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{
    "localId": "290019006",
    "label": "Report, United States Policy Toward Puerto Rico Since 1898, Division of Historical Policy Research, Department of State",
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{
    "id": "290019006",
    "sourceUrl": "https://catalog.archives.gov/id/290019006",
    "contentType": "document",
    "title": "Report, United States Policy Toward Puerto Rico Since 1898, Division of Historical Policy Research, Department of State",
    "citationUrl": "https://catalog.archives.gov/id/290019006",
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        "President's Secretary's Files (Truman Administration)",
        "Subject Files"
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{
    "url": "https://catalog.archives.gov/id/290019006",
    "naId": 290019006,
    "levelOfDescription": "item",
    "productionDates": [
        {
            "logicalDate": "1951-08-01",
            "month": 8,
            "year": 1951
        }
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{
    "seq": 103,
    "pageIndex": 0,
    "type": "photo",
    "url": "https://s3.amazonaws.com/NARAprodstorage/lz/presidential-libraries/truman/hst-psf/602191/750357/750357-26-103.tif",
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    "ocrText": "RESTR TOTED\nRESTRICTED\n-190-\n-191-\nAs regards the economic aspects of independence,\nAnalysis of dominion status resulted in the\nthe Tariff Commission's report concludes that the\nfollowing conclusion: 1\nisland would have to receive for an indefinite\nperiod substantially the economic treatment which\n\"From the standpoint of Puerto Rico,\nit now receives. The island's sovereignty, how-\nthe economic provisions accompanying the\never, 1\n'dominion' status would therefore be more\nfavorable than those accompanying the\n11\nwould be so seriously compromised\nTydings-Pinero independence status; but\nwith respect to both economic and political\nthey would not likely offer the island\nmatters, that the island would not in fact\nany better opportunity for solving its\nbe independent. It would remain, for all\nbasic economic problems than would the con-\npractical purposes, a United States dependency\ntinuance of the existing economic relations\nwhich would enjoy a much greater degree of\nwith the United States.\npolitical autonomy than at present, but with-\nout the new status contributing any more, if\nAfter a survey of the several status alternatives,\nindeed as much, to a solution of the island's\nthe report also states:- 2\nbasic economic difficulties than the present\n\"\narrangement affords.\"\nit would appear that the economic\nproblems which Puerto Rico poses, both for\nNor would Statehood benefit the island econom-\nitself and for the United States, are not\nically: 2\nsusceptible of solution by a purely politi-\ncal change in Puerto Rico's status.\n\"It is doubtful whether any addi-\nEven under the most favorable political\ntional economic benefits that the island\ncircumstances, such economic progress as\ncould reasonably expect to receive on be-\nthe island can achieve out of its own re-\ncoming a State would, at least in the short\nsources and on its own initiative is bound\nrun, outweigh the losses of present benefits\nto be slow.\"\nthat would accompany such a change in status.\nThere are no Federal financial aids which\nElsewhere in the report it is pointed out that\nPuerto Rico does not now receive which it\nthe programs of industrialization and agricultural\nwould automatically receive if it were to\ndevelopment already initiated and those projected\nbecome a State. there would appear little\nfor the future by the insular government with the\nbasis for any expectation that Puerto Rico\naid of Federal contributions are?\ncould deal with its major economic problems\nmore effectively as a State than it now can;\nin all probability, it could not deal with\n1\nIbid., p. 20.\nthem so well.\"\n2 Ibid., p. 32.\nl Ibid,, p. 19.\n3 Ibid., pp. 27 and 30.\n2 Ibid., pp. 21 and 23.\nICTED"
}