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SECRET
I TMEMUDOC
G-27
DOCUMENT I
(Continued)
THE SECRETARY said, as he had told him in
the case of our proposal for a treaty against
Germany that he. would have to talk to the
President about it, and also with members of
the Congress. He said he felt that a similar
procedure would be followed in case of a
proposed treaty against Japan, that it was
63
better to consult the Senate first before enter
ing into any form of negotiations with a foreign
government in subjects of this character, since
it gave them the feeling that they were being
consulted and that it would facilitate the rati-
fication of any treaty agreed upon. The Secretary
then went on to say that there could be no
question of our intention to prevent a revival
of Japanese militarism and we would stop at
nothing to prevent it. He said, for example, we
intend to prevent the restoration of any war
industry in Japan and we are going to apply
to Japan the same recognition in regard to war
criminals and the same procedure as had been
adopted in regard to Germany.
MR. MOLOTOV said he appreciated that, and
he could understand that the United States
thought it knew best what to do in regard to
Japan. He was sure we shared the same aims
but that the Soviet Union also had its views
as to how to do it.
THE SECRETARY said, in regard to the
question of prisoners under the Potsdam Declara- -
tion, we had stated that the Japanese army would
be demobilized and in any event it was difficult
to see what could be done with any large number
of Japanese prisoners of war.
MR. MOLOTOV replied that in the case of
Germany the soldiers had been taken prisoners
and some sick, wounded and old men had been
released.
TOP SECRET
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"ocrText": "SECRET\nI TMEMUDOC\nG-27\nDOCUMENT I\n(Continued)\nTHE SECRETARY said, as he had told him in\nthe case of our proposal for a treaty against\nGermany that he. would have to talk to the\nPresident about it, and also with members of\nthe Congress. He said he felt that a similar\nprocedure would be followed in case of a\nproposed treaty against Japan, that it was\n63\nbetter to consult the Senate first before enter\ning into any form of negotiations with a foreign\ngovernment in subjects of this character, since\nit gave them the feeling that they were being\nconsulted and that it would facilitate the rati-\nfication of any treaty agreed upon. The Secretary\nthen went on to say that there could be no\nquestion of our intention to prevent a revival\nof Japanese militarism and we would stop at\nnothing to prevent it. He said, for example, we\nintend to prevent the restoration of any war\nindustry in Japan and we are going to apply\nto Japan the same recognition in regard to war\ncriminals and the same procedure as had been\nadopted in regard to Germany.\nMR. MOLOTOV said he appreciated that, and\nhe could understand that the United States\nthought it knew best what to do in regard to\nJapan. He was sure we shared the same aims\nbut that the Soviet Union also had its views\nas to how to do it.\nTHE SECRETARY said, in regard to the\nquestion of prisoners under the Potsdam Declara- -\ntion, we had stated that the Japanese army would\nbe demobilized and in any event it was difficult\nto see what could be done with any large number\nof Japanese prisoners of war.\nMR. MOLOTOV replied that in the case of\nGermany the soldiers had been taken prisoners\nand some sick, wounded and old men had been\nreleased.\nTOP SECRET"
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