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18
SECRET
dent or front Communist parties; some are
temporarily-the nation's industrial life. Al-
even conservative and reactionary. Whatever
though through the years the rights to strike
the official political alignment of the union,
and to bargain collectively have been-and
there are always strong currents of opposing
still are-used to improve wages and working
political doctrines which may be capable of
conditions, these weapons have been more
gaining control and reversing union policy.
often employed by labor leaders for political
and personal gain than to help labor. For
b. Extent of Unionism.
this reason the administration has been ham-
Although the percentage cannot be esti-
pered in its efforts to bolster production, and
mated, the majority of Mexican industrial
the national economy has on occasion been
workers belong to some labor group. There
placed in jeopardy. To limit such excesses
is, of course, a wide variation in the extent of
where national interests are at stake, the gov-
organization. For example, labor is better
ernment has gradually curbed labor's power.
organized in the long-established and strate-
Shortly after Alemán's inauguration in 1946,
gically important industries-petroleum, min-
for example, the full weight of the government
ing, textiles, railroads, ports, maritime indus-
supported the national petroleum adminis-
try, and the electrical industry-than it is in
tration in breaking the illegal oil strike. In
the new ones. The organization of farm 1a-
view of the various controls which the govern-
bor, which has been progressing slowly since
ment exerts, including labor legislation, as
the Revolution, has developed more rapidly in
well as the unofficial subsidies upon which
the ejidal (collective farming) regions.
most unions rely heavily, the administration
C. Labor Legislation and the Unions.
should be able to prevent labor from tying up
Although Mexican labor legislation is based
the country's economy.
on liberal principles, the government's pre-
e. Political Power of Unions.
rogatives in such legislation have enabled the
Alemán administration to keep labor in line.
Mexican labor, having been closely allied to
A modern labor code, based on the Constitu-
several recent administrations, accepts as its
tion of 1917, provides general safeguards such
due the right to representation in the national
as an 8-hour day, overtime pay, minimum
government as well as in key party positions.
wage and profit-sharing, regulations for strikes
Labor's political power is also closely related
and dismissals, and Boards of Conciliation
to the force of public opinion insofar as it can
and Arbitration for labor disputes. However,
be consolidated through the press and mass
as union officials must be recognized by the
demonstrations. From its vantage point la-
Labor Ministry, the government in cases where
bor has been able to exert considerable polit-
factions develop within the union (sometimes
ical influence, one of the most illustrative
at government instigation) can select those
cases being Cárdenas' expropriation of for-
officers most likely to follow the administra-
eign-owned oil properties in 1938 as an imme-
tion's wishes. Furthermore, the government
diate result of labor pressure. Whereas Presi-
can control the legal existence of unions by
dent Alemán has permitted the continued ac-
its authority to recognize labor organizations.
tivity of labor leaders in government and
Since the election machinery of the Concilia-
party affairs, he has limited labor's political
tion and Arbitration Boards (composed of gov-
power through manipulation of such devices
ernment, labor, and management representa-
at his command as government control of elec-
tives) also is in the hands of the authorities,
toral machinery, of labor boards, and of sub-
the government controls membership on the
sidies to unions and publications. His suc-
boards as well as their decisions.
cess in this respect may be seen in his ability,
even under extreme pressure from labor, to re-
d. Economic Power of the Unions.
sist expropriation of foreign-held railroad and
Organized labor, being concentrated in the
electrical industries.
major industries, has become a powerful fac-
Labor's political power is also limited by
tor in the Mexican economy. Through gen-
the frequent changes of political alignments
eral strike action it could cripple-at least
by Mexican labor groups because of the op-
SECRET
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"ocrText": "18\nSECRET\ndent or front Communist parties; some are\ntemporarily-the nation's industrial life. Al-\neven conservative and reactionary. Whatever\nthough through the years the rights to strike\nthe official political alignment of the union,\nand to bargain collectively have been-and\nthere are always strong currents of opposing\nstill are-used to improve wages and working\npolitical doctrines which may be capable of\nconditions, these weapons have been more\ngaining control and reversing union policy.\noften employed by labor leaders for political\nand personal gain than to help labor. For\nb. Extent of Unionism.\nthis reason the administration has been ham-\nAlthough the percentage cannot be esti-\npered in its efforts to bolster production, and\nmated, the majority of Mexican industrial\nthe national economy has on occasion been\nworkers belong to some labor group. There\nplaced in jeopardy. To limit such excesses\nis, of course, a wide variation in the extent of\nwhere national interests are at stake, the gov-\norganization. For example, labor is better\nernment has gradually curbed labor's power.\norganized in the long-established and strate-\nShortly after Alemán's inauguration in 1946,\ngically important industries-petroleum, min-\nfor example, the full weight of the government\ning, textiles, railroads, ports, maritime indus-\nsupported the national petroleum adminis-\ntry, and the electrical industry-than it is in\ntration in breaking the illegal oil strike. In\nthe new ones. The organization of farm 1a-\nview of the various controls which the govern-\nbor, which has been progressing slowly since\nment exerts, including labor legislation, as\nthe Revolution, has developed more rapidly in\nwell as the unofficial subsidies upon which\nthe ejidal (collective farming) regions.\nmost unions rely heavily, the administration\nC. Labor Legislation and the Unions.\nshould be able to prevent labor from tying up\nAlthough Mexican labor legislation is based\nthe country's economy.\non liberal principles, the government's pre-\ne. Political Power of Unions.\nrogatives in such legislation have enabled the\nAlemán administration to keep labor in line.\nMexican labor, having been closely allied to\nA modern labor code, based on the Constitu-\nseveral recent administrations, accepts as its\ntion of 1917, provides general safeguards such\ndue the right to representation in the national\nas an 8-hour day, overtime pay, minimum\ngovernment as well as in key party positions.\nwage and profit-sharing, regulations for strikes\nLabor's political power is also closely related\nand dismissals, and Boards of Conciliation\nto the force of public opinion insofar as it can\nand Arbitration for labor disputes. However,\nbe consolidated through the press and mass\nas union officials must be recognized by the\ndemonstrations. From its vantage point la-\nLabor Ministry, the government in cases where\nbor has been able to exert considerable polit-\nfactions develop within the union (sometimes\nical influence, one of the most illustrative\nat government instigation) can select those\ncases being Cárdenas' expropriation of for-\nofficers most likely to follow the administra-\neign-owned oil properties in 1938 as an imme-\ntion's wishes. Furthermore, the government\ndiate result of labor pressure. Whereas Presi-\ncan control the legal existence of unions by\ndent Alemán has permitted the continued ac-\nits authority to recognize labor organizations.\ntivity of labor leaders in government and\nSince the election machinery of the Concilia-\nparty affairs, he has limited labor's political\ntion and Arbitration Boards (composed of gov-\npower through manipulation of such devices\nernment, labor, and management representa-\nat his command as government control of elec-\ntives) also is in the hands of the authorities,\ntoral machinery, of labor boards, and of sub-\nthe government controls membership on the\nsidies to unions and publications. His suc-\nboards as well as their decisions.\ncess in this respect may be seen in his ability,\neven under extreme pressure from labor, to re-\nd. Economic Power of the Unions.\nsist expropriation of foreign-held railroad and\nOrganized labor, being concentrated in the\nelectrical industries.\nmajor industries, has become a powerful fac-\nLabor's political power is also limited by\ntor in the Mexican economy. Through gen-\nthe frequent changes of political alignments\neral strike action it could cripple-at least\nby Mexican labor groups because of the op-\nSECRET"
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