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37 Guatemala's demand that the case be de- The single objective of regaining Belize ac- cided ex aequo et bono betrays an anxiety that counts, in large part, for Guatemala's sym- the court might find little legal basis for a pathy with anti-British, "anti-imperialist" claim based upon the principle of territorial countries. To gain international support, succession, or that it might find (in the treaty Guatemala has attempted to consolidate an of 1859 and elsewhere) clear recognition by anti-imperialist bloc composed of nations with the signatories of a pre-existing British SOV- anti-British territorial claims (Argentina, ereignty, or that it might even declare the Chile, and Venezuela) and to gain hemispheric 1859 treaty still valid and render a judgment support for a policy of eliminating "colonial- whereby Britain might be able to retain pos- ism" from America. A Guatemalan resolu- session of Belize. Guatemala sees a possi- tion to this effect was adopted at the Bogotá bility of arguing that Guatemala, as a small Conference over the opposition of only the and weak country, was forced into alienating United States, Brazil, and the Dominican Re- a portion of its territory against its will, and public, and led to the formation of an Ameri- that Britain, as a strong and powerful coun- can Committee on Dependent Territories. The try, was able to ignore Guatemalan protests unwillingness of the United States to partici- while continuing its occupation of Belize. In pate in the meetings of this committee, which brief, Guatemala hopes to show that the legal Guatemala regards as a blow to Hemisphere language, and the terms of the early treaties cooperation, emphasizes the conflict of inter- were concessions necessary for the existence ests between the two countries. This con- and recognition of a small nation in the nine- flict has led Guatemala to attempt embar- teenth century, but are incompatible with the rassment of the United States, with the pos- rights of small nations as recognized in the sible object of bargaining for US support. For world today. Britain, on the contrary, con- example, Guatemala has insisted that the tends that the case is not an appropriate one concept of "colonialism," as defined at Bogotá, for ex aequo et bono determination, since be extended beyond its stated meaning to Guatemala's claim is one of legal title which cover US rule in Puerto Rico, thereby hoping should, therefore, be resolved in accordance to make the status of this territory subject to with legal principles. international review in accordance with the Incidental to the Anglo-Guatemalan dispute Bogotá resolution. Such a major test of the over Belize is the problem of Mexican claims inter-American system would challenge US which might be advanced if and when Britain leadership and sincerity in the system which makes any concessions in this matter. On the it has consistently advocated. same basis as Guatemala, Mexico could also b. Encouragement of Sympathetic Govern- claim a portion of British Honduras-that ments. portion north of the Sibun River which was theoretically administered by the Captaincy- Current Guatemalan foreign policy involves General of Yucatan. Such a claim would con- the support of liberal "democratic" elements flict with the boundary between Mexico and in neighboring countries and opposition to Guatemala established in 1882, which was de- "dictatorships" such as those of Somoza in fined as extending "indefinitely toward the Nicaragua and Trujillo in the Dominican Re- east" along parallel 17°49'. However, by the public. Apart from political expediency, this Treaty of 1893, Mexico clearly recognized policy is founded upon the belief of President Arévalo and other liberal Guatemalans that British sovereignty over Belize as well as the Guatemala, since the revolution of 1944, is a present boundary of the colony, and has symbol of democracy in Central America, and evinced no desire to side with Guatemala in has a moral obligation to assume the leader- the latter's disputes. On the contrary, Guate- ship in an international struggle for social, malan pretensions of title to the northern por- economic, and intellectual freedom. It is a tion of Belize have aroused much resentment policy which complements the general provi- in Mexico and have constituted a continual sion of the 1945 constitution that Guatemala source of friction between the two countries. "will endeavor to reestablish Central Ameri- ECRET

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    "ocrText": "37\nGuatemala's demand that the case be de-\nThe single objective of regaining Belize ac-\ncided ex aequo et bono betrays an anxiety that\ncounts, in large part, for Guatemala's sym-\nthe court might find little legal basis for a\npathy with anti-British, \"anti-imperialist\"\nclaim based upon the principle of territorial\ncountries. To gain international support,\nsuccession, or that it might find (in the treaty\nGuatemala has attempted to consolidate an\nof 1859 and elsewhere) clear recognition by\nanti-imperialist bloc composed of nations with\nthe signatories of a pre-existing British SOV-\nanti-British territorial claims (Argentina,\nereignty, or that it might even declare the\nChile, and Venezuela) and to gain hemispheric\n1859 treaty still valid and render a judgment\nsupport for a policy of eliminating \"colonial-\nwhereby Britain might be able to retain pos-\nism\" from America. A Guatemalan resolu-\nsession of Belize. Guatemala sees a possi-\ntion to this effect was adopted at the Bogotá\nbility of arguing that Guatemala, as a small\nConference over the opposition of only the\nand weak country, was forced into alienating\nUnited States, Brazil, and the Dominican Re-\na portion of its territory against its will, and\npublic, and led to the formation of an Ameri-\nthat Britain, as a strong and powerful coun-\ncan Committee on Dependent Territories. The\ntry, was able to ignore Guatemalan protests\nunwillingness of the United States to partici-\nwhile continuing its occupation of Belize. In\npate in the meetings of this committee, which\nbrief, Guatemala hopes to show that the legal\nGuatemala regards as a blow to Hemisphere\nlanguage, and the terms of the early treaties\ncooperation, emphasizes the conflict of inter-\nwere concessions necessary for the existence\nests between the two countries. This con-\nand recognition of a small nation in the nine-\nflict has led Guatemala to attempt embar-\nteenth century, but are incompatible with the\nrassment of the United States, with the pos-\nrights of small nations as recognized in the\nsible object of bargaining for US support. For\nworld today. Britain, on the contrary, con-\nexample, Guatemala has insisted that the\ntends that the case is not an appropriate one\nconcept of \"colonialism,\" as defined at Bogotá,\nfor ex aequo et bono determination, since\nbe extended beyond its stated meaning to\nGuatemala's claim is one of legal title which\ncover US rule in Puerto Rico, thereby hoping\nshould, therefore, be resolved in accordance\nto make the status of this territory subject to\nwith legal principles.\ninternational review in accordance with the\nIncidental to the Anglo-Guatemalan dispute\nBogotá resolution. Such a major test of the\nover Belize is the problem of Mexican claims\ninter-American system would challenge US\nwhich might be advanced if and when Britain\nleadership and sincerity in the system which\nmakes any concessions in this matter. On the\nit has consistently advocated.\nsame basis as Guatemala, Mexico could also\nb. Encouragement of Sympathetic Govern-\nclaim a portion of British Honduras-that\nments.\nportion north of the Sibun River which was\ntheoretically administered by the Captaincy-\nCurrent Guatemalan foreign policy involves\nGeneral of Yucatan. Such a claim would con-\nthe support of liberal \"democratic\" elements\nflict with the boundary between Mexico and\nin neighboring countries and opposition to\nGuatemala established in 1882, which was de-\n\"dictatorships\" such as those of Somoza in\nfined as extending \"indefinitely toward the\nNicaragua and Trujillo in the Dominican Re-\neast\" along parallel 17°49'. However, by the\npublic. Apart from political expediency, this\nTreaty of 1893, Mexico clearly recognized\npolicy is founded upon the belief of President\nArévalo and other liberal Guatemalans that\nBritish sovereignty over Belize as well as the\nGuatemala, since the revolution of 1944, is a\npresent boundary of the colony, and has\nsymbol of democracy in Central America, and\nevinced no desire to side with Guatemala in\nhas a moral obligation to assume the leader-\nthe latter's disputes. On the contrary, Guate-\nship in an international struggle for social,\nmalan pretensions of title to the northern por-\neconomic, and intellectual freedom. It is a\ntion of Belize have aroused much resentment\npolicy which complements the general provi-\nin Mexico and have constituted a continual\nsion of the 1945 constitution that Guatemala\nsource of friction between the two countries.\n\"will endeavor to reestablish Central Ameri-\nECRET"
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