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    "label": "Report, Central Intelligence Agency, Spain, Situation Report 11",
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    "title": "Report, Central Intelligence Agency, Spain, Situation Report 11",
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{
    "seq": 86,
    "pageIndex": 0,
    "type": "photo",
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    "ocrText": "SECRET\nFranco has preached the need of national unity, but in practice he has kept\nalive the political schism between Right and Left in order to prevent the growth\nof\na Center movement that might eliminate his autocratic control. In World War II he\nwas long a convinced believer in German victory but prudently avoided belligerency for\na weakened Spain. Watching Germany's chances of victory decline, he successfully\nsteered Spain toward cooperation with the US and the UK. His consistent denuncia-\ntion of the USSR has become an asset to him internationally in the postwar period\nduring which, while a target of UN disfavor, he has been the object of special virulence\nfrom the USSR and its satellites. Franco has received sympathy abroad among anti-\nCommunist elements who consider his role as an enemy of the USSR more pertinent\nnow than his past delinquency as a friend of Hitler. Meanwhile he has gained a\ncertain sympathy at home among nationalists resentful of foreign criticism of the\nSpanish Chief of State. In these circumstances, the efforts of foreign and domestic\nadvisers to get him to surrender power or at least guide Spain toward a democratic\ngovernment in such a way as to make possible Spain's reinstatement in international\ncouncils have met with stubborn resistance.\nLt. Gen Rafael GARCIA VALIÑO, Chief of the Central General Staff, is, under\nFranco, the officer with the greatest authority over the Spanish Army. Vigorous and\na capable soldier, he has a rather cold personality, an intransigent temperament, and\nis more feared than liked within the service. Born in 1894, he has the extreme con-\nservatism and Carlist affiliations of his Navarrese background, but as he is not\nparticularly ambitious personally, neither his pro-monarchist tendencies nor his dis-\napproval of various features of the Franco regime have put his loyalty to the Govern-\nment in serious doubt. He became Chief of the Central General Staff in 1942, follow-\ning a distinguished service record in both the Moroccan campaigns and the Civil War.\nAlberto MARTÍN ARTAJO, Foreign Minister, is important not only on account of\nhis position but also because he represents in the regime the support of Catholic\nopinion. He was secular head of the politically influential Catholic lay organization,\nAcción Católica, when appointed Foreign Minister in July 1945. Since 1940 he also had\nbeen Secretary General of the Council of State. Martín Artajo is about 44 years of age.\nHe formerly was a Professor of Social Politics in the University of Madrid, and from\n1931 to 1936 was editor of the Jesuit-owned Catholic daily El Debate. He has attended\ninternational congresses in European countries as a representative of Spanish Catholic\nbodies.\nJosé Antonio de GIRÓN Y Velasco, Minister of Labor, is an important Falangist\nwho is the regime's chief agent in the effort to secure laboring class support. He has\na personal following among the workers but has failed to win over leaders of the\nformer free labor organizations of the Republic. He is an \"Old Shirt\" member of both\nthe Falange and the JONS. As a pro-Nazi, he wished Spain to enter World War II\nin support of Germany. He is an enemy of liberal capitalism. Although young, born\nin 1911, he has been minister of Labor since 1941. Except for the importance of\nGirón's labor following, Franco might well have dropped him as a dangerously am-\nbitious, persuasive, and aggressive potential rival.\nSECRET\n78"
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