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--8 be reduced and the demands that America should make use of all available resources to form its own army, navy, and air force for the defense of the United States would become stronger. This would be a tragic mistake. It is possible that the British might outwit themselves in their attempts to appease Communism and patch up peace in the Far East. This would never be acceptable to American public opinion. " The greater part of the United States press believes that the solution of delicate political problems by the methods proposed by optimists is fraught for the United States with exceedingly dangerous consequences. The French journalist Schreiber, writing in the NEW YORK HERALD TRIBUNE, warns against the adoption of these methods: "During the past ten days, the battle for Europe has entered a new phase, as a result of two facts. The first is the powerful diplomatic campaign developed by the Russians under the slogan of the unification of Germany. The second is the psychological influence of the elections to the United States Congress on the minds of various European leaders. Europe is a battlefield of the cold war. Europe is split into two camps, between which a ceaseless internal struggle is going on. One of them is inclined toward the Atlantic Union; the other toward neutrality in the cold war." Schreiber points out that the results of the United States elections have forced several European leaders to come to the conclusion that the foreign policy conception of Senator Taft will now have a stronger influence, and this would mean two things: "First, a profound disbelief in Europe's ability to use U.S. economic help independently, and in Europe's wish to see military help. This would lead to a reduction in help and to the establishment of Europe's subservient role in the Atlantic Union. Secondly, a greater preparedness of the United States to risk total war rather than to bear a prolonged heavy burden of controls and taxation for many years or decades of the cold war, while Europe, of course, considers that total war would be for her equivalent to a total collapse. "Finally, if these two tendencies which have now become apparent get stronger, the political battle in Europe can take quite a different turn. The protagonists of neutrality would undoubtedly be strengthened by the new attitude of the USSR, while the protagonists of the Atlantic Union would be weakened no less certainly by any deviation from the policy of Truman and Acheson toward a compromise with the policy of Taft. In other words, we may possibly be entering a state of crisis

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    "ocrText": "--8\nbe reduced and the demands that America should make use of all available resources\nto form its own army, navy, and air force for the defense of the United States\nwould become stronger. This would be a tragic mistake. It is possible that the\nBritish might outwit themselves in their attempts to appease Communism and patch\nup peace in the Far East. This would never be acceptable to American public\nopinion.\n\"\nThe greater part of the United States press believes that the solution of\ndelicate political problems by the methods proposed by optimists is fraught for\nthe United States with exceedingly dangerous consequences. The French journalist\nSchreiber, writing in the NEW YORK HERALD TRIBUNE, warns against the adoption of\nthese methods: \"During the past ten days, the battle for Europe has entered a new\nphase, as a result of two facts. The first is the powerful diplomatic campaign\ndeveloped by the Russians under the slogan of the unification of Germany. The\nsecond is the psychological influence of the elections to the United States\nCongress on the minds of various European leaders. Europe is a battlefield of\nthe cold war. Europe is split into two camps, between which a ceaseless internal\nstruggle is going on. One of them is inclined toward the Atlantic Union; the other\ntoward neutrality in the cold war.\"\nSchreiber points out that the results of the United States elections have\nforced several European leaders to come to the conclusion that the foreign policy\nconception of Senator Taft will now have a stronger influence, and this would mean\ntwo things: \"First, a profound disbelief in Europe's ability to use U.S. economic\nhelp independently, and in Europe's wish to see military help. This would lead to\na reduction in help and to the establishment of Europe's subservient role in the\nAtlantic Union. Secondly, a greater preparedness of the United States to risk\ntotal war rather than to bear a prolonged heavy burden of controls and taxation\nfor many years or decades of the cold war, while Europe, of course, considers\nthat total war would be for her equivalent to a total collapse.\n\"Finally, if these two tendencies which have now become apparent get stronger,\nthe political battle in Europe can take quite a different turn. The protagonists\nof neutrality would undoubtedly be strengthened by the new attitude of the USSR,\nwhile the protagonists of the Atlantic Union would be weakened no less certainly\nby any deviation from the policy of Truman and Acheson toward a compromise with\nthe policy of Taft. In other words, we may possibly be entering a state of crisis"
}