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18 SECRET dent or front Communist parties; some are temporarily-the nation's industrial life. Al- even conservative and reactionary. Whatever though through the years the rights to strike the official political alignment of the union, and to bargain collectively have been-and there are always strong currents of opposing still are-used to improve wages and working political doctrines which may be capable of conditions, these weapons have been more gaining control and reversing union policy. often employed by labor leaders for political and personal gain than to help labor. For b. Extent of Unionism. this reason the administration has been ham- Although the percentage cannot be esti- pered in its efforts to bolster production, and mated, the majority of Mexican industrial the national economy has on occasion been workers belong to some labor group. There placed in jeopardy. To limit such excesses is, of course, a wide variation in the extent of where national interests are at stake, the gov- organization. For example, labor is better ernment has gradually curbed labor's power. organized in the long-established and strate- Shortly after Alemán's inauguration in 1946, gically important industries-petroleum, min- for example, the full weight of the government ing, textiles, railroads, ports, maritime indus- supported the national petroleum adminis- try, and the electrical industry-than it is in tration in breaking the illegal oil strike. In the new ones. The organization of farm 1a- view of the various controls which the govern- bor, which has been progressing slowly since ment exerts, including labor legislation, as the Revolution, has developed more rapidly in well as the unofficial subsidies upon which the ejidal (collective farming) regions. most unions rely heavily, the administration C. Labor Legislation and the Unions. should be able to prevent labor from tying up Although Mexican labor legislation is based the country's economy. on liberal principles, the government's pre- e. Political Power of Unions. rogatives in such legislation have enabled the Alemán administration to keep labor in line. Mexican labor, having been closely allied to A modern labor code, based on the Constitu- several recent administrations, accepts as its tion of 1917, provides general safeguards such due the right to representation in the national as an 8-hour day, overtime pay, minimum government as well as in key party positions. wage and profit-sharing, regulations for strikes Labor's political power is also closely related and dismissals, and Boards of Conciliation to the force of public opinion insofar as it can and Arbitration for labor disputes. However, be consolidated through the press and mass as union officials must be recognized by the demonstrations. From its vantage point la- Labor Ministry, the government in cases where bor has been able to exert considerable polit- factions develop within the union (sometimes ical influence, one of the most illustrative at government instigation) can select those cases being Cárdenas' expropriation of for- officers most likely to follow the administra- eign-owned oil properties in 1938 as an imme- tion's wishes. Furthermore, the government diate result of labor pressure. Whereas Presi- can control the legal existence of unions by dent Alemán has permitted the continued ac- its authority to recognize labor organizations. tivity of labor leaders in government and Since the election machinery of the Concilia- party affairs, he has limited labor's political tion and Arbitration Boards (composed of gov- power through manipulation of such devices ernment, labor, and management representa- at his command as government control of elec- tives) also is in the hands of the authorities, toral machinery, of labor boards, and of sub- the government controls membership on the sidies to unions and publications. His suc- boards as well as their decisions. cess in this respect may be seen in his ability, even under extreme pressure from labor, to re- d. Economic Power of the Unions. sist expropriation of foreign-held railroad and Organized labor, being concentrated in the electrical industries. major industries, has become a powerful fac- Labor's political power is also limited by tor in the Mexican economy. Through gen- the frequent changes of political alignments eral strike action it could cripple-at least by Mexican labor groups because of the op- SECRET

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    "ocrText": "18\nSECRET\ndent or front Communist parties; some are\ntemporarily-the nation's industrial life. Al-\neven conservative and reactionary. Whatever\nthough through the years the rights to strike\nthe official political alignment of the union,\nand to bargain collectively have been-and\nthere are always strong currents of opposing\nstill are-used to improve wages and working\npolitical doctrines which may be capable of\nconditions, these weapons have been more\ngaining control and reversing union policy.\noften employed by labor leaders for political\nand personal gain than to help labor. For\nb. Extent of Unionism.\nthis reason the administration has been ham-\nAlthough the percentage cannot be esti-\npered in its efforts to bolster production, and\nmated, the majority of Mexican industrial\nthe national economy has on occasion been\nworkers belong to some labor group. There\nplaced in jeopardy. To limit such excesses\nis, of course, a wide variation in the extent of\nwhere national interests are at stake, the gov-\norganization. For example, labor is better\nernment has gradually curbed labor's power.\norganized in the long-established and strate-\nShortly after Alemán's inauguration in 1946,\ngically important industries-petroleum, min-\nfor example, the full weight of the government\ning, textiles, railroads, ports, maritime indus-\nsupported the national petroleum adminis-\ntry, and the electrical industry-than it is in\ntration in breaking the illegal oil strike. In\nthe new ones. The organization of farm 1a-\nview of the various controls which the govern-\nbor, which has been progressing slowly since\nment exerts, including labor legislation, as\nthe Revolution, has developed more rapidly in\nwell as the unofficial subsidies upon which\nthe ejidal (collective farming) regions.\nmost unions rely heavily, the administration\nC. Labor Legislation and the Unions.\nshould be able to prevent labor from tying up\nAlthough Mexican labor legislation is based\nthe country's economy.\non liberal principles, the government's pre-\ne. Political Power of Unions.\nrogatives in such legislation have enabled the\nAlemán administration to keep labor in line.\nMexican labor, having been closely allied to\nA modern labor code, based on the Constitu-\nseveral recent administrations, accepts as its\ntion of 1917, provides general safeguards such\ndue the right to representation in the national\nas an 8-hour day, overtime pay, minimum\ngovernment as well as in key party positions.\nwage and profit-sharing, regulations for strikes\nLabor's political power is also closely related\nand dismissals, and Boards of Conciliation\nto the force of public opinion insofar as it can\nand Arbitration for labor disputes. However,\nbe consolidated through the press and mass\nas union officials must be recognized by the\ndemonstrations. From its vantage point la-\nLabor Ministry, the government in cases where\nbor has been able to exert considerable polit-\nfactions develop within the union (sometimes\nical influence, one of the most illustrative\nat government instigation) can select those\ncases being Cárdenas' expropriation of for-\nofficers most likely to follow the administra-\neign-owned oil properties in 1938 as an imme-\ntion's wishes. Furthermore, the government\ndiate result of labor pressure. Whereas Presi-\ncan control the legal existence of unions by\ndent Alemán has permitted the continued ac-\nits authority to recognize labor organizations.\ntivity of labor leaders in government and\nSince the election machinery of the Concilia-\nparty affairs, he has limited labor's political\ntion and Arbitration Boards (composed of gov-\npower through manipulation of such devices\nernment, labor, and management representa-\nat his command as government control of elec-\ntives) also is in the hands of the authorities,\ntoral machinery, of labor boards, and of sub-\nthe government controls membership on the\nsidies to unions and publications. His suc-\nboards as well as their decisions.\ncess in this respect may be seen in his ability,\neven under extreme pressure from labor, to re-\nd. Economic Power of the Unions.\nsist expropriation of foreign-held railroad and\nOrganized labor, being concentrated in the\nelectrical industries.\nmajor industries, has become a powerful fac-\nLabor's political power is also limited by\ntor in the Mexican economy. Through gen-\nthe frequent changes of political alignments\neral strike action it could cripple-at least\nby Mexican labor groups because of the op-\nSECRET"
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