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But those dangers pale in comparison to those of the spiralling
arms race and a collision course towards war Since the beginning of
history, war had been mankind's constant companion. It has been the
rule, not the exception. Even a nation as young and as peace-loving
as our own has fought through eight wars. And three times in
the last two years and a half I have been required to report to you
as President that this nation and the Soviet Union stood on the
verge of direct military confrontation -- in Laos, in Berlin and
in Cuba.
A war today or tomorrow, if it led to nuclear war, would not
be
like any war in history. A full-scale nuclear exchange, lasting
less than 60 minutes, with the weapons now in existence, could wipe
out more than 300 million Americans, Europeans and Russians, as well
as untold numbers elsewhere. And the survivors, as Chairman Khrushchev
warned the Communist Chinese, "The survivors would envy the dead".
For
For they would inherit a world so devastated by explosions and poison
and fire that today we cannot even conceive of its horrors. So let
us try to turn the world from war. Letus make the most of this oppor=
tunity, and every opportunity, to reduce tension, to slow down the
perilous nuclear arms race, and to check the world's slide toward
final annihilation.
Second, this treaty can be a step towards freeing the world
from the fears and dangers of radioactive fall-out. Our own atmospheric
tests last year were conducted under conditions which restricted such
fall-out to an absolute minimum. But over the years the number and the
yield of weapons tested have rapidly increased and so have the radio-
active hazards fromsuch testing. Continued unrestricted testing by the
nuclear powers, joined in time by other nations which may be less adept
in limiting pollution, will increasingly contaminate the air that all of
us must breathe.
Even then, the number of children and grandchildren with cancer
in their bones, with leukemia in their blood, or with poison in their
lungs might seem statistically small to some, in comparison with
natural health hazards. But this is not a natural health hazard -- and
it is not a statistical issue. The loss of even one human life, or the
malformation of even one baby -- who may be born long after we are gone
should be of concern to us all. Our children and grandchildren a.re not
merely statistics toward which we can be indifferent.
Nor does this affect the nuclear powers alone. These tests
befoul the air of all men and all nations, the committed and the
uncommitted alike, without their knowledge and without their consent.
That is why the continuation of atmospheric testing causes so many
countries to regard all nuclear powers as equally evil; and we can hope
that its prevention will enable those countries to see the world more
clearly, while enabling all the world to breathe more easily.
Third, this treaty can be a step toward preventing the spread
of nuclear weapons to nations not now possessing them. During the next
several years, in addition to the four current nuclear powers, a small
but significant number of nations will have the intellectual, physical
and financial resources to produce both nuclear weapons and the means
of delivering them. In time it is estimated, many other nations will
have either this capacity or other ways of obtaining nuclear warheads,
even as missiles can be commercially purchased today.
I ask you to stop and think for a moment what it would mean
to have nuclear weapons in so many hands, in the hands of countries
large and small, stable and unstable, responsible and irresponsible,
scattered throughout the world. There would be no rest for anyone then,
no stability, no real security, and no chance of effective disarmament.
There would only be the increased chance of accidental war, and an
increased necessity for the great powers to involve themselves in what
otherwise would be local conflicts.
MORE
Document source description
This folder contains materials collected by the office of President John F. Kennedy's secretary, Evelyn Lincoln, concerning President Kennedy's radio and television address to the American people on the passage of a treaty banning atmospheric nuclear weapons tests, later known as the Partial Test Ban Treaty (PTBT) or Limited Test Ban Treaty (LTBT). In his speech the President explains that the treaty will strengthen national security, lessen the risk and fear of radioactive fallout, reduce world tension by encouraging further dialogue, and prevent acquisition of nuclear weapons by nations not currently possessing them. The President emphasizes that while the treaty does not eliminate the threat of nuclear war, a limited test ban is safer than an unlimited arms race. Materials in this folder include note cards, a draft by Special Counsel and speechwriter Theodore Sorensen, and press copies of the speech.
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"ocrText": "Page 4\nBut those dangers pale in comparison to those of the spiralling\narms race and a collision course towards war Since the beginning of\nhistory, war had been mankind's constant companion. It has been the\nrule, not the exception. Even a nation as young and as peace-loving\nas our own has fought through eight wars. And three times in\nthe last two years and a half I have been required to report to you\nas President that this nation and the Soviet Union stood on the\nverge of direct military confrontation -- in Laos, in Berlin and\nin Cuba.\nA war today or tomorrow, if it led to nuclear war, would not\nbe\nlike any war in history. A full-scale nuclear exchange, lasting\nless than 60 minutes, with the weapons now in existence, could wipe\nout more than 300 million Americans, Europeans and Russians, as well\nas untold numbers elsewhere. And the survivors, as Chairman Khrushchev\nwarned the Communist Chinese, \"The survivors would envy the dead\".\nFor\nFor they would inherit a world so devastated by explosions and poison\nand fire that today we cannot even conceive of its horrors. So let\nus try to turn the world from war. Letus make the most of this oppor=\ntunity, and every opportunity, to reduce tension, to slow down the\nperilous nuclear arms race, and to check the world's slide toward\nfinal annihilation.\nSecond, this treaty can be a step towards freeing the world\nfrom the fears and dangers of radioactive fall-out. Our own atmospheric\ntests last year were conducted under conditions which restricted such\nfall-out to an absolute minimum. But over the years the number and the\nyield of weapons tested have rapidly increased and so have the radio-\nactive hazards fromsuch testing. Continued unrestricted testing by the\nnuclear powers, joined in time by other nations which may be less adept\nin limiting pollution, will increasingly contaminate the air that all of\nus must breathe.\nEven then, the number of children and grandchildren with cancer\nin their bones, with leukemia in their blood, or with poison in their\nlungs might seem statistically small to some, in comparison with\nnatural health hazards. But this is not a natural health hazard -- and\nit is not a statistical issue. The loss of even one human life, or the\nmalformation of even one baby -- who may be born long after we are gone\nshould be of concern to us all. Our children and grandchildren a.re not\nmerely statistics toward which we can be indifferent.\nNor does this affect the nuclear powers alone. These tests\nbefoul the air of all men and all nations, the committed and the\nuncommitted alike, without their knowledge and without their consent.\nThat is why the continuation of atmospheric testing causes so many\ncountries to regard all nuclear powers as equally evil; and we can hope\nthat its prevention will enable those countries to see the world more\nclearly, while enabling all the world to breathe more easily.\nThird, this treaty can be a step toward preventing the spread\nof nuclear weapons to nations not now possessing them. During the next\nseveral years, in addition to the four current nuclear powers, a small\nbut significant number of nations will have the intellectual, physical\nand financial resources to produce both nuclear weapons and the means\nof delivering them. In time it is estimated, many other nations will\nhave either this capacity or other ways of obtaining nuclear warheads,\neven as missiles can be commercially purchased today.\nI ask you to stop and think for a moment what it would mean\nto have nuclear weapons in so many hands, in the hands of countries\nlarge and small, stable and unstable, responsible and irresponsible,\nscattered throughout the world. There would be no rest for anyone then,\nno stability, no real security, and no chance of effective disarmament.\nThere would only be the increased chance of accidental war, and an\nincreased necessity for the great powers to involve themselves in what\notherwise would be local conflicts.\nMORE"
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