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THE SUN; BALTIMORE, FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 14, 1963
Much of this program now façes a
B° ling the key to success or failure
Politics
future more questionable than at the
in an anti-filubuster move are a number
outset.
of Republican senators who seldom
TO his credit. the President was quick
catch the public eye. A cloture petition
and
to recognize and fast to act upon the
at the beginning of the present session
grave developments growing out of
to try to get a vota on limiting au
People
Birmingham. The controlled anger in
busters disclosed fifteen Republicans
the Negro community ecupted and that
in the pro-filibuster ranks. Most of
By THOMAS O'NEILL
community's leadership found itse)f
these represent states where civil rights
running to catch up with the rank and
are an abstract issue in the abseace
Testing Time
file, which was no longer receptive to.
of large racial minorities, and they can
Washington.
ward gradual advance and the cultiva-
make the choice in relative freedom
Marse Bull Connor's police dogs in
tion of goodwill. With no sign of re-
from considerations of personal polit-
Birzingham are back in their kennels
gret, Mr. Kennedy put aside the care.
ical consequences.
but their mischief spreads and the
fully drawn schedule of Administration
More pertinent to the decision of
product includes a President of the
legislative wishes and dared the light-
these Republicans is the effect they
United States on trial as an effective
ning by insisting upon meaningful re
foresee on GOP fortunes in Dbxie, and
political leader, the Democratic Ad-
plies to legitimate Negro demands.
this 10 turn has to do with how they
ministration's legislative schedule up-
Answering fre was prompt. Enough
view the contest for the Republicas
set and junked, and the minority party
southerners in the House changed
Presidential nomination. Hopes for the
in Congress confronted by ao unpleas-
sides to bring defeat le the Administra-
South would wane with a Rockefeller
ant choice having a direct hearing on
tion's depressed areas btl. a measure
or Rampey, blossom with a Gold-
their hopes in the next national elec-
which held prospective benefits for
water. Most of those concurned are
tion. It is indeed a weighty package
Negroes among the unemployed. More
Goldwater men.
brought together by a small-bore poll.
of the same is ahead, as well as a
tician who was already a lame duck.
legislative slowdown to delay the ap-
History must record Birmingham as
pearance of the civil rights issue.
the crisis point at which peaceful social
President Kennedy's major problem
protest changed to violent social revo-
will be to get the rights bill to a vote.
lution. The accumulated grievances of
A possible snag along the way appears
nearly a century of slow progress or
in the coalition within the House Rules
none at all exploded there.
Committee, a surer obstacle in a Sett-
Senator Paul Douglas points out that
ate filibuster. Congressional Republi-
the fuse detonating today's explosions
cans have problems of their own. The
was touched of in 1877. That was the
party cherishes hopes of significant in-
effective year of the gentlemen's agree-
roads into the South for their Presi-
ment ending reconstruction processes
dential nominee, hopes that will be at
in the defeated South and mothballing
stake in the decision between backing
the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend-
the President on rights or giving aid
ments as the pay-off for the deal that
and comfort to the embattled Soutbero
delivered the Presidency to Ruther
Democrats.
ford B. Hayes. Only within the past
decade has the human rights guarantee
Without Republican aid the Admin-
in those amendments to the Constitu-
istration can have no hope a. shutting
tion been rediscovered. Even now,
off a Senate filibuster by bivoking clo-
Y
Congress has refused to come to grips
ture, a motion requiring a two-thirds
a
with the unresolved problems. Presi-
vote. All chance of a favorable vote
dent Kennedy is determined that it
would be gone if the Negro leadership
A
shall, and the judgment to be made
should adopt the reckless suggestion
of his Administration may well rest
of a campaign el civil disobedience in
upon the extent to which he is able to
the capital as a means of putting pres-
makse that purpose stick.
sure on the Senate. Such a campaign
would be sure to backfire, and as
urgent Administration task is to see
Mr. Kennedy's method of aperation
that the notion- is dropped.
beretofore has been the coddling of
Congress, sparing it harsh choices in
the interest of advancing legislation
to which he assigned priority. It was a
method that created much criticism
from the activists among his backers,
a criticism that grew at times into un-
fiattering appraisals of the President's
capacity for leadership that carried
more than a hint of the do-nothing
complaints against his inert predeces-
sor, General Eisenbower. Mr. Kennedy
was well aware of what was being said
but held to the course that promised
best. results toward legislation be ac-
counted most urgent, tax reduction for
one.
Document source description
This file contains materials collected by the office of President John F. Kennedy's secretary, Evelyn Lincoln, concerning President Kennedy's radio and television address on civil rights. In his speech the President responds to the threats of violence and obstruction on the University of Alabama campus following desegregation attempts, explaining that the United States was founded on the principle that all men are created equal and thus, all American students are entitled to attend public educational institutions, regardless of race. He also discusses how discrimination affects education, public safety, and international relations, noting that the country cannot preach freedom internationally while ignoring it domestically. The President asks Congress to enact legislation protecting all Americans' voting rights, legal standing, educational opportunities, and access to public facilities, but recognizes that legislation alone cannot solve the country's problems concerning race relations. Materials in this folder include a memorandum, drafts by Special Counsel and speechwriter Theodore Sorensen with handwritten notations by the President, in addition to copies of newspaper clippings concerning civil rights articles and notes of suggested remarks handwritten by Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy.
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Document data
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- Type
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DTO data
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Context sent to Scholar
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"ocrText": "THE SUN; BALTIMORE, FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 14, 1963\nMuch of this program now façes a\nB° ling the key to success or failure\nPolitics\nfuture more questionable than at the\nin an anti-filubuster move are a number\noutset.\nof Republican senators who seldom\nTO his credit. the President was quick\ncatch the public eye. A cloture petition\nand\nto recognize and fast to act upon the\nat the beginning of the present session\ngrave developments growing out of\nto try to get a vota on limiting au\nPeople\nBirmingham. The controlled anger in\nbusters disclosed fifteen Republicans\nthe Negro community ecupted and that\nin the pro-filibuster ranks. Most of\nBy THOMAS O'NEILL\ncommunity's leadership found itse)f\nthese represent states where civil rights\nrunning to catch up with the rank and\nare an abstract issue in the abseace\nTesting Time\nfile, which was no longer receptive to.\nof large racial minorities, and they can\nWashington.\nward gradual advance and the cultiva-\nmake the choice in relative freedom\nMarse Bull Connor's police dogs in\ntion of goodwill. With no sign of re-\nfrom considerations of personal polit-\nBirzingham are back in their kennels\ngret, Mr. Kennedy put aside the care.\nical consequences.\nbut their mischief spreads and the\nfully drawn schedule of Administration\nMore pertinent to the decision of\nproduct includes a President of the\nlegislative wishes and dared the light-\nthese Republicans is the effect they\nUnited States on trial as an effective\nning by insisting upon meaningful re\nforesee on GOP fortunes in Dbxie, and\npolitical leader, the Democratic Ad-\nplies to legitimate Negro demands.\nthis 10 turn has to do with how they\nministration's legislative schedule up-\nAnswering fre was prompt. Enough\nview the contest for the Republicas\nset and junked, and the minority party\nsoutherners in the House changed\nPresidential nomination. Hopes for the\nin Congress confronted by ao unpleas-\nsides to bring defeat le the Administra-\nSouth would wane with a Rockefeller\nant choice having a direct hearing on\ntion's depressed areas btl. a measure\nor Rampey, blossom with a Gold-\ntheir hopes in the next national elec-\nwhich held prospective benefits for\nwater. Most of those concurned are\ntion. It is indeed a weighty package\nNegroes among the unemployed. More\nGoldwater men.\nbrought together by a small-bore poll.\nof the same is ahead, as well as a\ntician who was already a lame duck.\nlegislative slowdown to delay the ap-\nHistory must record Birmingham as\npearance of the civil rights issue.\nthe crisis point at which peaceful social\nPresident Kennedy's major problem\nprotest changed to violent social revo-\nwill be to get the rights bill to a vote.\nlution. The accumulated grievances of\nA possible snag along the way appears\nnearly a century of slow progress or\nin the coalition within the House Rules\nnone at all exploded there.\nCommittee, a surer obstacle in a Sett-\nSenator Paul Douglas points out that\nate filibuster. Congressional Republi-\nthe fuse detonating today's explosions\ncans have problems of their own. The\nwas touched of in 1877. That was the\nparty cherishes hopes of significant in-\neffective year of the gentlemen's agree-\nroads into the South for their Presi-\nment ending reconstruction processes\ndential nominee, hopes that will be at\nin the defeated South and mothballing\nstake in the decision between backing\nthe Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend-\nthe President on rights or giving aid\nments as the pay-off for the deal that\nand comfort to the embattled Soutbero\ndelivered the Presidency to Ruther\nDemocrats.\nford B. Hayes. Only within the past\ndecade has the human rights guarantee\nWithout Republican aid the Admin-\nin those amendments to the Constitu-\nistration can have no hope a. shutting\ntion been rediscovered. Even now,\noff a Senate filibuster by bivoking clo-\nY\nCongress has refused to come to grips\nture, a motion requiring a two-thirds\na\nwith the unresolved problems. Presi-\nvote. All chance of a favorable vote\ndent Kennedy is determined that it\nwould be gone if the Negro leadership\nA\nshall, and the judgment to be made\nshould adopt the reckless suggestion\nof his Administration may well rest\nof a campaign el civil disobedience in\nupon the extent to which he is able to\nthe capital as a means of putting pres-\nmakse that purpose stick.\nsure on the Senate. Such a campaign\nwould be sure to backfire, and as\nurgent Administration task is to see\nMr. Kennedy's method of aperation\nthat the notion- is dropped.\nberetofore has been the coddling of\nCongress, sparing it harsh choices in\nthe interest of advancing legislation\nto which he assigned priority. It was a\nmethod that created much criticism\nfrom the activists among his backers,\na criticism that grew at times into un-\nfiattering appraisals of the President's\ncapacity for leadership that carried\nmore than a hint of the do-nothing\ncomplaints against his inert predeces-\nsor, General Eisenbower. Mr. Kennedy\nwas well aware of what was being said\nbut held to the course that promised\nbest. results toward legislation be ac-\ncounted most urgent, tax reduction for\none."
}