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Supreme Court, members of the Tribunal of Administrative Controversy, and its own members in any case involving violation of the constitution. It also performs such nonlegislative functions as that of passing on certain executive appointments, appoint- ing investigative commissions, and "censuring" Ministers of State. As in some European countries, there is a Permanent Legislative Commission, made up of five Assembly members, that sits during Assembly recesses, prepares projects for consideration by the Assembly in its next session, and acts as a "watchdog" vis-a-vis the President with respect to the prerogatives of the legislative branch. b. The Executive Branch. The constitution provides for a President and two Vice Presidents, elected by direct suffrage for a period of four years, for an appointive Secretary General of the presidency, and for Ministers of State appointed by the President (collectively they constitute a Council of Cabinet). In general, the executive powers are analagous to those of the US Constitution, except that the Panamanian Executive has wider appoint- ive powers. The Panamanian system is not federal in character: the governors of the provinces and the heads of some of the municipalities are appointed by the President. There are no provincial legislative bodies. C. The Judicial Branch. The constitution provides for a Supreme Court of Justice of five "magistrates" (named by the President with the unanimous approval of the Council of Cabinet and subject to approval by the National Assembly), and there are subordinate courts and tribunals established, as in the US, by law rather than by constitutional provision. "The guardianship of the integrity of the Constitution," according to the language of that document itself, "is confided to the Supreme Court." The so-called Public Minis- try, headed by an Attorney General elected for a 10-year term by the National As- sembly, is, under the Panamanian Constitution, regarded as part of the Judicial Branch: its duties include the prosecution of crimes, the promotion of the execution of the laws, "defense" of the interests of the nation "and its provincial and district subdivisions," and the supervision of the "official conduct of public functions." The privilege of municipal self-government is vouchsafed by the constitution, which expressly provides that the "State rests on a community of autonomous municipalities." However, the mayors of some municipalities are appointed by the President, while others, notably those of Panama City and Colón, are elected for a four-year term. Some of the municipalities have elected municipal councils. Although the theory of the constitution is, in general, respected in actual practice, this does not mean that constitutional democracy is on as firm a footing in Panama as in the US or Great Britain. Political bickering and intrigue are "in the blood" of the country's influential leaders, and the Panamanians do not place so high a value on observance of the supreme law as do the Anglo-Saxon countries. Furthermore, a large portion of the electorate - despite its several decades of experience with demo- cratic government remains venal, and the extensive patronage powers of the Execu- tive and the emoluments to be gained from public office give the "ins" great oppor- SECRET I-2

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Page context
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    "ocrText": "Supreme Court, members of the Tribunal of Administrative Controversy, and its own\nmembers in any case involving violation of the constitution. It also performs such\nnonlegislative functions as that of passing on certain executive appointments, appoint-\ning investigative commissions, and \"censuring\" Ministers of State.\nAs in some European countries, there is a Permanent Legislative Commission, made\nup of five Assembly members, that sits during Assembly recesses, prepares projects for\nconsideration by the Assembly in its next session, and acts as a \"watchdog\" vis-a-vis\nthe President with respect to the prerogatives of the legislative branch.\nb. The Executive Branch.\nThe constitution provides for a President and two Vice Presidents, elected by\ndirect suffrage for a period of four years, for an appointive Secretary General of the\npresidency, and for Ministers of State appointed by the President (collectively they\nconstitute a Council of Cabinet). In general, the executive powers are analagous to\nthose of the US Constitution, except that the Panamanian Executive has wider appoint-\nive powers. The Panamanian system is not federal in character: the governors of the\nprovinces and the heads of some of the municipalities are appointed by the President.\nThere are no provincial legislative bodies.\nC. The Judicial Branch.\nThe constitution provides for a Supreme Court of Justice of five \"magistrates\"\n(named by the President with the unanimous approval of the Council of Cabinet and\nsubject to approval by the National Assembly), and there are subordinate courts\nand tribunals established, as in the US, by law rather than by constitutional provision.\n\"The guardianship of the integrity of the Constitution,\" according to the language of\nthat document itself, \"is confided to the Supreme Court.\" The so-called Public Minis-\ntry, headed by an Attorney General elected for a 10-year term by the National As-\nsembly, is, under the Panamanian Constitution, regarded as part of the Judicial Branch:\nits duties include the prosecution of crimes, the promotion of the execution of the laws,\n\"defense\" of the interests of the nation \"and its provincial and district subdivisions,\"\nand the supervision of the \"official conduct of public functions.\"\nThe privilege of municipal self-government is vouchsafed by the constitution, which\nexpressly provides that the \"State rests on a community of autonomous municipalities.\"\nHowever, the mayors of some municipalities are appointed by the President, while others,\nnotably those of Panama City and Colón, are elected for a four-year term. Some of\nthe municipalities have elected municipal councils.\nAlthough the theory of the constitution is, in general, respected in actual practice,\nthis does not mean that constitutional democracy is on as firm a footing in Panama as\nin the US or Great Britain. Political bickering and intrigue are \"in the blood\" of the\ncountry's influential leaders, and the Panamanians do not place so high a value on\nobservance of the supreme law as do the Anglo-Saxon countries. Furthermore, a\nlarge portion of the electorate - despite its several decades of experience with demo-\ncratic government remains venal, and the extensive patronage powers of the Execu-\ntive and the emoluments to be gained from public office give the \"ins\" great oppor-\nSECRET\nI-2"
}