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the Liberal championship of laisser faire de-
ent Labor Party, and the nature of these
clined, but that of free trade continued stead-
groups throws light upon the principles and
fast even while Britain met increasing compe-
the problems of the Labor Party itself. The
tition from other rising industrial nations.
Fabian Society was a group of intellectuals
This drove many British manufacturers into
originally formed in 1883, and including some
the Conservative Party. The last great age
of the most famous people in modern British
of the Liberal Party was in 1906-1914, when
letters, such as G. B. Shaw, H. G. Wells, Sidney
under H. H. Asquith, David Lloyd George, and
and Beatrice Webb, Graham Wallas, and Sid-
Winston Churchill a series of reforms were put
ney Olivier. The Society became the princi-
through, including the famous reform of the
pal policy-forming agency for the labor move-
House of Lords, and the extensive beginnings
ment; its doctrine called for gradual evolu-
of social insurance, which was paid for by a
tion towards socialism. On the other hand
new program of taxation bearing heavily upon
the representatives of the Trades Union Con-
landowners.
gress, that is of the workers themselves, were
The crises of the first World War, the rise
not much interested in theoretical principles,
of the Labor Party, and (as some said) the
were certainly not socialists, and tended to
postwar mistakes of Lloyd George as Party
distrust intellectuals. The workers wanted to
leader, caused the Liberals to go into decline
campaign for higher wages, shorter hours,
after 1918. When the wartime coalition was
and the usual other amenities. The intellec-
dissolved in 1922 the Conservatives formed the
tuals believed in socialism, a broad movement
new government, for by that time they greatly
embracing within its scope all the problems
outnumbered the Liberals under whose ad-
and necessities of modern government. To
ministration the war had begun. Never af-
unite the weight and numbers of the workers
terwards did the Liberals win a general elec-
represented in the Trades Union Congress
tion, though in 1923 and again in 1929 it was
with the intelligence and perspective of the
only with their support that Labor was able
Fabian Society was a difficult task; the effort
to take office. Since 1945 valiant attempts
was on the whole successful but frictions OC-
have been made by the Conservatives to per-
cur even to the present day. In 1918 the
suade the Liberal Party to extinguish itself,
decision was made: the Labor Party Confer-
in order that all those opposed to socialism
ence adopted a manifesto Labor and the New
might make common cause together. But
Social Order, drafted mainly by Sidney Webb.
the small and staunch remainder of Liberals
This definitely committed the party to a pro-
refuse. They regard themselves as the guard-
gram of evolutionary Socialism.
ians of individual liberty, not only against
In one of its aspects British socialism is
the inroads of socialism but also against the
nearly as old as the British state. When Wil-
cartels, the trade associations, and the pater-
liam the Conqueror announced that military
nalism of the Conservatives. They insist on
service was to be rendered only to him, and
their mission as a mean between the extremes
not in pursuit of private warfare, or when
of the two major parties, but there is virtu-
the twelfth century kings nationalized the
ally no prospect of an early political come-
administration of justice, they were in the
back by the Liberal Party.
early stages of a process of evolution which
The Labor Party received that name in
has produced the nationalized health service,
1905; as an organization to elect members of
and the transfer of the coal mines to state
Parliament it dates from 1900, when a num-
ownership. The early Stuarts failed in their
ber of groups joined to form the Labor Repre-
attempt to set up a benevolent absolutism,
sentation Committee, dedicated to the task of
but the mercantilists of the seventeenth and
electing men to Parliament who represented
eighteenth centuries succeeded in establish-
the interests of the workers. The organiza-
ing a policy of state interference in economic
tions forming this Committee were the Fabian
affairs for what was considered to be the na-
Society, the Social Democratic Federation,
tional interest. The Conservative Party in
the Trades Union Congress, and the Independ-
the nineteenth century exhibited a paternal-
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"ocrText": "21\nthe Liberal championship of laisser faire de-\nent Labor Party, and the nature of these\nclined, but that of free trade continued stead-\ngroups throws light upon the principles and\nfast even while Britain met increasing compe-\nthe problems of the Labor Party itself. The\ntition from other rising industrial nations.\nFabian Society was a group of intellectuals\nThis drove many British manufacturers into\noriginally formed in 1883, and including some\nthe Conservative Party. The last great age\nof the most famous people in modern British\nof the Liberal Party was in 1906-1914, when\nletters, such as G. B. Shaw, H. G. Wells, Sidney\nunder H. H. Asquith, David Lloyd George, and\nand Beatrice Webb, Graham Wallas, and Sid-\nWinston Churchill a series of reforms were put\nney Olivier. The Society became the princi-\nthrough, including the famous reform of the\npal policy-forming agency for the labor move-\nHouse of Lords, and the extensive beginnings\nment; its doctrine called for gradual evolu-\nof social insurance, which was paid for by a\ntion towards socialism. On the other hand\nnew program of taxation bearing heavily upon\nthe representatives of the Trades Union Con-\nlandowners.\ngress, that is of the workers themselves, were\nThe crises of the first World War, the rise\nnot much interested in theoretical principles,\nof the Labor Party, and (as some said) the\nwere certainly not socialists, and tended to\npostwar mistakes of Lloyd George as Party\ndistrust intellectuals. The workers wanted to\nleader, caused the Liberals to go into decline\ncampaign for higher wages, shorter hours,\nafter 1918. When the wartime coalition was\nand the usual other amenities. The intellec-\ndissolved in 1922 the Conservatives formed the\ntuals believed in socialism, a broad movement\nnew government, for by that time they greatly\nembracing within its scope all the problems\noutnumbered the Liberals under whose ad-\nand necessities of modern government. To\nministration the war had begun. Never af-\nunite the weight and numbers of the workers\nterwards did the Liberals win a general elec-\nrepresented in the Trades Union Congress\ntion, though in 1923 and again in 1929 it was\nwith the intelligence and perspective of the\nonly with their support that Labor was able\nFabian Society was a difficult task; the effort\nto take office. Since 1945 valiant attempts\nwas on the whole successful but frictions OC-\nhave been made by the Conservatives to per-\ncur even to the present day. In 1918 the\nsuade the Liberal Party to extinguish itself,\ndecision was made: the Labor Party Confer-\nin order that all those opposed to socialism\nence adopted a manifesto Labor and the New\nmight make common cause together. But\nSocial Order, drafted mainly by Sidney Webb.\nthe small and staunch remainder of Liberals\nThis definitely committed the party to a pro-\nrefuse. They regard themselves as the guard-\ngram of evolutionary Socialism.\nians of individual liberty, not only against\nIn one of its aspects British socialism is\nthe inroads of socialism but also against the\nnearly as old as the British state. When Wil-\ncartels, the trade associations, and the pater-\nliam the Conqueror announced that military\nnalism of the Conservatives. They insist on\nservice was to be rendered only to him, and\ntheir mission as a mean between the extremes\nnot in pursuit of private warfare, or when\nof the two major parties, but there is virtu-\nthe twelfth century kings nationalized the\nally no prospect of an early political come-\nadministration of justice, they were in the\nback by the Liberal Party.\nearly stages of a process of evolution which\nThe Labor Party received that name in\nhas produced the nationalized health service,\n1905; as an organization to elect members of\nand the transfer of the coal mines to state\nParliament it dates from 1900, when a num-\nownership. The early Stuarts failed in their\nber of groups joined to form the Labor Repre-\nattempt to set up a benevolent absolutism,\nsentation Committee, dedicated to the task of\nbut the mercantilists of the seventeenth and\nelecting men to Parliament who represented\neighteenth centuries succeeded in establish-\nthe interests of the workers. The organiza-\ning a policy of state interference in economic\ntions forming this Committee were the Fabian\naffairs for what was considered to be the na-\nSociety, the Social Democratic Federation,\ntional interest. The Conservative Party in\nthe Trades Union Congress, and the Independ-\nthe nineteenth century exhibited a paternal-"
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