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J. 333305MONO-State
Galley 413
UNCORRECTED GALLEY PROOF
crimes of treason, wrecking and sabotage. A delegation from War-
saw visited Moscow to express gratitude for aid rendered by the
Soviets; meanwhile the press laid the delay in receipt of aid from the
United States to the intrigues of reactionary Polish circles there.
The committee proceeded energetically with its program of land
reform and by the end of the year was able to announce that the divi-
sion of large estates and the distribution of the land to peasants had
been practically completed in the area liberated to date. It was
obvious that the parcelling up of the estates was uneconomic, since
the new holdings were very small and their new owners often without
draught animals and tools to work them. It appeared inevitable that
some kind of cooperative or collective system would have to be intro-
duced before the new holdings could be worked with any degree of
efficiency. Meanwhile the reform doubtless served the purpose of
increasing support for the Lublin Committee in an area where the
Communist industrial element was small and the peasantry largely
apathetic.
5. In the other United Nations countries on whose soil the Red
army was fighting, the situation was apparently much less complicated
than in Poland. After the entry of Soviet troops into Ruthenia a
mission headed by Nemec arrived in Moscow from London to take
over the administration of the liberated territory in accordance with
the Soviet-Czechoslovak agreement concluded last spring.4 The
Agreement relating to civil administration in Czechoslovak territory upon
entry of Soviet troops, signed at London May 8, 1944 (860F.01/545).
mission was permitted to proceed to Ruthenia but did not take direct
part in the civil administration, which was in the hands of a pro-Soviet
Ruthenian National Committee of obscure origin. Messages were
published in the Moscow press from mass meetings in Ruthenian
towns demanding union of the province with the Ukrainian SSR,
but Red army authorities on the spot were reported to have remained
strictly aloof from this agitation. War and the Working Class on two
occasions took Czech Foreign Minister Masaryk to task, once for
suggesting that his country might become a bridge between the
Soviet Union and the West, once for reviving the idea of a Czech-
Polish federation.
The entry of Soviet troops into Belgrade was the occasion for a
message of gratitude and solidarity from Tito to Stalin, but in general
Yugoslavia received much less notice in the Press than normally.
Subasic's Moscow visit passed almost unnoticed.
6. In the ex-enemy countries which have broken with Germany
the Soviets have been interested primarily in the prompt and complete
fulfillment of the armistice terms and the purge of former Fascist
and Collaborationist elements.
In contrast to its coolness toward Finland, the Soviet attitude
toward Bulgaria was one of warmth and approbation. The abject
and servile submission of the Bulgarian delegates during the Armistice
negotiations, Soviet satisfaction with the Fatherland Front Govern-
ment and the enthusiasm with which purge measures were adopted
coupled with the traditional benevolence of the Russians for the Slav,
Bulgars and the strategic position of Bulgaria adjacent to British
occupied Greece, combined to create for Bulgaria a place of special
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"ocrText": "J. 333305MONO-State\nGalley 413\nUNCORRECTED GALLEY PROOF\ncrimes of treason, wrecking and sabotage. A delegation from War-\nsaw visited Moscow to express gratitude for aid rendered by the\nSoviets; meanwhile the press laid the delay in receipt of aid from the\nUnited States to the intrigues of reactionary Polish circles there.\nThe committee proceeded energetically with its program of land\nreform and by the end of the year was able to announce that the divi-\nsion of large estates and the distribution of the land to peasants had\nbeen practically completed in the area liberated to date. It was\nobvious that the parcelling up of the estates was uneconomic, since\nthe new holdings were very small and their new owners often without\ndraught animals and tools to work them. It appeared inevitable that\nsome kind of cooperative or collective system would have to be intro-\nduced before the new holdings could be worked with any degree of\nefficiency. Meanwhile the reform doubtless served the purpose of\nincreasing support for the Lublin Committee in an area where the\nCommunist industrial element was small and the peasantry largely\napathetic.\n5. In the other United Nations countries on whose soil the Red\narmy was fighting, the situation was apparently much less complicated\nthan in Poland. After the entry of Soviet troops into Ruthenia a\nmission headed by Nemec arrived in Moscow from London to take\nover the administration of the liberated territory in accordance with\nthe Soviet-Czechoslovak agreement concluded last spring.4 The\nAgreement relating to civil administration in Czechoslovak territory upon\nentry of Soviet troops, signed at London May 8, 1944 (860F.01/545).\nmission was permitted to proceed to Ruthenia but did not take direct\npart in the civil administration, which was in the hands of a pro-Soviet\nRuthenian National Committee of obscure origin. Messages were\npublished in the Moscow press from mass meetings in Ruthenian\ntowns demanding union of the province with the Ukrainian SSR,\nbut Red army authorities on the spot were reported to have remained\nstrictly aloof from this agitation. War and the Working Class on two\noccasions took Czech Foreign Minister Masaryk to task, once for\nsuggesting that his country might become a bridge between the\nSoviet Union and the West, once for reviving the idea of a Czech-\nPolish federation.\nThe entry of Soviet troops into Belgrade was the occasion for a\nmessage of gratitude and solidarity from Tito to Stalin, but in general\nYugoslavia received much less notice in the Press than normally.\nSubasic's Moscow visit passed almost unnoticed.\n6. In the ex-enemy countries which have broken with Germany\nthe Soviets have been interested primarily in the prompt and complete\nfulfillment of the armistice terms and the purge of former Fascist\nand Collaborationist elements.\nIn contrast to its coolness toward Finland, the Soviet attitude\ntoward Bulgaria was one of warmth and approbation. The abject\nand servile submission of the Bulgarian delegates during the Armistice\nnegotiations, Soviet satisfaction with the Fatherland Front Govern-\nment and the enthusiasm with which purge measures were adopted\ncoupled with the traditional benevolence of the Russians for the Slav,\nBulgars and the strategic position of Bulgaria adjacent to British\noccupied Greece, combined to create for Bulgaria a place of special"
}