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J. 333305-MONO-State Galley 309 UNCORRECTED GALLEY PROOF war significance (that involved in the proposed 3-C agreement) must be separated from true postwar reconstruction credits (your telegrams 29 and 61). Separate telegrams will be sent to you regarding our 1 Ante, pp. - reply to Ambassador Gromyko's note of January 4,2 indicating that 2 Not printed. we will proceed with the Fourth Protocol; and instructing you to reply to Molotov's aide-mémoire with special reference to the 3-C agreement. The present message is to provide you with background information regarding Washington views on post-war credit possibilities. A study prepared in the Department which will be sent to you for comment highlights the following points in Russia's interest in foreign credits: (a) Russia's war loss is estimated at $16 billion of fixed capital or about one-quarter of the pre-war total. Inventory losses may total an additional $4 billion. (b) It is estimated that Russia with no foreign loans and only limited use of its gold reserves (estimated at billion) and pro- duction ($200 million a year), plus reparations deliveries, could reattain by 1948 the pre-war level of capital investment. (c) Thus the U. S. S. R. will be in a position to take a highly independent position in negotiations regarding foreign credits, espe- cially since $2 billion in credits would only speed up reconstruction by some 3 or 4 months. (d) Pre-war exports from the U. S. S. R. to the U.S. averaged only $26 million annually, enough to pay for only limited amounts of capital goods, special machines, and know how. (e) The annual gold production could service about $3 billion of credits at 4 percent and 20 years; or $6 billion at 2 percent and 40 years. (f) Russia may be expected to borrow only up to the amount which she is sure she can service; only if the terms appear satisfactory to her (she has demanded exceptional terms in the 3-C negotiations) ; and she will repay unless she feels it politically desirable not to do so. The Treasury has suggested a $10 billion credit at 2 percent, 35 years, coupled with an option for United States purchases at reasonable world prices of petroleum and minerals from the Soviets over a like period. Preliminary views of the Department are that such a proposal can of course be made only after Congressional action of some sort; that it would be preferable to obtain blanket loan authority rather than seek specific loan authorization for the U. S. S. R. or any particular nation; that the rate of interest entails many complications in our relations with other countries, with general Export-Import Bank operations, with proposed transactions of the Bretton Woods bank, and with private investment; that from a tactical point of view it would seem harmful at this time to offer such a large credit and lose what little bargaining exists in future credit extensions; and that the suggested commodity arrangement would probably not be as strong an argument with the Congress as the Treasury believes, would arouse the opposition of petroleum and mineral interests, would not provide a fully distinctive basis for offering special credit terms to the U. S. S. R., and might raise questions of general commercial and commodity policy. 333305-55-pt.1 20

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    "ocrText": "J. 333305-MONO-State\nGalley 309\nUNCORRECTED GALLEY PROOF\nwar significance (that involved in the proposed 3-C agreement) must\nbe separated from true postwar reconstruction credits (your telegrams\n29 and 61). Separate telegrams will be sent to you regarding our\n1 Ante, pp. -\nreply to Ambassador Gromyko's note of January 4,2 indicating that\n2 Not printed.\nwe will proceed with the Fourth Protocol; and instructing you to reply\nto Molotov's aide-mémoire with special reference to the 3-C agreement.\nThe present message is to provide you with background information\nregarding Washington views on post-war credit possibilities.\nA study prepared in the Department which will be sent to you for\ncomment highlights the following points in Russia's interest in foreign\ncredits:\n(a) Russia's war loss is estimated at $16 billion of fixed capital or\nabout one-quarter of the pre-war total. Inventory losses may total an\nadditional $4 billion.\n(b) It is estimated that Russia with no foreign loans and only\nlimited use of its gold reserves (estimated at billion) and pro-\nduction ($200 million a year), plus reparations deliveries, could\nreattain by 1948 the pre-war level of capital investment.\n(c) Thus the U. S. S. R. will be in a position to take a highly\nindependent position in negotiations regarding foreign credits, espe-\ncially since $2 billion in credits would only speed up reconstruction\nby some 3 or 4 months.\n(d) Pre-war exports from the U. S. S. R. to the U.S. averaged only\n$26 million annually, enough to pay for only limited amounts of\ncapital goods, special machines, and know how.\n(e) The annual gold production could service about $3 billion of\ncredits at 4 percent and 20 years; or $6 billion at 2 percent and 40\nyears.\n(f) Russia may be expected to borrow only up to the amount which\nshe is sure she can service; only if the terms appear satisfactory to her\n(she has demanded exceptional terms in the 3-C negotiations) ; and\nshe will repay unless she feels it politically desirable not to do so.\nThe Treasury has suggested a $10 billion credit at 2 percent, 35\nyears, coupled with an option for United States purchases at reasonable\nworld prices of petroleum and minerals from the Soviets over a\nlike period.\nPreliminary views of the Department are that such a proposal can\nof course be made only after Congressional action of some sort; that\nit\nwould be preferable to obtain blanket loan authority rather than\nseek specific loan authorization for the U. S. S. R. or any particular\nnation; that the rate of interest entails many complications in our\nrelations with other countries, with general Export-Import Bank\noperations, with proposed transactions of the Bretton Woods bank,\nand with private investment; that from a tactical point of view it\nwould seem harmful at this time to offer such a large credit and lose\nwhat little bargaining exists in future credit extensions; and that the\nsuggested commodity arrangement would probably not be as strong\nan argument with the Congress as the Treasury believes, would\narouse the opposition of petroleum and mineral interests, would not\nprovide a fully distinctive basis for offering special credit terms to\nthe U. S. S. R., and might raise questions of general commercial and\ncommodity policy.\n333305-55-pt.1 20"
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