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SECR
CHAPTER III
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
1. IRISH FOREIGN POLICY.
Since 1924, when the Irish Free State appointed a Minister to Washington and
thus became the first dominion to break the diplomatic unity of the British Common-
wealth, the independence of Irish foreign policy has been marked. The determinants
of Irish foreign policy are its geographic and economic ties to Great Britain, a desire to
emphasize independence of the United Kingdom, close cultural links with the Catholic
countries of Western Europe, sincere friendship for the United States, and special
sensitivity to Vatican opinion. Friendship for the United States stems from the assist-
ance given by Americans to the Irish independence movement and from the vast num-
bers of people of Irish descent in the United States. Irish Governments have always
counted, perhaps too optimistically, on Irish-American pressure to produce benevolent
United States attitudes toward Ireland. The special affinity to Western Europe, espe-
cially Spain, Italy, and France, is a natural result of the ties of geography, religion, and
culture binding Ireland to these countries.
Although anti-Axis in sympathies, Ireland was neutral in World War II-primarily,
of course, because it was never attacked. Partition was also an extremely important
factor, the Irish Government fearing, with much justification, that an alliance with
Britain would result in civil disorder. Furthermore, always somewhat distrustful of
Great Powers' motives and possessed of a small country's normal reluctance to become
involved in their conflicts, the Irish were never convinced that moral considerations
played a great part in Allied war aims. Although these factors are still present in
greater or less degree, the Irish attitude toward a war between the USSR and the West
would for obvious reasons be different. The attitude of the Church has great influence
in Ireland, and the Irish would be deeply stirred on religious grounds by an East-West
war and in all probability would not remain neutral.
Partition, however, still influences Irish thinking about the North Atlantic Pact.
Like its predecessor, ever conscious of the views of the Nationalists in Northern Ireland
and inclined to seize all opportunities to bring about Irish unity, the Costello Govern-
ment has indicated that it will not participate in a military alliance with the United
Kingdom while Partition continues. Whether anything short of war would alter this
attitude cannot be confidently estimated.
The Irish are nonetheless extremely anxious to make their influence felt in world
affairs. Their able representation and forward-looking policies in the League of
Nations gained them the respect of other nations and increased their own confidence
and ability in conducting foreign relations. Blackballed from the UN by a Russian
veto, the Irish have been enthusiastic supporters of ERP and attach great importance
to their participation in OEEC. They have indicated enthusiasm for the proposed
Council of Europe.
27
SECRET
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"ocrText": "SECR\nCHAPTER III\nFOREIGN AFFAIRS\n1. IRISH FOREIGN POLICY.\nSince 1924, when the Irish Free State appointed a Minister to Washington and\nthus became the first dominion to break the diplomatic unity of the British Common-\nwealth, the independence of Irish foreign policy has been marked. The determinants\nof Irish foreign policy are its geographic and economic ties to Great Britain, a desire to\nemphasize independence of the United Kingdom, close cultural links with the Catholic\ncountries of Western Europe, sincere friendship for the United States, and special\nsensitivity to Vatican opinion. Friendship for the United States stems from the assist-\nance given by Americans to the Irish independence movement and from the vast num-\nbers of people of Irish descent in the United States. Irish Governments have always\ncounted, perhaps too optimistically, on Irish-American pressure to produce benevolent\nUnited States attitudes toward Ireland. The special affinity to Western Europe, espe-\ncially Spain, Italy, and France, is a natural result of the ties of geography, religion, and\nculture binding Ireland to these countries.\nAlthough anti-Axis in sympathies, Ireland was neutral in World War II-primarily,\nof course, because it was never attacked. Partition was also an extremely important\nfactor, the Irish Government fearing, with much justification, that an alliance with\nBritain would result in civil disorder. Furthermore, always somewhat distrustful of\nGreat Powers' motives and possessed of a small country's normal reluctance to become\ninvolved in their conflicts, the Irish were never convinced that moral considerations\nplayed a great part in Allied war aims. Although these factors are still present in\ngreater or less degree, the Irish attitude toward a war between the USSR and the West\nwould for obvious reasons be different. The attitude of the Church has great influence\nin Ireland, and the Irish would be deeply stirred on religious grounds by an East-West\nwar and in all probability would not remain neutral.\nPartition, however, still influences Irish thinking about the North Atlantic Pact.\nLike its predecessor, ever conscious of the views of the Nationalists in Northern Ireland\nand inclined to seize all opportunities to bring about Irish unity, the Costello Govern-\nment has indicated that it will not participate in a military alliance with the United\nKingdom while Partition continues. Whether anything short of war would alter this\nattitude cannot be confidently estimated.\nThe Irish are nonetheless extremely anxious to make their influence felt in world\naffairs. Their able representation and forward-looking policies in the League of\nNations gained them the respect of other nations and increased their own confidence\nand ability in conducting foreign relations. Blackballed from the UN by a Russian\nveto, the Irish have been enthusiastic supporters of ERP and attach great importance\nto their participation in OEEC. They have indicated enthusiasm for the proposed\nCouncil of Europe.\n27\nSECRET"
}