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J. 333305-MONO-State
Galley 105
UNCORRECTED GALLEY PROOF
of a threat to the peace and to action for the removal of such a threat
or for the suppression of aggression or other breaches of the peace.
I can see, as a practical matter, that this is necessary if action of this
kind is to be feasible, and I am, therefore, prepared to accept in this
respect the view expressed by your Government in its memorandum
on an international security organization presented at the Dumbarton
Oaks meeting. This means, of course, that in decisions of this charac-
ter each permanent member would always have a vote.
At the same time, the Dumbarton Oaks proposals also provide in
Chapter VIII, Section A, for judicial or other procedures of a recom-
mendatory character which the Security Council may employ in
promoting voluntary peaceful settlement of disputes. Here, too, I am
satisfied that recommendations of the Security Council will carry far
greater weight if they are concurred in by the permanent members.
But I am also convinced that such procedures will be effective only
if the Great Powers exercise moral leadership by demonstrating their
fidelity to the principles of justice, and, therefore, by accepting a pro-
vision under which, with regard to such procedures, all parties to a dis-
pute should abstain from voting. I firmly believe that willingness on
the part of the permanent members not to claim for themselves a special
position in this respect would greatly enhance their moral prestige
and would strengthen their own position as the principal guardians
of the future peace, without in any way jeopardizing their vital
interests or impairing the essential principle that in all decisions of
the Council which affect such interests the Great Powers must act
unanimously. It would certainly make the whole plan, which must
necessarily assign a special position to the Great Powers in the enforce-
ment of peace, far more acceptable to all nations.
Neither the Soviet nor the American memoranda presented at
Dumbarton Oaks contained specific provisions for voting procedure
on questions of this nature. Our representatives there were not,
of course, in a position to reach a definite agreement on the subject.
You and I must now find a way of completing the work which they
have so well carried forward on our behalf.
If you should be inclined to give favorable consideration to some
such approach to the problem of voting in the Council as I now
suggest, would you be willing that there be held as soon as possible
a
meeting of representatives designated by you, by me, and by Mr.
Churchill to work out a complete provision on this question and to
discuss the arrangements necessary for a prompt convening of
a
general United Nations conference?"
2. We assume that you will wish to have a careful Russian transla-
tion made of the foregoing message so that you can hand to Marshal
Stalin both the English and Russian texts of the President's message.
3. The contemplated meeting referred to in the last paragraph of
the President's message would be an informal one in which only two
or three representatives of each of the three countries would partici-
pate. In other words, we do not have in mind anything in the nature
of a reconvening of the Dumbarton Oaks conversations. We have no
fixed idea at the present time as to just who these representatives
would be or as to where they should meet, although perhaps London
might prove to be appropriate and convenient.
4. You may wish to present orally, and perhaps in a separate
memorandum, additional observations in support of the President's
views which necessarily are stated in restricted compass in the message
itself. Among the additional considerations which impress us and
some or all of which you should feel free to use as you see fit as repre-
senting the views of your Government are the following: Unanimity
of thought and action on the part of the great powers in all decisions
affecting the maintenance of international peace and security is of the
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"ocrText": "J. 333305-MONO-State\nGalley 105\nUNCORRECTED GALLEY PROOF\nof a threat to the peace and to action for the removal of such a threat\nor for the suppression of aggression or other breaches of the peace.\nI can see, as a practical matter, that this is necessary if action of this\nkind is to be feasible, and I am, therefore, prepared to accept in this\nrespect the view expressed by your Government in its memorandum\non an international security organization presented at the Dumbarton\nOaks meeting. This means, of course, that in decisions of this charac-\nter each permanent member would always have a vote.\nAt the same time, the Dumbarton Oaks proposals also provide in\nChapter VIII, Section A, for judicial or other procedures of a recom-\nmendatory character which the Security Council may employ in\npromoting voluntary peaceful settlement of disputes. Here, too, I am\nsatisfied that recommendations of the Security Council will carry far\ngreater weight if they are concurred in by the permanent members.\nBut I am also convinced that such procedures will be effective only\nif the Great Powers exercise moral leadership by demonstrating their\nfidelity to the principles of justice, and, therefore, by accepting a pro-\nvision under which, with regard to such procedures, all parties to a dis-\npute should abstain from voting. I firmly believe that willingness on\nthe part of the permanent members not to claim for themselves a special\nposition in this respect would greatly enhance their moral prestige\nand would strengthen their own position as the principal guardians\nof the future peace, without in any way jeopardizing their vital\ninterests or impairing the essential principle that in all decisions of\nthe Council which affect such interests the Great Powers must act\nunanimously. It would certainly make the whole plan, which must\nnecessarily assign a special position to the Great Powers in the enforce-\nment of peace, far more acceptable to all nations.\nNeither the Soviet nor the American memoranda presented at\nDumbarton Oaks contained specific provisions for voting procedure\non questions of this nature. Our representatives there were not,\nof course, in a position to reach a definite agreement on the subject.\nYou and I must now find a way of completing the work which they\nhave so well carried forward on our behalf.\nIf you should be inclined to give favorable consideration to some\nsuch approach to the problem of voting in the Council as I now\nsuggest, would you be willing that there be held as soon as possible\na\nmeeting of representatives designated by you, by me, and by Mr.\nChurchill to work out a complete provision on this question and to\ndiscuss the arrangements necessary for a prompt convening of\na\ngeneral United Nations conference?\"\n2. We assume that you will wish to have a careful Russian transla-\ntion made of the foregoing message so that you can hand to Marshal\nStalin both the English and Russian texts of the President's message.\n3. The contemplated meeting referred to in the last paragraph of\nthe President's message would be an informal one in which only two\nor three representatives of each of the three countries would partici-\npate. In other words, we do not have in mind anything in the nature\nof a reconvening of the Dumbarton Oaks conversations. We have no\nfixed idea at the present time as to just who these representatives\nwould be or as to where they should meet, although perhaps London\nmight prove to be appropriate and convenient.\n4. You may wish to present orally, and perhaps in a separate\nmemorandum, additional observations in support of the President's\nviews which necessarily are stated in restricted compass in the message\nitself. Among the additional considerations which impress us and\nsome or all of which you should feel free to use as you see fit as repre-\nsenting the views of your Government are the following: Unanimity\nof thought and action on the part of the great powers in all decisions\naffecting the maintenance of international peace and security is of the"
}