these Islands they should continue to be subject to the
legislative and administrative control of the United States.
It is apparent to the Government of India that such an arrangement
cannot but be a source of dissatisfaction to large sections of the
Japanese people and must carry the seed of future dispute and
possible conflict in the Far East. ?
(b) The Government of India recognise that as a
sovereign nation Japan should have the right to make arrangements
for her defence as provided in Article 5 of the Treaty. If in
exercise of this right Japan should decide to enter into
defensive agreements with a friendly power no one could
reasonably object to this. But the right should be exercised
2
by the Government of Japan when Japan has become truly sovereign.
A provision in the Treaty which suggests that the present
occupation force may stay on in Japan as part of such a
defensive agreement is bound to give rise to the impression
that the agreement does not represent a decision taken by Japan
in the full enjoyment of her freedom as a sovereign nation.
NARA
let Stalin come in and decide it - shallane?
The effect of this not only on the people of apan but upon
Z
large sections of people in Asia is bound to be most unfortunate.
4.
Condition (II)
As already stated the Government of India attach the
greatest importance to the Treaty providing that the Island of
Formosa should be returned to China. The time and manner of
such return might be the sub ject of separate negotiations but
SECRET
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"ocrText": "3.\nCondition (I)\nSECRET\n(a) It is only natural to expect that Japan should\ndesire the restoration in full of her sovereignty over territory\nof which the inhabitants have a historical affinity with her own\npeople and which she has not acquired by aggression from any\nother country. The Rjuku and the Bonin Islands fully satisfy\nthis description. Nevertheless the Treaty proposes that until\nthe United States Government seek and obtain trusteeship over\nthese Islands they should continue to be subject to the\nlegislative and administrative control of the United States.\nIt is apparent to the Government of India that such an arrangement\ncannot but be a source of dissatisfaction to large sections of the\nJapanese people and must carry the seed of future dispute and\npossible conflict in the Far East. ?\n(b) The Government of India recognise that as a\nsovereign nation Japan should have the right to make arrangements\nfor her defence as provided in Article 5 of the Treaty. If in\nexercise of this right Japan should decide to enter into\ndefensive agreements with a friendly power no one could\nreasonably object to this. But the right should be exercised\n2\nby the Government of Japan when Japan has become truly sovereign.\nA provision in the Treaty which suggests that the present\noccupation force may stay on in Japan as part of such a\ndefensive agreement is bound to give rise to the impression\nthat the agreement does not represent a decision taken by Japan\nin the full enjoyment of her freedom as a sovereign nation.\nNARA\nlet Stalin come in and decide it - shallane?\nThe effect of this not only on the people of apan but upon\nZ\nlarge sections of people in Asia is bound to be most unfortunate.\n4.\nCondition (II)\nAs already stated the Government of India attach the\ngreatest importance to the Treaty providing that the Island of\nFormosa should be returned to China. The time and manner of\nsuch return might be the sub ject of separate negotiations but\nSECRET"
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