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reward to others of violations attempted at that range. For
any tests which might be conducted so far out in space,
which cannot be conducted more easily and efficiently and
legally underground, would necessarily be of such a mag-
nitude that they would be extremely difficult to conceal.
We can also employ new devices to check on the testing of
smaller weapons in the lower atmosphere. Any violations,
moreover, involves, along with the risk of detection, the
end of the treaty and the worldwide consequences for the
violator.
Secret violations are possible and secret pre-
parations for a sudden withdrawal are possible, and, thus,
our own vigilance and strength must be maintained, as we
remain ready to withdraw and to resume all forms of testing,
if we must. But it would be a mistake to assume that this
treaty will be quickly broken. The gains of illegal testing
are obviously slight compared to their cost, and the hazard
of discovery, and the nations which have initialed and will
sign this treaty prefer it, in my judgment, to unrestricted
testing as a matter of their own self-interest, for these
nations, too, and all nations, have a stake in limiting the
arms race, in holding the spread of nuclear weapons, and
in breathing air that is not radioactive. While it may
be
theoretically possible to demonstrate the risks inherent
in any treaty, and such risks in this treaty are small, the
far greater risks to our security are the risks of unrestricted
testing, the risk of a nuclear arms race, the risk of new
nuclear powers, nuclear pollution, and nuclear war.
This limited test ban, in our most careful judgment,
is safer by far for the United States than an unlimited
nuclear arms race. For all these reasons, I am hopeful
that this Nation will promptly approve the limited test ban
treaty. There will, of course, be debate in the country and
in the Senate. The Constitution wisely requires the advice
and consent of the Senate to all treaties, and that consul-
tation has already begun. All this is as it should be. A
document which may mark an historic and constructive oppor-
tunity for the world deserves an historic and constructive
debate.
It is my hope that all of you will take part in
that debate, for this treaty is for all of us. It is par-
ticularly for our children and our grandchildren, and they
have no lobby here in Washington. This debate will involve
military, scientific, and political experts, but it must be
not left to them alone. The right and the responsibility are
yours.
If we are to open new doorways to peace, if we
are to seize this rare opportunity for progress, if we are
to be as bold and farsighted in our control of weapons as
we have been in their invention, then let us now show all
the world on this side of the wall and the other that a
strong America also stands for peace. There is no cause for
complacency,
We have learned in times past that the spirit of
one moment or place can be gone in the next. We have been
disappointed more than once, and we have no illusions now
MORE
Document source description
This folder contains materials collected by the office of President John F. Kennedy's secretary, Evelyn Lincoln, concerning President Kennedy's radio and television address to the American people on the passage of a treaty banning atmospheric nuclear weapons tests, later known as the Partial Test Ban Treaty (PTBT) or Limited Test Ban Treaty (LTBT). In his speech the President explains that the treaty will strengthen national security, lessen the risk and fear of radioactive fallout, reduce world tension by encouraging further dialogue, and prevent acquisition of nuclear weapons by nations not currently possessing them. The President emphasizes that while the treaty does not eliminate the threat of nuclear war, a limited test ban is safer than an unlimited arms race. Materials in this folder include note cards, a draft by Special Counsel and speechwriter Theodore Sorensen, and press copies of the speech.
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"ocrText": "Page 6\nreward to others of violations attempted at that range. For\nany tests which might be conducted so far out in space,\nwhich cannot be conducted more easily and efficiently and\nlegally underground, would necessarily be of such a mag-\nnitude that they would be extremely difficult to conceal.\nWe can also employ new devices to check on the testing of\nsmaller weapons in the lower atmosphere. Any violations,\nmoreover, involves, along with the risk of detection, the\nend of the treaty and the worldwide consequences for the\nviolator.\nSecret violations are possible and secret pre-\nparations for a sudden withdrawal are possible, and, thus,\nour own vigilance and strength must be maintained, as we\nremain ready to withdraw and to resume all forms of testing,\nif we must. But it would be a mistake to assume that this\ntreaty will be quickly broken. The gains of illegal testing\nare obviously slight compared to their cost, and the hazard\nof discovery, and the nations which have initialed and will\nsign this treaty prefer it, in my judgment, to unrestricted\ntesting as a matter of their own self-interest, for these\nnations, too, and all nations, have a stake in limiting the\narms race, in holding the spread of nuclear weapons, and\nin breathing air that is not radioactive. While it may\nbe\ntheoretically possible to demonstrate the risks inherent\nin any treaty, and such risks in this treaty are small, the\nfar greater risks to our security are the risks of unrestricted\ntesting, the risk of a nuclear arms race, the risk of new\nnuclear powers, nuclear pollution, and nuclear war.\nThis limited test ban, in our most careful judgment,\nis safer by far for the United States than an unlimited\nnuclear arms race. For all these reasons, I am hopeful\nthat this Nation will promptly approve the limited test ban\ntreaty. There will, of course, be debate in the country and\nin the Senate. The Constitution wisely requires the advice\nand consent of the Senate to all treaties, and that consul-\ntation has already begun. All this is as it should be. A\ndocument which may mark an historic and constructive oppor-\ntunity for the world deserves an historic and constructive\ndebate.\nIt is my hope that all of you will take part in\nthat debate, for this treaty is for all of us. It is par-\nticularly for our children and our grandchildren, and they\nhave no lobby here in Washington. This debate will involve\nmilitary, scientific, and political experts, but it must be\nnot left to them alone. The right and the responsibility are\nyours.\nIf we are to open new doorways to peace, if we\nare to seize this rare opportunity for progress, if we are\nto be as bold and farsighted in our control of weapons as\nwe have been in their invention, then let us now show all\nthe world on this side of the wall and the other that a\nstrong America also stands for peace. There is no cause for\ncomplacency,\nWe have learned in times past that the spirit of\none moment or place can be gone in the next. We have been\ndisappointed more than once, and we have no illusions now\nMORE"
}