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    "title": "Special message to Congress on urgent national needs, 25 May 1961",
    "description": "This file contains materials collected by the office of President John F. Kennedy's secretary, Evelyn Lincoln, concerning President Kennedy's urgent message to Congress. In his address the President argues for increased defense spending and support for the nation's space program. Materials in this folder include a draft, press copies and a reading copy of the speech.",
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    "ocrText": "FOR RELEASE AT 12:30 P.M. (E.D.T.)\nMAY 25, 1961\nNOTICE: There should be no premature release of this message to Congress,\nnor should its contents be paraphrased, alluded to or hinted at in earlier\nstories. There is a total embargo on this speech until 12:30 p.m., May 25,\n1961, which includes any and all references to any material in this\nmessage.\nPierre Salinger\nPress Secretary to the President\nTHE WHITE HOUSE\nSPECIAL MESSAGE BY THE PRESIDENT ON URGENT NATIONAL\nNEEDS\nTO A JOINT SESSION OF THE CONGRESS (As Actually Delivered)\nMr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, my co-partners in government,\nGentlemen and Ladies: The Constitution imposes upon me the obligation\nto \"from time to time give to the Congress information of the State\non the Union\". While this has traditionally been interpreted as an annual\naffair, this tradition has been broken in extraordinary times.\nThese are extraordinary times. And we face an extraordinary challenge.\nOur strength as well as our convictions have imposed upon this nation the\nrole of leader in freedom's cause.\nNo role in history could be more difficult or more important. We stand for\nfreedom. That is our conviction for ourselves that is our only\ncommitment to others. No friend, no neutral and no adversary should think\notherwise. We are not against any man or any nation or any system --\nexcept as it is hostile to freedom. Nor amIhere to present a new military\ndoctrine, bearing any one name or aimed at any one area. I am here to\npromote the freedom doctrine.\nI.\nThe great battleground for the defense and expansion of freedom today is the\nwhole southern half of the globe Asia, Latin America, Africa and the\nMiddle East the lands of the rising peoples. Their revolution is the\ngreatest in human history. They seek an end to injustice, tyranny, and\nexploitation. More than an end, they seek a beginning.\nAnd theirs is a revolution which we would support regardless of the Cold\nWar, and regardless of which political or economic route they should cloose\nto freedom.\nFor the adversaries of freedom did not create the revolution; nor did they\ncreate the conditions which compel it. But they are seeking to ride the\ncrest of its wave -- to capture it for themselves.\nYet their aggression is more often concealed than open. They have fired no\nmissiles; and their troops are seldom seen. They send arms, agitators,\naid, technicians and propaganda to every troubled area. But where fighting\nis required, it is usually done by others by guerrillas striking at night,\nby assassins striking alone assassins who have taken the lives of four\nthousand civil officers in the last twenve months in Vietnam alone --\nby subversives and saboteurs and insurrectionists, who in some cases\ncontrol whole areas inside of independent nations.\nMORE\n-2-\nWith these formidable weapons, the adversaries of freedom plan to\nconsolidate their territory to exploit, to control, and finally to destroy\nthe hopes of the world's newest nations; and they have ambitions to do it\nbefore the end of this decade. It is a contest of will and purpose as well\nas force and violence a battle for minds and souls as well as lives and\nterritory. And in that contest, we cannot stand aside.\nWe stand, as we have always stood from our earliest beginnings, for the\nindependence and equality of nations. This nation was born of revolution and\nraised in freedom. And we do not intend to leave an open road for despotism.\nThere is no single simple policy which meets this challenge. Experience\nhas taught us that no one nation has the power or the wisdom to solve all\nthe problems of the world or manage its revolutionary tides that\nextending our commitments does not always increase our security that any\ninitiative carries with it the risk of a temporary defeat that nuclear\nweapons cannot prevent subversion that no free peoples can be kept free\nwithout will and energy of their own and that no two nations or situations\nare exactly alike.\nYet there is much we can do and must dc. The proposals I bring\nbefore you are num erous and varied. They arise from the host of special\nopportunities and dangers which have become increasingly clear in recent\nmonths. Taken together, I believe that they can mark another step forward\nin our efforts as a people. I am here to ask the help of this Congress and\nthe nation in approving these necessary measures.\nII, Economic and Social Progress at Home\nThe first and basic task confronting this nation this year was to turn recession\ninto recovery. An affirmative anti-recession program, initiated with\nyour cooperation, supported the natural forces in the private sector; and\nour economy is now enjoying renewed confidence and energy. The recession\nhas been halted. Recovery is under way.\nBut the task of abating unemployment and achieving a full use of our\nresources does remain a serious challenge for us all. Large-scale\nunemployment during a recession is bad enough large-scale unemployment\nduring a period of prosperity would be intolerable.\nI am therefore transmitting to the Congress a new Manpower Development and\nTraining program, to train or retrain several hundred thousand workers\nparticularly in those areas where we have seen chronic unemployment as\na result of technological factors and new occupational skills over a four-year\nperiod, in order to replace those skills made obsolete by automation and\nindustrial change with the new skills which the new processes demand.\nIt should be a satisfaction to us all that we have made great strides in\nrestoring world confidence in the dollar, halting the outflow of gold and\nimproving our balance of payments. During the last two months, our\ngold stocks actually increased by seventeen million dollars, compared to a\nloss of 635 million dollars during the last two months of 1960. We must\nmaintain this progress and this will require the cooperation and restraint\nof everyone. As recovery progresses, there will be temptations to seek\nunjustified price and wage increases. These we cannot afford. They will\nonly handicap our efforts to compete abroad and to achieve full recovery\nhere at home. Labor and management must and I am confident that they\nwill pursue responsible wage and price policies in these critical times.\nI look to the President's Advisory Committee on Labor-Management Policy\nto give a strong lead in this direction.\nMORE\n-3-\nMoreover, if the budget deficit now increased by the needs of our security\nis to be held within manageable proportions, it will be necessary to hold\ntightly to prudent fiscal standards; and I request the cooperation of the\nCongress in this regard to refrain from adding funds or programs,\ndesirable as they may be, to the Budget -- to end the postal deficit, as my\npredecessor also recommended, through increased rates -- a deficit\nincidentally, this year, which exceeds the fiscal year 1962 cost of all the\nspace and defense measures that I am submitting today -- to provide full\npay-as-you-go highway financing and to close those tax loopholes earlier\nspecified. Cur security and progress cannot be cheaply purchased; and their\nprice must be found in what we all forego as well as what we all must pay.\nIII. Economic and Social Progress Abroad\nI stress the strength of our economy because it is essential to the strength\nof our nation. And what is true in our case is true in the case of other\ncountries. Their strength in the struggle for freedom depends on the\nstrength of their economic and their social progress.\nWe would be badly mistaken to consider their problems in military terms\nalone. For no amount of arms and armies can help stabilize those govern-\nments which are unable or unwilling to achieve social and economic reform\nand development. Military pacts cannot help nations whose social injustice\nand economic chaos invite insurgency and penetration and subversion.\nThe most skillful counter-guerrilla efforts cannot succeed where the local\npopulation is too caught up in its own misery to be concerned about the\nadvance of communism.\nBut for those who share this view, we stand ready now, as we have in the\npast, to provide generously of our skills, and our capital, and our food to\nassist the peoples of the less-developed nations to reach their goals in\nfreedom to help them before they are engulfed in crisis.\nThis is also our great opportunity in 1961. If we grasp it, then subversion to\nprevent its success is exposed as an unjustifiable attempt to keep these\nnations from either being free or equal. But if we do not pursue it, andif they\ndo not pursue it, the bankruptcy of unstable governments, one by one,\nand of unfulfilled hopes will surely lead to a series of totalitarian\nreceiverships.\nMORE\n-4-\nEarlier in the year, I outlined to the Congress a new program for aiding\nemerging nations; and it is my intention to transmit shortly draft legislation\nto implement this program, to establish a new Act for International Develop-\nment, and to add to the figures previously requested, in view of the swift\npace of critical events, an additional 250 million dollars for a Presidential\nContingency Fund, to be used only upon a Presidential determination in each\ncase, with regular and complete reports to the Congress in each case, when\nthere is a sudden and extraordinary drain upon our regular funds which we\ncannot foresee as illustrated by recent events in Southeast Asia -- and it\nmakes necessary the use of this emergency reserve. The total amount\nrequested now raised to 2.65 billion dollars -- is both minimal and crucial.\nI do not see how anyone who is concerned as we all are about the grow-\ning threats to freedom around the globe and is asking what more we can do\nas a people can weaken or oppose the single most important program\navailable for building the frontiers of freedom.\nIV.\nAll that I have said makes it clear that we are engaged in a world-wide struggle\nin which we bear a heavy burden to preserve and promote the ideals that we\nshare with all mankind, or have alien ideals forced upon them. That struggle\nhas highlighted the role of our Information Agency. It is essential that the\nfunds previously requested for this effort be not only approved in full, but in-\ncreased by 2 million, 400 thousand, to a total just 121 million dollars.\nThis new request is for additional radio and television to Latin America and\nSoutheast Asia. These tools are particularly effective and essential in the cities\nand villages of those great continents as a means of reaching millions of un-\ncertain peoples to tell them of our interest in their fight for freedom. In Latin\nAmerica, we are proposing to increase our Spanish and Portuguese broadcasts\nto a total of 154 hours a. week, compared to 42 hours, today none of which is in\nPortuguese, the language of about one-third of the people of South America.\nThe Soviets, Red Chinese and satellites already broadcast into Latin America\nmore than 134 hours a week in Spanish and Portuguese. Communist China\nalone does more public information broadcasting in our own hemisphere than\nwe do. Moreover, powerful propaganda broadcasts from Havana, now are\nheard throughout Latin America, encouraging new revolutions in several\ncountries.\nSimilarly, in Laos, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Thailand, we must communicate\nour determination and support to those upon whom our hopes for resisting the\ncommunist tide in that continent ultimately depend. Our interest is in the\ntruth.\nV. Our Partnevship for Self-defense\nBut while we talk of sharing and building and the competition of ideas, others\ntalk of arms and threaten war. So we have learned to keep our defenses\nstrong -- and to cooperate with others in a partnership of self-defense. The\nevents of recent weeks have caused us to look anew at these efforts.\nThe center of freedom's defense is our network of world alliances, extending\nfrom NATO, recommended by a Democratic President and approved by a\nRepublican Congress, to SEATO, recommended by a Republican President and\napproved by a Democratic Congress. These alliances were constructed in the\n1940's and 1950's -- it is our task and responsibility in the 60's to strengthen them.\nTo meet the changing conditions of power, and power relationships have\nchanged, we have endorsed an increased emphasis on NATO conventional\nstrength. At the same time we are affirming our conviction that the NATO\nnuclear deterrent must also be kept strong. I have made clear our intention\nto commit to the NATO command, for this purpose, the 5 POLARIS submarines\noriginally suggested by President Eisenhower, with the possibility, if needed,\nof more to come.\nMORE\n-5-\nSecond, a major part of our partnership for self-defense is the Military\nAssistance Program. The main burden of local defense against local attack,\nsubversion, insurrention or guerrilla warfare must of necessity rest with\nlocal forces. Where these forces have the necessary will and capacity to\ncope with such threats, our intervention is rarely necessary or helpful.\nWhere the will is present and only capacity is lacking, our Military Assistance\nProgram can be of help.\nBut this program, like economic assistance, needs a new emphasis. It\ncannot be extended without regard to the social, political and military reforms\nessential to internal respect and stability. The equipment and training\nprovided must be tailored to legitimate local needs and to our own foreign\nand military policies, not to our supply of military stocks or a local leader's\ndesire for military display. And military assistance can, in addition to its\nmilitary purposes, make a contribution to economic progress, as do our own\nArmy Engineers.\nIn an earlier message, I requested 1.6 billion dollars for Military Assistance,\nstating that this would maintain existing force levels, but that I could not\nforesee how much more might be required. It is now clear that this is not\nenough. The present crisis in Southeast Asia, on which the Vice President\nhas made a valuable report the rising threat of Communism in Latin\nAmerica the increasing arms traffic in Africa and all the new pressures\non every nation found on the map by tracing your finger along the borders of\nthe Communist bloc in Asia and the Middle East -- all make clear the\ndimension of our needs.\nI therefore request the Congress to provide a total of 1.885 billion dollars for\nMilitary Assistance in the coming fiscal year -- an amount less than that\nrequested a year ago -- but a minimum which must be assured if we are to\nhelp those nations make secure their independence. This must be prudently\nand wisely spent and that will be our common endeavor. Military and\neconomic assistance has been a heavy burden on our citizens for a long time,\nand I recognize the strong pressures against it; but this battle is far from\nover, it is reaching a crucial stage, and I believe we should participate in it.\nWe cannot merely state our opposition to totalitarian advance without paying\nthe price of helping those now under the greatest pressures.\nVI. Our 6wn Military and Intelligence Shield\nIn line with these developments, I have directed a further reinforcement of\nour own capacity to deter or resist non-nuclear aggression. In the conven-\ntional field, with one exception, I find no present need for large new levies\nof men. What is needed is rather a change of position to give us still further\nincreases in flexibility.\nTherefore, I am directing the Secretary of Defense to undertake a reorgani-\nzation and modernization of the Army's divisional structure, to increase its\nnon-nuclear firepower, to improve its tactical mobility in any environment,\nto insure its flexibility to meet any direct or indirect threat, to facilitate its\ncoordination with our major allies, and to provide more modern mechanized\ndivisions in Europeand bring our equipment up to date, and new airborne\nbrigades in both the Pacific and Europe.\nAnd secondly, I am asking the Congress for an additional 100 million dollars\nto begin the procurement task necessary to re-equip this new Army structure\nwith the most modern material. New helicopters, new armored personnel\ncarriers, and new howitzers, for example, must be obtained now.\nMORE\n⑉6⑉\nThird, I am directing the Secretary of Defense to expand rapidly and sub-\nstantially, in cooperation with our Allies, the orientation of existing forces\nfor the conduct of non-nuclear war, para-military operations and sub-limited\nor unconventional wars.\nIn addition, our special forces and unconventional warfare units will be\nincreased and reoriented. Throughout the services new emphasis must\nbe placed on the special skills and languages which are required to work\nwith local populations.\nFourth, The Army is developing plans to make possible a much more rapid\ndeployment of a major portion of its highly trained reserve forces. When\nthese plans are completed and the reserve is strenthened, two combat-\nequipped divisions, plus their supporting forces, a total of 89,000 men,\ncould be ready in an emergency for operations with but 3 weeks notice ---\n2 more divisions with but 5 weeks notice and six additional division and their\nsupporting forces, making a total of 10 divisions, could be deployable with\nless than 8 weeks notice. in short, these new plans will allow U.S to almost\ndouble the combat power of the Army in less than two months, compared to\nthe nearly nine months heretofore required.\nFifth, to enhance the already formidable ability of the Marine Corps to\nrespond to limited war emergencies, I am asking the Congress for 60 million\ndollars to increase Marine Corps strength to 190,000 men. This will increase\nthe initial impact and staying power of our three Marine divisions and three\nair wings, and provide a trained nucleus for further expansion, if necessary\nfor self-defense.\nFinally, to cite one other area of activities that are both legitimate and\nnecessary as a means of self-defense in an age of hidden perils, our whole\nintelligence effort must be reviewed, and its coordination with other elements\nof policy assured. The Congress and the American people are entitled to\nknow that we will institute whatever new organization, policies, and control\nare necessary.\nVII. Civil Defense\nOne major element of the national security program which this nation has\nnever squarely faced up to is civil defense. This problem arises not from\npresent trends but from national inaction in which most of U.S have partici-\npated. In the past decade we have intermittently considered a variety of\nprograms, but we have never adopted a consistent policy. Public considera-\ntion have been largely characterized by apathy, indifference and skepticism;\nwhile, at the same time, many of the civil defense plans have been so\nfar-reaching and unrealistic that they have not gained essential support.\nThis Administration has been looking hard at exactly what civil defense can\nand cannot do. It cannot be obtained cheaply. It cannot give an assurance\nof blast protection that will be proof against surprise attack or guaranteed\nagainst obsolescence or destruction. And it cannot deter a nuclear attack.\nWe will deter an enemy from making a nuclear attack only if our retaliatory\npower is so strong and so invulnerable that he knows he would be destroyed\nby our response. If we have that strength, civil defense is not needed to deter\nan attack. If we should ever lack it, civil defense would not be an adequate\nsubstitute.\nBut this deterrent concept assumes rational calculations by rational men.\nAnd the history of this planet, and particularly the history of the 20th century,\nis sufficient to remind us of the possibilities of an irrational attack, a\nMORE\n-7 -\nmiscalculation, an accidental war, or a war of escalation in which the stakes\nby each side gradually increase to the point of maximum danger which cannot\nbe either foreseen or deterred. It is on this basis that civil defense can be\nreadily justifiable - 20 as insurance for the civilian population in case of an\nenemy miscalculation. It is insurance we trust will never be needed -- but\ninsurance which we could never forgive our selves for foregoing in the event\nof catastrophe.\nOnce the validity of this concept is recognized, there is no point in delaying\nthe initiation of a nation-wide long-range program of identifying present\nfallent shelter capacity and providing shelter in new and existing structures.\nSuch a program would protect millions of people against the hazards of\nradioactive fallout in the event of a large-scale nuclear attack. Effective\nperformance of the entire program not only requires new legislative authority\nand more funds, but also sound organizational arrangements.\nTherefore, under the authority vested in me by Reorganization Plan No. 1\nof 1958, I am assigning responsibility for this program to the top\nMORE\n- 8 -\ncivilian authority already responsible for continental defense, the Secretary\nof Defense. It is important that this function remain civilian, in nature and\nleadership; and this feature will not be changed.\nThe Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization will be reconstituted as a small\nstaff agency to assist in the coordination of these functions. To more accur-\nately describe its role, its title should be changed to the Office of Emergency\nPlanning.\nAs soon as those newly charged with these responsibilities have prepared new\nauthorization and appropriation requests, such requests will be transmitted\nto the Congress for a much strengthened Federal-State civil defense program.\nSuch a program will provide Federal funds for identifying fallout shelter\ncapacity in existing structures, and it will include, where appropriate, in-\ncorporation of shelter in Federal buildings, new requirements for shelter\nin buildings constructed with Federal assistance, and matching grants and\nother incentives for constructing shelter in State and local and private buildings.\nFederal appropriations for civil defense in fiscal 1962 under this program will\nin all likelihood be more than triple the pending budget requests; and they will\nincrease sharply in subsequent years. Financial participation will also be re-\nquired from State and local governments and from private citizens. But no\ninsurance is cost-free; and every American citizen and his community must\ndecide for themselves whether this form of survival insurancelustifies the ex-\npenditure of effort, time and money. For myself, I am convinced that it\ndoes.\nVIII. Disarmament\nI cannot end this discussion of defense and armaments without emphasizing\nour strongest hope: the creation of an orderly world where disarmament will\nbe possible. Our arms do not prepare for war they are efforts to discourage\nand resist the adventures of others that could end in war.\nThat is why it is consistent with these efforts that we continue to press for\nproperly safeguarded disarmament measures. At Geneva, in cooperation\nwith the United Kingdom, we have put forward concrete proposals to make\nclear our wish to meet the Soviets half way in an effective nuclear test ban\ntreaty - the first significant but essential step on the road towards disarma-\nment. Up to now, their response has not been what we hoped, but Mr. Dean\nreturned last night to Geneva, and we intend to go the last mile in patience\nto secure this gain if we can.\nMeanwhile, we are determined to keep disarmament high on our agenda to\nmake an intensified effort to develop acceptable political and technical alter-\nnatives to the present arms race. To this end I shall send to the Congress a\nmeasure to establish a strengthened and enlarged Disarmament Agency.\nIX. Space\nFina lly, if we are to win the battle that is now going on around the world be-\ntween freedom and tyranny, the dr amatic achievements in space which OC-\ncurred in recent weeks should have made clear to us all, as did the Sputnik in\n1957, the impact of this adventure on the minds of men everywhere, who are\nattempting to make a determination of which road they should take. Since\nearly in my term, our efforts in space have been under review. With the ad-\nvice of the Vice President, who is Chairman of the National Space Council, we\nhave examined where we are strong and where we are not, where we may suc-\nceed and where we may not. Now it is time to take longer strides - time for\na great new American enterprise time for this nation to take a clearly\nleading role in space achievement, which in many ways may hold the key to our\nfuture on earth.\nMORE\n- 4 -\nI believe we possess all the resources and talents necessary. But the facts of\nthe matter are that we have never made the national decisions or marshalled\nthe national resources required for such leadership. We have never specified\nlong-range goals on an urgent time schedule, or managed our resources and\nour time so as to insure their fulfillment.\nRecognizing the head start obtained by the Soviets with their large rocket en-\ngines, which gives them man y months of lead-time, and recognizing the like-\nlihood that they will exploit this lead for some time to come in still more im-\npressive successes, we nevertheless are required to make new efforts on our\nown. For while we cannot guarantee that we shall one day be first, we can\nguarantee that any failure to make this effort will make us last. We take an\nadditional risk by making it in full view of the world but as shown by the\nfeat of astronaut Shepard, this very risk enhances our stature when we are\nsuccessful. But this is not merely a race. Space is open to us now; and our\neagerness to share its meaning is not governed by the efforts of others. We go\ninto space because whatever mankind must undertake, free men must fully share.\nI therefore ask the Congress, above and beyond the increases I have earlier\nrequested for space activities, to provide the funds which are needed to meet\nthe following national goals:\nFirst, I believe that this nation should commit itself to achieving the goal, be-\nfore this decade is out, of landing a man on the moon and returning him safely\nto the earth. No single space project in this period will be more impressive\nto mankind, or more important for the long-range exploration of space; and\nnone will be so difficult or expensive to accomplish. We propose to accerlate\ndevelopment of the appropriate lunar space craft. We propose to develop al-\nternate liquid and solid fuel boosters, much larger than any now being de-\nveloped, until certain which is superior. We propose additional funds for\nother engine development and for unmanned explorations explorations which\nare particularly important for one purpose which this nation will never over-\nlook: the survival of the man who first makes this daring flight. But in a very\nreal sense, it will not be one man going to the moon : if we make this\njudgment affirmatively, it will be an entire nation. For all of us must work to\nput him there.\nSecondly, an additional 23 million dollars, together with 7 million dollars al-\nready available, to accelerate development of the ROVER nuclear rocket. This\ngives promise of some day providing a means for even more exciting and am-\nbitious exploration of space, perhaps beyond the moon, perhaps to the very\nend of the solar system itself.\nThird, an additional 50 million dollars will make the most of our present lead-\nership, by accelerating the use of space satellites for world-wide communica-\ntions.\nFourth, an additional 75 million dollars -- of which 53 million dollars is for\nthe Weather Bureau will help give us at the earliest possible time a satel-\nlite system for world-wide weather observation.\n:.***\n-1\nLetit be clear. and this is a judgment which the Members of Congress must\nfinally make. let it be clear that I am asking the Congress and the country\nto accept a firm commitment to a new course of action -- a course which will\nlast for many years and carry very heavy costs of 531 million dollars in fiscal\n1962 an estimated seven to nine billion dollars additional over the next five\nyears. If we are to go only half way, or reduce our sights in the face of dif-\nficulty, in my judgment it would be better not to go at all.\nNow this is a choice which this country must make, and I am confident that\nunder the leadership\nof the Space Committees of the Congress,\nand the Appropriating Committees, that you will consider the matter carefully.\nMORE\n- 10 -\nIt is a most important decision that we make as a nation. But all of you have\nlived through the last four years and have seen the significance of space and\nthe adventures in space, and no one can predict with certainty what the ultimate\nmeaning will be of mastery of space.\nI believe we should go to the moon. But I think every citizen of this country\nas well as the Members of the Congress should consider the matter carefully\nin making their judgment, to which we have given attention over many weeks\nand months, because it is a heavy burden, and there is no sense in agreeing\nor desiring that the United States take an affirmative position in outer space,\nunless we are prepared to do the work and bear the burdens to make it success-\nful. It we are not, we should decide today and this year.\nThis decision demands a major national commitment of scientific and technical\nmanpower, material and facilities, and the possibility of their diversion from\nother important activities where they are already thinly spread. It means a\ndegree of dedication, organization and discipline which have not always\ncharacterized our research and development efforts. It means we cannot af-\nford undue work stoppages, inflated costs of material or talent, wasteful inter-\nagency rivalries, or a high turnover of key personnel.\nNew objectives and new money cannot solve these problems. They could in\nfact, aggravate them further unless every scientist, every engineer, every\nserviceman, every technician, contractor, and civil servant gives his personal\npledge that this nation will move forward, with the full speed of freedom, in\nthe exciting adventure of space.\nX. Conclusion\nIn conclusion, let me emphasize one point: It is not a pleasure for any Presi-\ndent of the United States, as I am sure it was not a pleasure for my predeces-\nsor, to come before the Congress and ask for new appropriations which place\nburdens on our people. I came to this conclusion with some reluctance. But\nin my judgment, this is a most serious time in the life of our country and in\nthe life of freedom around the globe, and it is the obligation, I believe, of the\nPresident of the United States to at least make his recommendations to the\nMembers of the Congress, so that they can reach their own conclusions with\nthat judgment before them. You must decide yourselves, as I have decided,\nand I am confident that whether you finally decide in the way that I have de-\ncided or not, your judgment -- as my judgment -- is reached on what is in the\nbest interests of our country.\nIn conclusion, let me emphasize one point: that we are detemined, as a nation\nin 1961 that freedom shall survive and succeed and whatever the peril and\nset-backs, we have some very large advantages.\nThe first is the simple fact that we are on the side of liberty - and since the\nbeginning of history, and particularly since the end of the Second World War,\nliberty has been winning out all over the globe.\nA second great asset is that we are not alone. We have friends and allies all\nover the world who share our devotion to freedom. May I cite as a symbol\nof traditional and effective friendship the great ally I am about to visit -France.\nI look forward to my visit to France, and to my discussion with a great Captain\nof the Western World, President de Gaulle, as a meeting of particular signifi-\ncance, permitting the kind of close and ranging consultation that will strengthen\nboth our countries and serve the common purposes of world-wide peace and\nliberty. Such serious conversations do not require a pale unanimity - they are\nrather the instruments of trust and understanding over a long road.\nMORE\n- 1L -\nA third asset is our desire for peace. It is sincere, and I believe the world\nknows it. We are proving it in our patience at the test-ban tabl,e, and we are\nproving it in the UN where our efforts have been directed to maintaining that\norganization's usefulness as a protector of the independence of small nations.\nIn these and other instances, the response of our opponents has not been en-\nC ouraging.\nYet is is important that they should know that our patience at the bargaining\ntable is nearly inexhaustible, though our credulity is limited that our hopes\nfor peace are unfailing, while our determination to protect our security is\nresolute. For these reasons I have long thought it wise to meet with the\nSoviet Premier for a personal exchange of views. A meeting in Vienna turned\nout to be convenient for us both; and the Austrian government has kindly made\nus welcome. No formal agenda is planned and no negotiation will be under-\ntaken; but we will make clear America's enduring concern is for both peace\nand freedom that we are anxious to live in harmony with the Russian people --\nthat we seek no conquests, no satellites, no riches. that we seek only the\nday when \"nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn\nwar any more. 11\nFinally, our greatest asset in this struggle is the American people - their\nwillingness to pay the price for these programs to understand and accept a\nlong struggle - to share their resources with other less fortunate peoples --\nto meet the tax levels and close the tax loopholes I have requested to\nexercise self-restraint instead of pushing up wages or prices, or over-\nproducing certain crops, or spreading military secrets, or urging unessential\nexpenditures or improper monopolies or harmful work stoppages to serve\nin the Peace Corps or the Armed Services or the Federal Civil Service or the\nCongress to strive for excellence in their schools, in their cities and in\ntheir physical fitness and that of their children to take part in Civil Defense\n-- to pay higher postal rates, and higher payroll taxes and higher teachers\nsalaries, in order to strengthen our society to show friendship to students\nand visitors from other lands who visit us and go back in many cases to be the\nfuture leaders, with an image of America -- and I want that image, and I know\nyou do, to be affirmative and positive and, finally, to practice democracy\nat home, in all States, with all races, to respect each other and to protect the\nConstitutional rights of all citizens.\nI have not asked for a single program which did not cause one or all Americans\nsome inconvenience, or some hardship, or some sacrifice. But they have re-\nsponded. and you in the Congress have responded to your duty - and I feel\nconfident in asking today for a similar response to these new and larger de-\nmands. It is heartening to know, as I journey abroad, that our country is\nunited in its commitment to freedom - and is ready to do its duty.\n########\nFOR RELEASE AT 12:30 P.M. (E.D.T.)\nMAY 25, 1961\nNOTICE: There should be no premature release of this message to Congress,\nnor should its contents be paraphrased, alluded to or hinted at in earlier\nstories. There is a total embargo on this speech until 12:30 p.m., May 25,\n1961, which includes any and all references to any material in this\nmessage.\nPierre Salinger\nPress Secretary to\nthe President\nTHE WHITE HOUSE\nSPECIAL MESSAGE ON URGENT NATIONAL NEEDS\nTO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:\nThe Constitution imposes upon me the obligation to \"from time to time give\nto the Congress information of the State of the Union\". While this has\ntraditionally been interpreted as an annual affair, this tradition has been\nbroken in extraordinary times.\nThese are extraordinary times. We face an extraordinary challenge. We\nface opportunities and adversaries that do not wait for annual addresses or\nfiscal years. This nation is engaged in a long and exacting test of the\nfuture of freedom a test which may well continue for decades to come.\nCur strength as well as our convictions have imposed upon this nation the\nrole of leader in freedom's cause.\nNo role in history could be more difficult or more important. It is not a\nnegative or defensive role -- it is a great positive adventure. We stand for\nfreedom. That is our conviction for ourselves that is our only commitment\nto others. No friend, no neutral and no adversary should think otherwise.\nWe are not against any man or any nation or any system -- except as\nit is hostile to freedom. Nor am I here to present a new military doctrine,\nbearing any one name or aimed at any one area. I am here to promote\nthe freedom doctrine.\nI.\nThe great battleground for the defense and expansion of freedom today is the\nwhole southern half of the globe -- Asia, Latin America, Africa and the\nMiddle East the lands of the rising peoples. Their revolution, the\ngreatest in human history, is one of peace and hope for freedom and\nequality, for order and independence. They seek an end to injustice,\ntyranny, and exploitation. More than end, they seek a beginning -- a jungle\nroad to bring a doctor when a child is ill a schoolhouse to unlock the\nmysteries of knowledge seed and fertilizer, jobs and food, a chance\nto live and be more than just alive.\nThose are the aims of their revolution, just as they were the aims of our\nrevolution. And theirs is a revolution which we would support regardless of\nthe Cold War, and regardless of which political or economic route they\nchoose to freedom.\nFor the adversaries of freedom did not create this revolution; nor did they\ncreate the conditions which compel it. But they are seeking to ride the crest\nof its wave -- to capture it for themselves -- to enthrall its peoples in the\nservitude of a new and relentless form of totalitarian imperialism.\nMORE\n-2-\nYet their aggression is more often concealed than open. They have fired no\nmissiles; and their troops are seldom seen. They send arms, agitators,\naid, technicians and propaganda to every troubled area. But where\nfighting is required, it is usually done by others by guerrillas striking\nat night, by assassins striking alone, by subversives and saboteurs and\ninsurrectionists, who in some cases control whole areas inside of\nindependent nations.\nThey possess a powerful intercontinental striking force, large forces for\nconventional war, a well-trained underground in nearly every country,\nthe power to conscript talent and manpower for any purpose, the capacity\nfor quick decisions, a closed society without dissent or free information,\nand long experience in the techniques of violence and subversion. They\nmake the most of their scientific successes, their economic progress and their\npose as a foe of colonialism and friend of popular revolution. They prey\non unstable or unpopular governments, unsealed or unknown boundaries,\nunfulfilled hopes, convulsive change, massive poverty, illiteracy, unrest\nand frustration.\nWith these formidable weapons, the adversaries of freedom plan to consolidate\ntheir territory to exploit, to control, and finally to destroy the hopes of\nthe world's newest nations. It is a contest of will and purpose as well\nas\nforce\nand\nviolence a battle for minds and souls as well as lives and\nterritory. And in that contest, we cannot stand aside.\nWe stand, as we have always stood, for the independence and equality of\nnations, We stand for a world of peace under law. We stand for the\ndemocratic revolution of social progress. We stand for diversity, honest\ndisagreements, and mutual respect. This nation was born of revolution\nand raised in freedom. And we do not intend to leave an open road to\ndespotism.\nBut the facts of the matter are that we in the West have not yet sufficiently\nmobilized our resources, demonstrated our aims, or inspired and supported\nthe necessary spirit of local reform to help these new revolutions find\nsuccess in constructive pursuits. Too often we have accepted a merely\ndefensive role. Too often we have let ourselves appear as friends of the\nstatus quo and the status quo may be $50 a year. Meanwhile the\npressures of the totalitarian conspiracy mount higher every day, as one nation\nafter another, by internal more often than external means, finds its\nfreedom under attack.\nThere is no single simple policy with which to meet this challenge. Exper-\ninece has taught us that no one nation has the power or the wisdom to\nsolve all the problems of the world or manage all its revolutionary tides --\nthat extending our commitments does not always increase our security --\nthat any initiative carries with it the risk of temporary defeat that\nnuclear weapons cannot prevent subversion that no free peoples can be\nkept free without will and energy of their own -- and that no two nations or\nsituations are exactly alike.\nYet there is much we can do. The proposals I bring before you today are\nnumerous and varied. They arise from the host of special opportunities\nand dangers which have become increasingly clear in recent months. Taken\ntogether they mark another step forward in our effort as a people Taken\ntogether they will help advance our own progress, encourage our friends\nand strengthen the opportunities for freedom and peace. I am here to\nask the help of this Congress and the nation in approving these necessary\nmeasures.\nMORE\n-3-\nII. Economic and Social Progress at Home\nThe ultimate source of our national strength is the quality and vitality of our\nown society. To sustain new efforts in world affairs and space to\ndemonstrate to all the success of freedom's way and to meet the needs\nof our own citizens when we are assisting others we need a growing,\nprosperous nation. I am not requesting additional taxes to finance the\nvery urgent requests I am making today -- for our present tax structure and\nresources are more than sufficient to support them without a budget deficit\nif our economy moves ahead. But we must make full use of our resources --\nhuman, scientific, and material giving priority to our most urgent\nnational needs.\nThe first and basic task confronting the nation this year was to turn\nrecession into recovery. An affirmative anti-recession program, initiated\nwith your cooperation, supported the natural forces in the private sector; and\nour economy is now enjoying renewed confidence and energy. The recession\nhas been halted. Recovery is under way.\nBut the task of abating unemployment and achieving a full use of our\nresources remains a serious challenge. Large-scale unemployment during\na recession is bad enough large-scale unemployment during recovery is\nintolerable to a free economy. It is a major social evil; it is a source of\nnational weakness. It will persist even as the nation's output surpasses\nprevious achievements, as I believe will be seen in the coming months\nThe government must consider additional long-range measures to curb this\nunemployment and increase our economic growth, if we are to sustain our full\nrole as world leaders. Measures to aid the unemployed, and to employ\nour jobless youth usefully, will be submitted shortly. I would stress one\nmeasure in particular today a measure of special importance in meeting\nthe occupational demands of new American leadership in space, aid, trade\nand defense,\nI am transmitting to the Congress a new Manpower Development and\nTraining program, to train or retrain several hundred thousand workers in\nnew occupational skills over a four-year period, in order to replace those\nskills made obsolete by automation and industrial change with the new skills\nwhich new processes demand. Supplementing current public and private\ntraining and education programs, such a measure, including subsistence\nand relocation allowances for the long-term unemployed, is a positive\nanswer to the challenge of technology.\nIn addition, full recovery and economic growth require sustained incr ases\nin investment: and these in turn depend on favorable monetary and credit\nconditions as well as the enactment of the investment tax credit incentive\nplan which I earlier submitted to the Congress. The lending capacity of the\nSmall Business Administration should be increased; and Federal action can\nhelp reduce the cost of the home-buyer's mortgage, Beyond this, the\nfull financial influence of the government must continue to be exerted in the\ndirection of general credit ease and further monetary growth while the\neconomy is recovering. Some further downward adjustments in interest\nrates, particularly those which have been slow to adjust in the recent\nrecession, are clearly desirable; and certainly to increase them would\nchoke off recovery.\nThese expansionary measures at a time of unemployment, unused capacity and\nstable price levels, are not inflationary. This is important, for we have\nmade great strides in restoring world confidence in the dollar, halting\nthe outflow of gold and improving our balance of payments. During the last\ntwo months, our gold stocks actually increased by $17 million, compared to a\nMORE\n-4-\nloss of $635 million during the last two months of 1960, We must maintain\nthis progress and this will require the cooperation and self-restraint\nof everyone. As recovery progresses, there will be temptations to seek\nunjustified price and wage increases, These we cannot afford. They would\nonly handicap our efforts to compete abroad and to achieve full recovery\nhere at home. Labor and management must and I am confident that they\nwill pursue responsible wage and price policies in these critical times.\nI look to the President's Advisory Committee on Labor-Management Policy\nto give a strong lead in this direction.\nMoreover, if the budget deficit now increased by the needs of our security\nis to be held within manageable proportions if we are to preserve our\nfiscal integrity and world confidence in the dollar it will be necessary to\nhold tightly to prudent fiscal standards; and I must request the cooperation\nof the Congress in this regard to refrain from adding funds 08 programs,\ndesirable as they may be, to the Budget to end the postal deficit through\nincreased rates (a deficit, incidentally, which exceeds the fiscal year 1962\ncost of all the space and defense measures I am submitting today) to\nprovide full pay-as-you-build highway financing and to close those tax\nloopholes earlier specified. Our security and progress cannot be cheaply\npurchased; and their price must be found in what we all forego as well as\nwhat we all must pay.\nIII. Economic and Social Progress Abroad\nI stress the strength of our economy because it is essential to our strength\nas a nation. And what is true in our case is true of other countries. Their\nstrength in the struggle for freedom depends on the strength of their economic\nand social progress. Their ability to resist imperialism from without and\nsubversion from within depends in large measure upon their capacity for\norderly political and economic growth.\nThis is particularly true in those less-developed countries that have become\nthe great arena of struggle. And that is why our response to their danger must\nbe essentially constructive. We want to generate hope in those countries,\nWe want to help them modernize their societies, broaden human opportunity\nand stand as equal partners in the community of free nations. We would be\nbadly mistaken to consider their problems in military terms alone.\nFor no amount of arms and armies can help stabilize those governments which\nare unable or unwilling to achieve social reform and economic development.\nMilitary pacts cannot help nations whose social injustice and economic chaos\ninvite insurgency and penetration and subversion. The most skillful counter-\nguerrilla efforts available cannot succeed where the local population is too\ncaught up in its own misery to be concerned about the advance of communism.\nOn the other hand, no amount of subversive activity can corrupt a nation\nworking with confidence for a better society, under leadership it trusts, and\nwith increasing participation by all in the benefits of new development.\nThis is our concept. We stand ready now to provide generously of our skills,\nour capital, and our food to assist the peoples of the less-developed nations\nto reach their goals and to help them before they are engulfed in crisis.\nThis is also our great opportunity. If we grasp it, then subversion to prevent\nits success es exposed as an unjustifiable attempt to keep these nations from\nbeing either free or equal. But if we do not pursue it, the bankruptcy of\nunstable governments and unfulfilled hopes will surely lead to a series of\ntotalitarian receiverships.\nMORE\n-5-\nEarlier in the year, I outlined to the Congress a new program for aiding\nemerging nations; and it is my intention to transmit shortly draft legislation\nto implement this program, to establish a new Act for International Develop-\nment (AID), and to add to the figures previously requested, in view of the\nswift pace of critical events, an additional $250 million for a Presidential\nContingency Fund, to be used only upon a Presidential determination in each\ncase that a sudden and extraordinary drain of regular funds as illustrated\nby recent events in Southeast Asia makes necessary the use of this\nemergency reserve. I make this additional request because of my conviction\nthat in these uncertain times we must have the flexibility to respond to new,\nbut as yet unknown, crises and opportunities. The total amount requested\nnow raised to $2.65 billion is both minimal and crucial. I do not see how\nanyone who is concerned about the growing threats to freedom around the\nworld and who is asking what more we can do can weaken or oppose the\nsingle most important program available for building the frontiers of freedom.\nOur hopes for the Latin American Alliance for Progress our hopes for\nimproving the excellent start toward planned development that has been made\nin a. number of countries our hopes for frustrating alien propaganda and\nsubversion by creating a climate for peaceful progress and our hopes for\nconvincing the other industrialized nations to increase their role in this\nendeavor all depend upon Congress enacting the full amount of funds and,\nof equal importance, the long-term borrowing authority which I have requested.\nLet me stress there are many bright spots in this picture. With the very\nconvincing help of the Congress, the Latin American Alliance for Progress\nis about to be launched successfully. Our great partner to the North, who\nreceived my wife and me so generously, is indicating renewed interest. Our\ngood neighbors to the South are making major strides to build the bulwarks\nof freedom economic and social progress against the further encroach-\nment of Communism. Other less-developed nations are recognizing the need\nfor greater effort and reform on their own behalf and other NATO allies\nare indicating their willingness to help make this decade of progress a\nturning-point. There is much to be done but we are not alone.\nIV.\nAll that I have said makes it clear that we are engaged in a world-wide\nstruggle to preserve and promote the ideals we share with all mankind, or\nhave alien ideals forced upon us. That struggle has highlighted the role of\nthe U. S. Information Agency our primary organ for disseminating informa-\ntion overseas. This activity assumes critical importance at different times\nand in different places and we must be able to respond quickly. It is essential\nthat the funds previously requested for this effort be not only approved in full,\nbut increased to total just over $121 million.\nThis new request is for additional radio and television in Latin America and\nSoutheast Asia. These tools are particularly effective in the cities and\nvillages of those great continents as a means of reaching millions of uncertain\npeoples to tell them of our confidence in freedom. In Latin America, we are\nproposing to increase our Spanish and Portuguese broadcasts to a total of 22154\nhours a week, compared to today (none of which is in Portuguese, the\nlanguage of about one-third of the people of South America.) The Soviets,\nRed Chinese and satellites already broadcast into Latin America more than\n134 hours a week in Spanish and Portuguese. Communist China alone does\nmore public information broadcasting in our own hemisphere than we do.\nPowerful propaganda broadcasts from Havana, now heard throughout Latin\nAmerica, are enccuraging new revolutions in several countries; and our\nefforts to isolate and counter this menace require increased efforts to convey\nthroughout the Americas the true nature of Communist objectives in this\nhemisphere. To strengthen all of Latin America, we need the widest possible\nappreciation of our Alianza para Progreso, and its meaning to poverty-strick-\nen peoples.\nMORE\n-6-\nSimilarly, in Laos, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Thailand, we must communicate\nour determination and support to those upon whom our hopes for resisting the\ncommunist tide in that continent must ultimately rest. Our interest is solely\nin the truth the truth that will make men free.\nV. Our Partnership for Self-defense\nBut while we talk of sharing and building and the competition of ideas, others\ntalk of arms and threaten war. So we have learned to keep cur defenses\nstrong and to cooperate with others in a partnership of self-defense. The\nevents of recent weeks have caused us to look anew at these efforts.\n1. The center of freedom's defense is our network of world alliances,\nextending from NATO, approved by a Democratic President and 2 Republican\nCongress, to SEATO, approved by a Republican President and a Democratic\nCongress. These alliances were constructed in the 1940's and 1950's it\nis our task in the 60's to strengthen them.\nTo meet the changing conditions of power, we have endorsed an increased\nemphasis on NATO conventional strength. At the same time we are affirm-\ning our conviction that the NATO nuclear deterrent must also be kept strong.\nI have made clear our intention to commit to the NATO command, for this\npurpose, the 5 POLARIS submarines criginally suggested by President Eisen-\nhower, with the possibility of more to come. Our will and our capacity to\nresist all types of aggression in the NATO treaty area should be clear beyond\npossibility of miscalculation; and if they so remain, I am certain there will\nbe no such attack.\n2, A major part of our partnership for self-defense is the Military Assistano\nProgram. The defense of freedom must rest upon effective combining of the\nefforts of local forces with our own plans and assistance. In areas directly\nthreatened by overt invasion, local forces must have the capacity to hold\nback an aggressor until help can be provided. The main burden of local\ndefense against local attack, subversion, insurrection or guerrilla warfare\nmust of necessity rest on local forces. Where these forces have the\nnecessary will and capacity to cope with such threats, our intervention is\nrarely necessary or helpful. Where the will is present and only capacity is\nlacking, our Military Assistance Program can be of help.\nBut this program, like economic assistance, needs a new emphasis. It can-\nnot be extended without regard to the social, political and military reforms\nessential to internal respect and stability. The equipment and training\nprovided must be tailored to legitimate local needs and to our own foreign\nand military policies, not to our supply of military stocks or a local\nleader's desire for military display. And military assistance can, in\naddition to its military purposes, make a contribution to economic progress.\nThe domestic works of our own Army Engineers are an example of the role\nwhich military forces in the emerging countries can play in village develop-\nment, sanitation and road building. Thus, while kept separate from our\neconomic assistance, this program must be closely coordinated with it under\nour Ambassadors abroad.\nIn an earlier message, I requested $1.6 biilion for Military Assistance,\nstating that this would maintain existing force levels, but that I could not\nforesee how much more might prove to be required. It is now clear that\nthis is not enough that many countries need increased mobility, moderni-\nzation and para-military equipment and that others must increase their\ncapability to work effectively with outside forces dispatched to help them in\nan emergency.\nThe present crisis in Southern Asia, on which the Vice\nPresident has made a valuable report the rising threat of Communism in\nLatin America the increasing arms traffic in Africa and all the new\npressures on every nation found on the map by tracing your finger along the\nborders of the Communist bloc in Asia and the Middle East -- all make\nclear the dimension of our needs.\nMORE\n-7-\nI therefore request the Congress to provide a total of $1. 885 billion for\nMilitary Assistance in the coming fiscal year an amount less than that\nrequested a year ago but a minimum which must be assured if we are to\nhelp those nations make secure their independence. This must be prudently\nand wisely spent and that will be our common endeavor. But let me say\nagain that military and economic assistance has been a heavy burden on our\ncitizens for a long time; but that this battle, far from over, is reaching its\nmost crucial stage. We camd merely state our opposition to totalitarianism\nwithout paying the price of helping those now under the greatest pressures.\nVI Our Own Military and Intelligence Shield\nIn line with these developments, I have directed a further reinforcement of\nour own capacity to deter or resist non-nuclear aggression. Cur nuclear\nstrength and our deterrent capacity are adequately safeguarded by what I have\nrequested in an earlier message; and if their strength and invulnerability are\nmaintained, and if the Western alliance remains resolute and united, there\nwill be no general nuclear attack. Even in the conventional field, with one\nexception, I find no present need for large new levies of men. What is needed\nis rather a change of position to give us still further increases in our flexibility,\nour adaptability, and our readiness. Therefore:\n(1) First, I am directing the Secretary of Defense to undertake a complete\nreorganization and modernization of the Army's divisional structure, to in-\ncrease its non-nuclear firepower, to improve its tactical mobility in any\nenvironment, to insure its flexibility to meet any direct or indirect threat,\nto facilitate its coordination with our major allies, and to provide modern\nmechanized divisions in Europe and new airborne brigades in both the Pacific\nand Europe.\n(2) Second, I am asking the Congress for an additional $100 million to\nbegin the procurement task necessary to re-equip this new Army structure\nwith the most modern material New helicopters, new armored personnel\ncarriers, and new howitzers, for example, must be obtained now. These\nfunds will be added to those already requested or reprogrammed from other\nsources.\n(3) Third, I am directing the Secretary of Defense to expand rapidly and\nsubstantially the orientation of existing forces for the conduct of non-nuclear\nwar, para-military operations and sub-limited or unconventional wars.\nHe\nassures me that, by reprogramming existing funds as permitted by law,\nover $100 million can be directed to this objective without additional appro-\npriations this year. These funds will be used for accelerating the purchase\nof new non-nuclear weapons and equipment, increasing air and amphibious\nlift capacity, and so deploying forces and equipment that they can be quickly\nmoved to meet any outbreak of trouble.\nIn addition, our special forces and unconventional warfare units will be\nincreased and reoriented. Throughout the services new emphasis must be\nplaced on the special skills and languages which are required to work with\nlocal populations in all the social, economic, psychological, governmental\nand other efforts that are short of open conflict but necessary to counter\ncommunist-sponsored guerrillas or insurgents.\n(4) Fourth, The Army is developing plans to make possible a much more\nrapid deployment of a major portion of its highly trained reserve forces.\nWhen\nthese plans are completed and the reserve is strenghtened, two combat-\nequipped divisions, plus their supporting forces, a total of 89,000 men, could\nbe ready in an emergency for operations with but 3 weeks notice 2 more\ndivisions with but 5 weeks notice and six additional division and their\nsupporting forces, making a total of 10 divisions, could be deployable with\nless than 8 weeks notice. In short,\nthese new plans will allow us to almost\nMore\n-8-\ndouble the combat power of the Army in less than 2 months, compared to the\nnearly 9 months heretofore required.\n(5) Fifth, to enhance the already formidable ability of the Marine Corps\nto respond to limited war emergencies, I am asking the Congress for\n$60 million to increase Marine Corps strength to 190, 000 men. This will\nincrease the initial impact and staying power of our three Marine divisions\nand three air wings, and provide a trained nucleus for further immediate\nexpansion, if necessary for self-defense.\n(6) Finally, to cite one other area of activities that are both legitimate and\nnecessary as a means of self-defense in an age of hidden perils, our whole\nintelligence effort must be reviewed, and its coordination with other elements\nof policy assured. This is not a matter on which public discussion is useful,\nnor are current studies completed. But the Congress and the American\npeople are entitled to know that we will institute whatever new organization,\npolicies and control are necessary to insure the maximum coordination and\nuse of all political, economic and psychological resources in the attainment\nof our objectives.\nVII.. Civil Defense\nOne major element of the national security program which this nation has\nnever squarely faced up to is civil defense. This problem arises not from\npresent trends but from past inaction. In the past decade we have inter-\nmittently considered a variety of programs, but we have never adopted a\nconsistent policy. Public considerations have been largely characterized by\napathy, indifference and skepticism; while, at the same time, many of the\ncivil defense plans proposed have been so far-reaching or unrealistic that\nthey have not gained essential support.\nThis Administration has been looking very hard at exactly what civil defense\ncan and cannot do. It cannot be obtained cheaply. It cannot give an\nassurance of blast protection that will be proof against surprise attack\nor guaranteed against obsolescence or destruction, And it cannot deter a\nnuclear attack.\nWe will deter an enemy from making a nuclear attack only if our retaliatory\npower is so strong and so invulnerable that he knows he would be destroyed\nby our response, If we have that strength, civil defense is not needed to\ndeter an attack. If we should ever lack it, civil defense would not be an\nadequate substitute.\nBut this deterrent concept assumes rational calculations by rational men.\nAnd the history of this planet is sufficient to remind us of the possibilities\nof an irrational attack, a miscalculation, an accidental war which cannot\nbe either foreseen or deterred. The nature of modern warfare heightens\nthese possibibilities. It is on this basis that civil defense can readily be\njustified as insurance for the civilian population in the event of such a\nmiscalculation. It is insurance we trust will never be needed but insurance\nwhich we could never forgive ourselves for foregoing in the event of catastrophe.\nOnce the validity of this concept is recognized, there is no point in delaying\nthe initiation of a nation-wide long-range program of identifying present fall-\nout shelter capacity and providing shelter in new and existing structures.\nSuch a program would protect millions of people against the hazards of\nradioactive fallout in the event of a large-scale nuclear attack. To assure\neffective use of these shelters, additional measures will be required for\nwarning, training, radiological monitoring and stock-piling of food and\nmedicines. And effective performance of the entire program requires not\nonly new legislative authority and more funds, but also sound organizational\narrangements.\n(1) Therefore, under the authority vested in me by Reorganization F lan\nNo. 1 of 1958, I am assigning responsibility for this program to the top\nMore\n-9-\ncivilian authority already responsible for continental defense, the Secretary\nof Defense. It is important that this function remain civilian in nature and\nleadership; and this feature will not be changed. / Responsibilities for pre-\nparedness programs in connection with health, food, manpower, transpor-\ntation and other needs in the event of an attack will be assigned to the\nThe\nappropriate department and agency heads, all of whom will work with State\nand local agencies, For their role remains an essential one.\n(2) The Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization will be reconstituted as a\nsmall staff agency to assist me in the coordim tion of these functions. To\nmore accurately describe its role, it's title should be changed to the\n\"Office of Emergency Planning\".\n(3) As soon S those newly charged with these responsibilities have prepared\nnew authorization and appropriation requests, such requests will be trans-\nmittéd to the Congress for a much strengthened Federal-State civil defense\nprogram. Such a program will provide Federal funds for identifying fallout\nshelter capacity in existing structures, and it will include, where appropriate,\nincorporation of shelter in Federal buildings, new requirements for shelter\nin buildings constructed with Federal financial assistance, and matching grants\nand other incentives for constructing shelter in State and local government and\nprivate buildings.\nFederal appropriations for civil defense in fiscal 1962 under this program will\nin all likelihood be more than triple the pending budget requests; and they\nwill increase sharply in subsequent years. Financial participation will also\nbe required from State and local governments and from private citizens. But\nno insurance is cost-free; and every American citizen and his community\nmust decide for themselves whether this form of survival insurance justifies\nthe expenditure of effort, time and money. For myself, I am convinced\nthat it does.\nVIII Disarmament\nI cannot end this discussion of defense and armaments without emphasizing\nour strongest hope: the creation of an orderly world where disarament\nwill be possible. Our arms do not prepare for war they are efforts to\ndiscourage and resist the adventures of others that could end in war.\nThat is why it is consistent with these efforts that we continue to press for\nproperly safeguarded disarmament measures. At Geneva, in cooperation with\nthe United Kingdom, we have put forward concrete proposals to make clear\nour wish to meet the Soviets half way in an effective nuclear test ban treaty\nthe first significant stop toward disarmament. Up to now, their response has\nnot been what we hope d: but we int end to go the last mile in patience.\nMeanwhile, we are determined to keep disarmament high on our agenda\nto make an intensified effort to develop acceptable political and technical\nalternatives to the present arms race. To this end I soon shall send to the\nCongress a measure to establish a strengthened and enlarged Disarmament\nAdministration. Such an agency can intensify and improve our studies and\nresearch on this problem, looking forward to the day when reason will\nprevail, and all nations of the world will be prepared to accept a realistic\nand safeguarded disarmament in a world of law.\nIX - Space\nFinally, if we are to win the battle for men's minds, the dramatic achieve-\nments in space which occurred in recent weeks should have made clear to\nus all the impact of this new frontier of human adventure. Since early in my\nterm, our efforts in space have been under review. With the advice of the\nVice President we have examined where we are strong and where we are not,\nwhere we may succeed and where we may not. Now it is time to take longer\nMore\n-10-\nLet it be clear that I am asking the Congress and the country to accept a\nfirm commitment to a new course of action -- a course which will last for\nmany years and carry very heavy costs an estimated $7-9 billion\nadditional over the next five years. If we were to go only half way, or reduce\nour sights in the face of difficulty, it would be better not to go at all.\nLet me stress also that more money alone will not do the job. This decision\ndemands a major national commitment of scientific and technical manpower,\nmaterial and facilities, and the possibility of their diversion from other\nimportant activities where they are already thinly spread. It means a\ndegree of dedication, organization and discipline which have not always\ncharacterized our research and development efforts. It means we cannot\nafford undue work stoppages, inflated costs of material or talent, wasteful\ninteragency rivalries, or a high turnover of key personnel.\nNew objectives and new money cannot solve these problems. They could,\nin fact, aggravate them further unless every scientist, every engineer,\nevery serviceman, every technician, contractor, and civil servant involved\ngives his personal pledge that this nation will move forward, with t he\nfull speed of freedom, in the exciting adventure of space.\nX. Conclusion\nIn conclusion let me emphasize one point: that we are determined, as a\nnation, that freedom shall survive and succeed and whatever the peril\nand the set-backs, we have some very large advantages.\nThe first is the simple fact that we are on the side of liberty and, since\nthe beginning of history, liberty has been winning out in the end.\nA second great asset is that we are not alone. We have friends and allies\nall over the world. May I cite as a symbol of traditional and effective\nfriendship the great ally I am about to visit France. I look forward to my\nvisit to France, and to my discussion with her magnificent leader President\nde Gaulle, as a meeting of particular significance, permitting the kind of\nclose and ranging consultation which will strengthen both parties and serve\ntheir common purposes of world place and liberty. Such serious conversations\ndo not require a pale unanimity they are rather the instruments of trust\nand understanding.\nA third asset is our desire for peace. It is sincere and the world knows it.\nWe are proving it in our patience at the test-ban table, and we are proving it\nin the UN where our efforts have been directed toward maintaining that\norganization's usefulness as a protector of the small. In these and other\ninstances, the response of our opponents has not been encouraging.\nYet it is important that they should know that our patience at the bargaining\ntable is nearly inexhaustible, though our credulity is limited that our hopes\nfor peace are unfailing, while our determination to protect our security is\nresolute. For these reasons I have long thought it wise to meet with the\nSoviet Premier for a personal exchange of views. A meeting in Vienna next\nmonth turned out to be convenient for us both; and the Austrian Government\nhas kindly made us welcome. No formal agenda is planned and no negotiations\nwill be undertaken; but we will make clear that America's enduring concern\nis for both freedom and peace - that we are anxious to live in harmony with\nthe Russian people that we seek no conquests, no satellites, no riches --\nand that we seek only the day when \"nation shall not lift up sword against\nnation, neither shall they learn war any more\".\nMORE\n-10a-\nstrides time for a great new American enterprise time for this nation\nto take a clearly leading role in space achievement.\nI believe we possess all the resources and all the talents necessary. But the\nfacts of the matter are that we have never made the national decisions or\nmarshalled the national resources required for such leadership. We have\nnever specified long-range goals on an urgent time schedule, or managed our\nresources and our time so as to insure their fulfillment.\nRecognizing the head start obtained by the Soviets with their large rocket\nengines, which gives them many months of lead-time, and recognizing the like-\nlihood that they will exploit this lead for some time to come in still more\nimpressive successes, we nevertheless are required to make new efforts.\nFor while we cannot guarantee that we shall one day be first, we can guarantee\nthat any failure to MAXS this effort will FIND us last. We take an additional\nrisk by making it in full view of the world but as shown by the feat of\nastronaut Shepard, this very risk enhances our stature when we are successful.\nBut this is not merely a race. Space is open to us now; and our eagerness to\nshare its meaning is not governed by the efforts of others. We go into space\nbecause whatever mankind must undertake, free men must fully share.\nI therefore ask the Congress, above and beyond the increases I have earlier\nrequested for space activities, to provide the funds which are needed to meet\nthe following national goals:\nFirst, I believe that this nation shouldcommit itself to achieving the goal, be-\nfore this decade is out, of landing a man on the moon and returning him safely\nto earth. No single space project in this period will be more exciting, or\nmore impressive, or more important for the long-range exploration of space;\nand none will be so difficult or expensive to accomplish. Including necessary\nsupporting research, this objective will require an additional $531 million\nthis year and still higher sums in the future. We propose to accelerate\ndevelopment of the appropriate lunar space craft. We propose to develop\nalternate liquid and solid fuel boosters of much larger than any now being\ndeveloped, until certain which is superior. We propose additional funds for\nother engine development and for unmanned explorations explorations\nwhich are particularly important for one purpose which this nation will never\noverlook: the survival of the man who first makes this daring flight. But in\na very real sense, it will not be one man going to the moon it will be an\nentire nation. For all of us must work to put him there.\nSecond, an additional $23 million, together with $7 million already available,\nto accelerate development of the ROVER nuclear rocket. This is a techno-\nlogical enterprise in which we are well on the way to striking progress, and\nwhich dves promise of some day providing a means for even more exciting\nand ambitious exploration of space, perhaps beyond the moon, perhaps to the\nvery ends of the solar system itself.\nThird, an additional $50 million to make the most of our present leadership by\naccelerating the use of space satellites for world-wide communications. When\nwe have put into space a system that will enable people in remote areas of the\nearth to exchange messages, hold conversations, and eventually see television\nprograms, we will have achieved a success as beneficial as it will be striking,\nFourth, an additional $75 million of which $53 million is for the Weather\nBureau to give us at the earliest possible time a satellite system for\nworld-wide weather observation. Such a system will be of inestimable\ncommercial and scientific value; and the information it provides will be made\nfreely available to all the nations of the world.\nMORE\n-11-\nFinally, our greatest asset in this struggle is the American people - their\nwillingness to apy the price for these programs -- to understand and\naccept a long struggle - to share their resources with other less forturate\npeoples - to meet the tax levels and close the tax loopholes I have\nrequested - to exercise self-restraint instead of pushing up wages or\nprices, or over-producing certain cΓopa, or spreading military secrets,\nor urging unessential expenditures or improper monopolies or harmful work\nstoppages -- to serve in the Peace Corps or the Armed Services or the\nFederal Civil Service to strive for excellence in their schools, in their\ncities and in their physical fitness -- to take part in Civil Defense -- to pay\nhigher postal rates, higher payroll taxes and higher teachers salaries, in\norder to strengthen our society -- to show friendship to students and visitors\nfrom other lands and, finally, to practice democracy at home, in all\nstates, with all races, to respect each other and to protect the constitutional\nrights of all citizens.\nI have not asked for a single program which did not cause one or all\nAmericans some inconvenience, or some hardship, or some sacrifice. But\nthey have responded - you in the Congress have responded - and I feel\nconfident in asking today for a similar response to these new and larger\ndemands. It is heartening to know, as I journey abroad, that our country\nis united in its commitment to freedom -- and ready to do its duty.\n####\nFrom the Desk of\nJOHN F. KENNEDY\nThe speech as\nih was returned\nthe Pepresentatives House of\ndo me from\nTHE OF\nEmilyn Pincal\nTHE\n1619\nINC.\nBx \\ HW4:16-13A7.\n40\nThe Constitution imposes\nupon me the obligation to \"from\ntime to time give to the Congress\ninformation of the State of the\nUnion\". While this has traditionally\nbeen interpreted as an annual affair,\nthis tradition has been broken in\nextraordinary times.\nThese are extraordinary times.\nWe face an extraordinary challenge.\nWe face opportunities and adversaries\nthat do not wait for annual addresses\nor fiscal years. This nation is\nengaged in a long and exacting test\nof the future of freedom --\nJohn sessem of\nCongress\nmay 25,1961\n2\na test which may well continue for\ndecades to come Our strength as well\nas our convictions have imposed upon\nthis nation the role of leader in\nfreedom's cause.\nNo role in history could be\nmore difficult or more important. It\nis not a negative or defensive role\n-- it is a great positive adventure.\nWe stand for freedom. That is our\nconviction for ourselves -- that is\nour only commitment to others. No\nfriend, no neutral and no adversary\nshould think otherwise. We are not\nagainst any man -- or any nation --\nor any system -- except as it is\nhostile to freedom.\n3\nNor am I here to present a new\nmilitary doctrine, bearing any one\nname or aimed at any one area. I am\nhere to promote the freedom doctrine.\n1.\nThe great battleground for the\ndefense and expansion of freedom today\nis the whole southern half of the\nglobe -- Asia, Latin America, Africa\nand the Middle East -- the lands of\nthe rising peoples. Their revolution,\nis the greatest in human history, is one\nof peace and hope -- for freedom and\nequality, for order and independence.\nThey seek an end to injustice, tyranny,\nand exploitation. More than an end,\nthey seek a beginning --\n4\na jungle road to bring a doctor when\na child is ill -- a schoolhouse to\nunlock the mysteries of knowledge --\nseed and fertilizer, jobs and food, a\nchance to live and be more than just\nalive.\nThose are the aims of their\nrevolution, just as they were the\naims of our revolution. And theirs\nis a revolution which we would support\nregardless of the Cold War, and\nregardless of which political or\neconomic route they choose to freedom.\nFor the adversaries of freedom\ndid not create this revolution; nor\ndid they create the conditions which\ncompel it.\n5\nBut they are seeking to ride the\ncrest of its wave -- to capture it\nfor themselves -- to enthrall its\npeoples in the servitude of a new\nand relentless form of totalitarian\nimperialism.\nYet their aggression is more\noften concealed than open. They\nhave fired no missiles; and their\ntroops are seldom seen. They send\narms, agitators, aid, technicians\nand propaganda to every troubled\narea. But where fighting is\nrequired, it is usually done by\nothers -- by guerrillas striking\nat night, by assassins striking\nalone,\n6\nby subversives and saboteurs and\ninsurrectionists, who in some\ncases control whole areas inside\nof independent nations.\nThey possess a powerful\nintercontinental striking force,\nlarge forces for conventional war,\na well-trained underground in nearly\nevery country, the power to conscript\ntalent and manpower for any purpose,\nthe capacity for quick decisions,\na closed society without dissent\nor free information, and long\nexperience in the techniques of\nviolence and subversion. They make\nthe most of their scientific\nsuccesses,\n7\ntheir economic progress and their\npose as a foe of colonialism and\nfriend of popular revolution. They\nprey on unstable or unpopular\ngovernments, unsealed or unknown\nboundaries, unfulfilled hopes,\nconvulsive change, massive poverty,\nilliteracy, unrest and frustration.\nWith these formidable weapons,\nthe adversaries of freedom plan to\nconsolidate their territory -- to\nexploit, to control, and finally\nto destroy the hopes of the world's\nnewest nations. It is a contest\nof will and purpose as well as\nforce and violence --\n8\na battle for minds and souls as\nwell as lives and territory. And\nin that contest, we cannot stand\naside.\nWe stand, as we have always\nstood, for the independence and\nequality of nations. We stand for\na world of peace under law. We\nstand for the democratic revolution\nof social progress. We stand for\ndiversity, honest disagreements,\nand mutual respect. This nation\nwas bornoof revolution and raised\nin freedom. And we do not intend\nto leave an open road to despotism.\n9\nBut the facts of the matter\nare that we in the West have not\nyet sufficiently mobilized our\nresources, demonstrated our aims,\nor inspired and supported the\nnecessary spirit of local reform\nto help these new revolutions\nfind success in constructive\npursuits. Too often we have\naccepted a merely defensive role.\nToo often we have let ourselves\nappear as friends of the status\nquo -- and the status quo may be\n$50 a year. Meanwhile the pressures\nof the totalitarian conspiracy\nmount higher every day, as one\nnation after another,\n10\nby internal more often than\nexternal means, finds its freedom\nunder attack\nThere is no single simple\npolicy with which to meet this\nchallenge. Experience has taught\nus that no one nation has the\npower or the wisdom to solve all\nthe problems of the world or manage\nall its revolutionary tides --\nthat extending our commitments\ndoes not always increase our\nsecurity -- that any initiative\ncarries with it the risk of\ntemporary defeat -- that nuclear\nweapons cannot prevent subversion --\n11\nthat no free peoples can be kept\nfree without will and energy of\ntheir own -- and that no two\nnations or situations are exactly\nalike.\nYet there is much we can do.\nThe proposals I bring before you\ntoday are numerous and varied.\nThey arise from the host of special\nopportunities and dangers which\nhave become increasingly clear in\nrecent months. Taken together\nthey mark another step forward in\nour effort as a people. Taken\ntogether they will help advance\nour own progress,\n12\nencourage our friends and\nstrengthen the opportunities for\nfreedom and peace.\nI am here to\nask the help of this Congress and\nthe nation in approving these\nnecessary measures.\nH. Economic and Social\nProgress at Home\nThe ultimate source of our\nnational strength is the quality\nand vitality of our own society.\nTo sustain new efforts in world\naffairs and space -- to demonstrate\nto all the success of freedom's\nway -- and to meet the needs of\nour own citizens when we are\nassisting others --\n13\nwe need a growing, prosperous\nnation. I am not requesting\nadditional taxes to finance the\nvery urgent requests I am making\ntoday -- for our present tax\nstructure and resources are more\nthan sufficient to support them\nwithout a budget deficit if our\neconomy moves ahead. But we must\nmake full use of our resources --\nhuman, scientific, and material\n-- giving priority to our most\nurgent national needs.\nThe first and basic task\nconfronting the nation this year\nwas to turn recession into\nrecovery.\n14\nAn affirmative anti-recession\nprogram, initiated with your\ncooperation, supported the natural\nforces in the private sector; and\nour economy is now enjoying\nrenewed confidence and energy.\nThe recession has been halted.\nRecovery is under way.\nBut the task of abating\nunemployment and achieving a full\nuse of our resources remains a\nserious challenge. Large-scale\nunemployment during a recession\nis bad enough -- large-scale\nunemployment during perty is\nintolerable to a free economy.\n15\nIt is a major social evil; it is\na source of national weakness. It\nwill persist even as the nation's\noutput surpasses previous\nachievements, as I believe will\nbe seen in the coming months.\nThe government must consider\nadditional long-range measures to\ncurb this unemployment and increase\nour economic growth, if we are to\nsustain our full role as world\nleaders. Measures to aid the\nunemployed, and to employ our\njobless youth usefully, will be\nsubmitted shortly. I would stress\none measure in particular today --\n16\na measure of special importance\nin meeting the occupational\ndemands of new American leadership\nin space, aid, trade and defense.\nI am therefore transmitting to the\nCongress a new Manpower Development\nand Training program, to train or\nretrain several hundred thousand\nworkers in new occupational skills\nover a four-year period, in order\nto replace those skills made\nobsolete by automation and\nindustrial change with the new\nskills which new processes demand.\nSupplementing current public and\nprivate training and education\nprograms, such a measure,\n17\nincluding subsistence and relocation\nallowances for the long-term\nunemployed, is a positive answer\nto the challenge of technology.\nIn addition, full recovery\nand economic growth require\nsustained increases in investment:\nand these in turn depend on favorable\nmonetary and credit conditions as\nwell as the enactment of the\ninvestment tax credit incentive\nplan which I earlier submitted to\nthe Congress. The lending capacity\nof the Small Business Administration\nshould be increased; and Federal\naction can help reduce the cost\nof the home-buyer's mortgage.\n18\nBeyond this, the full financial\ninfluence of the government must\ncontinue to be exerted in the\ndirection of general credit ease\nand further monetary growth while\nthe economy is recovering. Some\nfurther downward adjustments in\ninterest rates, particularly those\nwhich have been slow to adjust in\nthe recent recession, are clearly\ndesirable; and certainly to\nincrease them would choke off\nrecovery.\nThese expansionary measures\nok\nat a time of unemployment, unused\ncapacity and stable price levels,\nare not inflationary.\nIT in should he serms 19\nThis is important, for we have\nmade great strides in restoring\nworld confidence in the dollar,\nhalting the outflow of gold and\nimproving our balance of payments.\nDuring the last two months, our\ngold stocks actually increased\nby $17 million, compared to a\nloss of $635 million during the\nlast two months of 1960. We must\nmaintain this progress -- and\nthis will require the cooperation\nand self-restraint of everyone.\nAs recovery progresses, there will\nbe temptations to seek unjustified\nprice and wage increases. These\nwe cannot afford.\n20\nThey would only handicap our\nefforts to compete abroad and\nto achieve full recovery here at\nhome. Labor and management must\n-- and I am confident that they\nwill -- pursue responsible wage\nand price policies in these critical\ntimes. I look to the President's\nAdvisory Committee on Labor-\nManagement Policy to give a strong\nlead in this direction.\nMoreover, if the budget\ndeficit now increased by the needs\nof our security is to be held within\nmanageable proportions --\n21\nif we are to preserve our fiscal\nintegrity and world confidence\nin the dollar -- it will be\nnecessary to hold tightly to\nprudent fiscal standards; and I\nmust request the cooperation of\nthe Congress in this regard --\nto refrain from adding funds or\nprograms, desirable as they may\nbe, to the Budget -- to end the\npostal deficit through increased\nrates (a deficit, incidentally,\nwhich exceeds the fiscal year\n1962 cost of all the space and\ndefense measures I am submitting\ntoday) -- to provide full pay-as-\nyou-build highway financing --\n22\nand to close those tax loopholes\nearlier specified. Our security\nand progress cannot be cheaply\npurchased; and their price must\nbe found in what we all forego\nas well as what we all must pay.\nIII. Economic and Social\nProgress Abroad\nI stress the strength of\nour economy because it is essential\nto our strength as a nation. And\nwhat is true in our case is true\nof other countries. Their strength\nin the struggle for freedom depends\non the strength of their economic\nand social progress.\n23\nTheir ability to resist imperialism\nfrom without and subversion from\nwithin depends in large measure\nupon their capacity for orderly\npolitical and economic growth.\nThis is particularly true\nin those less-developed countries\nthat have become the great arena\nof struggle. And that is why our\nresponse to their danger must be\nessentially constructive. We want\nto generate hope in those countries.\nWe want to help them modernize\ntheir societies, broaden human\nopportunity and stand as equal\npartners in the community of free\nnations.\n24\nWe would be badly mistaken to\nconsider their problems in\nmilitary terms alone.\nFor no amount of arms and\narmies can help stabilize those\ngovernments which are unable or\nunwilling to achieve social\nreform and economic development.\nMilitary pacts cannot help nations\nwhose social injustice and economic\nchaos invite insurgency and\npenetration and subversion. The\nmost skillful counter-guerrilla\nefforts available cannot succeed\nwhere the local population is too\ncaught up in its own misery to be\nconcerned about the advance of\ncommunism.\n25\nOn the other hand, no\namount of subversive activity can\ncorrupt a nation working with\nconfidence for a better society,\nunder leadership it trusts, and\nwith increasing participation by\nall in the benefits of new\ndevelopment.\nFr there\nThis is our concept\nWe\nmother\nstand ready now to provide\ngenerously of our skills, our\ncapital, and our food to assist\nthe peoples of the less-developed\nnations to reach their goals --\nand to help them before they are\nengulfed in crisis.\n26\nThis is also our great\nopportunity. If we grasp it, then\nsubversion to prevent its success\nis exposed as an unjustifiable\nattempt to keep these nations\nfrom being either free or equal.\nBut if we do not pursue it, the\nbankruptcy of unstable governments\nand unfulfilled hopes will surely\nlead to a series of totalitarian\nreceiverships.\nEarlier in the year, I\noutlined to the Congress a new\nprogram for aiding emerging nations;\nand it is my intention to transmit\nshortly draft legislation to\nimplement this program,\n27\nto establish a new Act for\nInternational Development (AID),\nand to add to the figures\npreviously requested, in view of\nthe swift pace of critical events,\nan additional $250 million for\na Presidential Contingency Fund,\nto be used only upon a Presidential\ndetermination in each case that\nL.Th negular and come repairs 4th\nis\nthe\nn\na sudden and extraordinary drain\nangrees\nof regular funds -- as illustrated\nby recent events in Southeast\nAsia -- makes necessary the use of\nthis emergency reserve.\n28\nI make this additional request\nbecause of my conviction that\nin these uncertain times we must\nhave the flexibility to respond\nto new but as yet unknown,\ncrises and opportunities.\nThe\ntotal amount requested -- now\nraised to $2.65 billion -- is\nboth minimal and crucial. I do\nnot see how anyone who is concerned\nabout the growing threats to\nfreedom around the world -- and\nwho is asking what more we can do --\ncan weaken or oppose the single\nmost important program available for\nbuilding the frontiers of freedom.\n29\nOur hopes for the Latin\nAmerican Alliance for Progress --\nour hopes for improving the\nexcellent start toward planned\ndevelopment that has been made in\na number of countries -- our hopes\nfor frustrating alien propaganda\nand subversion by creating a\nclimate for peaceful progress --\nand our hopes for convincing the\nother industrialized nations to\nincrease their role in this\nendeavor -- all depend upon\nCongress enacting the full amount\nof funds and, of equal importance,\nthe long-term borrowing authority\nwhich I have requested.\n30\nLet me stress there are\nmany bright spots in this picture.\nWith the very convincing help of\nthe Congress, the Latin American\nAlliance for Progress is about to\nbe launched successfully. Our\ngreat partner to the North, who\nreceived my wife and me SO\ngenerously, is indicating renewed\ninterest. Our good neighbors to\nthe South are making major strides\nto build the bulwarks of freedom --\neconomic and social progress --\nagainst the further encroachment\nof Communism. Other less-developed\nnations are recognizing the need for\ngreater effort and reform on their\nown behalf --\n31\nand other NATO allies are\nindicating their willingness to\nhelp make this decade of progress\na turning-point. There is much\nto be done -- but we are not alone.\nIV.\nAll that I have said makes\nit clear that we are engaged in\na world-wide struggle to preserve\nand promote the ideals we share\nwith all mankind, or have alien\nideals forced upon us. That\nstruggle has highlighted the role\nof the U.S. Information Agency,\nour primary organ for disseminating\ninformation overseas.\n32\nThis activity assumes critical\nimportance at different times and\nin different places and we must\nbe able to respond quickly\nIt\nis essential that the funds\npreviously requested for this\neffort be not only approved 62.ymich in\nfull, but increased to total just\nover $121 million.\nThis new request is for\nadditional radio and television\nin Latin America and Southeast\nAsia. These tools are particularly\neffective in the cities and villages\nof those great continents as a\nmeans of reaching millions of\nuncertain peoples to tell them of\nour confidence in freedom.\n33\nIn Latin America, we are proposing\nto increase our Spanish and\nPortuguese broadcasts to a total\nof 154 hours a week, compared to\n42 today (none of which is in\nPortuguese, the language of about\none-third of the people of South\nAmerica). The Soviets, Red Chinese\nand satellites already broadcast\ninto Latin America more than 134\nhours a week in Spanish and\nPortuguese. Communist China alone\ndoes more public information\nbroadcasting in our own hemisphere\nthan we do. Moreover, powerful propa-\nganda broadcasts from Havana, now\nheard throughout Latin America,\n34\nare encouraging new revolutions\nin several countries and our\nefforts to isolate and counter\nthis menace require increased\nefforts to convey throughout the\nAmericas the true nature of\nCommunist objectives in this\nhemisphere. To strengthen all\nof Latin America, we need the\nwidest possible appreciation of\nour Alianza para Progreso, and\nits meaning to poverty-stricken\npeoples.\nSimilarly, in Laos, Vietnam,\nCambodia, and Thailand,\n35\nwe must communicate our\ndetermination and support to\nthose upon whom our hopes for\nresisting the communist tide in\nthat continent must ultimately\nrest. Our interest is solely in\nthe truth -- the truth that will\nmake men free.\nV. Our Partnership for\nSelf-defense\nBut while we talk of sharing\nand building and the competition\nof ideas, others talk of arms and\nthreaten war. So we have learned\nto keep our defenses strong --\nand to cooperate with others in\na partnership of self-defense.\n36\nThe events of recent weeks have\ncaused us to look anew at these\nefforts.\n1. The center of freedom's\ndefense is our network of world\nalliances, extending from NATO,\napproved by a Democratic President\nand a Republican Congress, to\nSEATO, approved by a Republican\nPresident and a Democratic\nCongress. These alliances were\nconstructed in the 1940's and\n50's -- it is our task in the\n60's to strengthen them.\n37\nTo meet the changing\nconditions of power, we have\nendorsed an increased emphasis\non NATO conventional strength.\nAt the same time we are affirming\nour conviction that the NATO\nnuclear deterrent must also be\nkept strong. I have made clear\nour intention to commit to the\nNATO command, for this purpose,\nthe 5 POLARIS submarines\noriginally suggested by President\nEisenhower, with the possibility\nof more to come.\n38\nOur will and our capacity to\nresist all types of aggression\nin the NATO treaty area should\nbe clear beyond possibility of\nmiscalculation; and if they SO\nremain, I am certain there will\nbe no such attack.\n2. A major part of our\npartnership for self-defense is\nthe Military Assistance Program.\nThe defense of freedom must rest\nupon effective combining of the\nefforts of local forces with our\nown plans and assistance. In\nareas directly threatened by overt\ninvasion,\n39\nlocal forces must have the\ncapacity to hold back an\naggressor until help can be\nprovided. And the main burden of\nlocal defense against local\nattack, subversion, insurrection\nor guerrilla warfare must of\nnecessity rest on local forces.\nWhere these forces have the\nnecessary will and capacity to\ncope with such threats, our\nintervention is rarely necessary\nor helpful. Where the will is\nprænt and only capacity is\nlacking, our Military Assistance\nProgram can be of help.\n40\nBut this program, like\neconomic assistance, needs a\nnew emphasis. It cannot be\nextended without regard to the\nsocial, political and military\nreforms essential to internal\nrespect and stability. The\nequipment and training provided\nmust be tailored to legitimate\nlocal needs and to our own foreign\nand military policies, not to\nour supply of military stocks or\na local leader's desire for\nmilitary display. And military\nassistance can, in addition to\nits military purposes, make a\ncontribution to economic progress.\nas loon Any Engueen\n41\nThe domestic works of our own\nArmy Engineers are an example of\nthe role which military forces\nin the emerging countries can play\nin village development, sanitation\nand road building. Thus, while\nkept separate from CUP economic\nassistance, this program must be\nclosely coordinated with it under\nour Ambassadors abroad.\nIn an earlier message, I\nrequested $1.6 billion for Military\nAssistance, stating that this would\nmaintain existing force levels, but\nthat I could not foresee how much\nmore might prove to be required.\nIt is now clear that this is not\nenough --\n42\nthat many countries need increased\nmobility, modernization and para-\nmilitary equipment -- and that\nothers must increase their capability\nto work effectively with outside\nforces dispatched to help them in\nan emergency. The present crisis in\nSoutheast Asia, on which the Vice\nPresident has made a valuable report\n-- the rising threat of Communism\nin Latin America -- the increasing\narms traffic in Africa -- and all\nthe new pressures on every nation\nfound on the map by tracing your\nfinger along the borders of the\nCommunist bloc in Asia and the\nMiddle East -- all make clear the\ndimension of our needs.\n43\nI therefore request the Congress\nto provide a total of $1.885 billion\nfor Military Assistance in the coming\nfiscal year -- an amount less than\nthat requested a year ago -- but a\nminimum which must be assured if we\nare to help those nations make secure\ntheir independence. This must be\nprudently and wisely spent -- and\nthat will be our common endeavor.\nBut let me say again that military\nand economic assistance has been a\nheavy burden on our citizens for a\nlong time; but that this battle, far\nfrom over, is reaching its most\ncrucial stage.\n44\nWe cannot merely state our opposition\nto totalitarianism without paying the\nprice of helping those now under the\ngreatest pressures.\nVI. Our Own Military and\nIntelligence Shield\nIn line with these developments,\nI have directed a further reinforcement\nof our own capacity to deter or resist\nnon-nuclear aggression.\nOur nuclear\nstrength and our deterrent capacity\nare adequately safeguarded by what I\nhave requested in an earlier message;\nand if their strength and invulner-\nability are maintained, and if the\nWestern alliance remains resolute and\nunited, there will be no general\nnuclear attack.\n45\nEven in the conventional field, with\none exception, I find no present need\nfor large new levies of men. What is\nneeded is rather a change of position\nto give us still further increases in\nour flexibility, our adaptability, and\nour readiness. Therefore:\n(1) First, I am directing the\nSecretary of Defense to undertake a\ncomplete reorganization and modern-\nization of the Army's divisional\nstructure, to increase its non-nuclear\nfirepower, to improve its tactical\nmobility in any environment, to insure\nits flexibility to meet any direct or\nindirect threat, to facilitate its\ncoordination with our major allies,\n46\nand to provide modern mechanized\ndivisions in Europe and new airborne\nbrigades in both the Pacific and\nEurope.\n(2) Second, I am asking the\nCongress for an additional $100\nmillion to begin the procurement task\nnecessary to re-equip this new Army\nstructure with the most modern\nmateriel. New helicopters, new armored\npersonnel carriers, and new howitzers,\nfor example, must be obtained now.\nThese funds will be added to those\nalready requested or reprogrammed\nfrom other sources.\n47\n(3) Third, I am directing the\nSecretary of Defense to expand rapidly\nand substantially the orientation of\nexisting forces for the conduct of\nnon-nuclear war, para-military\noperations and sub-limited or\nunconventional wars.\nHe assures me\nthat, by reprogramming existing funds\nas permitted by law, over $100 million\ncan be directed to this objective\nwithout additional appropriations this\nyear. These funds will be used for\naccelerating the purchase of new\nnon-nuclear weapons and equipment,\nincreasing air and amphibious lift\ncapacity,\n48\nand so deploying forces and equipment\nthat they can be quickly moved to\nmeet any outbreak of trouble.\nIn addition, our special forces\nand unconventional warfare units will\nbe increased and reoriented.\nThroughout the services new emphasis\nmust be placed on the special skills\nand languages which are required to\nwork with local populations in all\nthe social, economic, psychological,\ngovernmental and other efforts that\nare short of open conflict but\nnecessary to counter communist-\nsponsored guerrillas or insurgents.\nSun \"I\n49\n(4) Fourth, The Army is\ndeveloping plans to make possible\na much more rapid deployment of a\nmajor portion of its highly trained\nreserve forces.\nWhen these plans are\ncompleted and the reserve is\nor\nstrengthened, two combat-equipped\ndivisions, plus their supporting\nforces, a total of 89,000 men, could\nbe ready in an emergency for operations\nwith but 3 weeks notice -- 2 more\ndivisions with but 5 weeks notice --\nand six additional divisions and\ntheir supporting forces, making a\ntotal of 10 divisions,\n50\ncould be deployable with less than\n8 weeks notice. In short, these new\nplans will allow us to almost double\nthe combat power of the Army in less\nthan 2 months, compared to the nearly\n9 months heretofore required.\n(5) Fifth, to enhance the already\nformidable ability of the Marine Corps\nto respond to limited war emergencies,\nI am asking the Congress for $60\nmillion to increase Marine Corps\nstrength to 190,000 men. This will\nincrease the initial impact and\nstaying power of our three Marine\ndivisions and three air wings, and\nprovide a trained nucleus for further\nimmediate expansion, if necessary for\nself-defense.\n51\n(6) Finally, to cite one other\narea of activities that are both\nlegitimate and necessary as a means\nof self-defense in an age of hidden\nperils, our whole intelligence effort\nmust be reviewed, and its coordination\nwith other elements of policy assured.\nThis is not a matter on which public\ndiscussion is useful, nor are current\nstudies completed. But the Congress\nand the American people are entitled\nto know that we will institute\nwhatever new organization, policies\nand control are necessary, to insure\nthe maximum coordination and use of\nall political,\n52\neconomic and psychological resources\nin the attainment of our objectives.\nVII. Civil Defense\nOne major element of the\nnational security program which this\nnation has never squarely faced up to\nis civil defense. This problem arises\nnot from present trends but from past\ninaction. In the past decade we have\nintermittently considered a variety of\nprograms, but we have never adopted a\nconsistent policy. Public consider-\nations have been largely characterized\nby apathy, indifference and skepticism;\nwhile, at the same time,\n53\nmany of the civil defense plans\nproposed have been so far-reaching\nor unrealistic that they have not\ngained essential support.\nThis Administration has been\nlooking very hard at exactly what\ncivil defense can and cannot do. It\ncannot be obtained cheaply. It cannot\ngive an assurance of blast protection\nthat will be proof against surprise\nattack or guaranteed against\nobsolescence or destruction. And it\ncannot deter a nuclear attack.\n54\nWe will deter an enemy from\nmaking a nuclear attack only if our\nretaliatory power is so strong and\nso invulnerable that he knows he\nwould be destroyed by our response.\nIf we have that strength, civil defense\nis not needed to deter an attack. If\nwe should ever lack it, civil defense\nwould not be an adequate substitute.\nBut this deterrent concept\nassumes rational calculations by\nrational men. And the history of this\nplanet is sufficient to remind us of\nthe hing the century\nh\nthe possibilities of an irrational\nattack, a miscalculation,\n55 Iawa? realism.\nan accidental war which cannot be\neither foreseen or deterred. The\nnature of modern warfare heightens\nthese possibilities. It is on this\nbasis that civil defense can readily\nbe justified -- as insurance for the\ncivilian population in the event of\nsuch a miscalculation. It is\ninsurance we trust will never be\nneeded -- but insurance which we\ncould never forgive ourselves for\nforegoing in the event of catastrophe.\nOnce the validity of this\nconcept is recognized,\n56\nthere is no point in delaying the\ninitiation of a nation-wide long-\nrange program of identifying present\nfallout shelter capacity and providing\nshelter in new and existing structures.\nSuch a program would protect millions\nof people against the hazards of\nradioactive fallout in the event of a\nlarge-scale nuclear attack. To assure\neffective use of these shelters,\nadditional measures will be required\nfor warning, training, radiological\nmonitoring and stock-piling of food\nand medicines.\n57\nAnd effective performance of the\nentire program requires not only new\nlegislative authority and more funds,\nbut also sound organizational\narrangements.\n(1) Therefore, under the\nauthority vested in me by Reorganization\nPlan No. 1 of 1958, I am assigning\nresponsibility for this program to\nthe top civilian authority already\nresponsible for continental defense,\nthe Secretary of Defense. It is\nimportant that this function remain\ncivilian in nature and leadership;\nand this feature will not be changed.\n58\nResponsibilities for preparedness\nprograms in connection with health,\nfood, manpower, transportation and\nother needs in the event of an attack\nwill be assigned to the appropriate\ndepartment and agency heads, all of\nwhom will work with State and local\nagencies. For their role remains an\nessential one.\n(2) The Office of Civil and\nDefense Mobilization will be\nreconstituted as a small staff agency\nto assist me in the coordination of\nthese functions. To more accurately\ndescribe its role, it's title should\nbe changed to the \"Office of\nEmergency Planning.\"\n59\n(3) As soon as those newly\ncharged with these responsibilities\nhave prepared new authorization and\nappropriation requests, such requests\nwill be transmitted to the Congress\nfor a much strengthened Federal-State\ncivil defense program. Such a\nprogram will provide Federal funds\nfor identifying fallout shelter\ncapacity in existing structures, and\nit will include, where appropriate,\nincorporation of shelter in Federal\nbuildings, new requirements for\nshelter in buildings constructed with\nFederal financial assistance, and\nmatching grants and other incentives\nfor constructing shelter in State and\nlocal government and private buildings.\n60\nFederal appropriations for\ncivil defense in fiscal 1962 under\nthis program will in all likelihood\nbe more than triple the pending budget\nrequests; and they will increase\nsharply in subsequent years.\nFinancial participation will also be\nrequired from State and local\ngovernments and from private citizens.\nBut no insurance is cost-free; and\nevery American citizen and his\ncommunity must decide for themselves\nwhether this form of survival insurance\njustifies the expenditure of effort,\ntime and money. For myself, I am\nconvinced that it does.\n61\nVIII. Disarmament\nI cannot end this discussion\nof defense and armaments without\nemphasizing our strongest hope: the\ncreation of an orderly world where\ndisarmament will be possible. Our\narms do not prepare for war -- they\nare efforts to discourage and resist\nthe adventures of others that could\nend in war.\nThat is why it is consistent\nwith these efforts that we continue\nto press for properly safeguarded\ndisarmament measures. At Geneva, in\ncooperation with the United Kingdom,\n62\nwe have put forward concrete proposals\nto make clear our wish to meet the\nSoviets halfway in an effective\nnuclear test ban treaty -- the first\nsignificant step toward disarmament.\nUp to now, their response has not\nbeen what we hoped; but we intend to\ngo the last mile in patience.\nMeanwhile, we are determined to\nkeep disarmament high on our agenda --\nto make an intensified effort to\ndevelop acceptable political and\ntechnical alternatives to the present\narms race.\n63\nTo this end I soon shall send to the\nCongress a measure to establish a\nstrengthened and enlarged Disarmament\nAdministration. Such an agency can\nintensify and improve our studies and\nresearch on this problem, looking\nforward to the day when reason will\nprevail, and all nations of the world\nwill be prepared to accept a realistic\nand safeguarded disarmament in a world\nof law.\nIX. Space\nFinally, if we are to win the\nbattle for men's minds,\n40\n64\nthe dramatic achievements in space\nwhich occurred in recent weeks should\nhave made clear to us all the impact\nas dnd the exper 1957\n6 men every of when this new frontier of human a\nadventure, Since early in my term,\nour efforts in space have been under\nreview. With the advice of the\nwhich Chanma 2 the in wal Spart Came\nVice President we have examined where\nwe are strong and where we are not,\nwhere we may succeed and where we may\nnot. Now it is time to take longer\nstrides -- time for a great new\nAmerican enterprise -- time for this\nnation to take a clearly leading role\nin space achievement, Which in many ways\nmay hold the hey to our for the on can an\n65\nI believe we possess all the\nresources and all the talents\nnecessary. But the facts of the\nmatter are that we have never made\nthe national decisions or marshalled\nthe national resources required for\nsuch leadership. We have never\nspecified long-range goals on an\nurgent time schedule, or managed our\nresources and our time so as to insure\ntheir fulfillment.\nRecognizing the head start\nobtained by the Soviets with their\nlarge rocket engines, which gives\nthem many months of lead-time,\n66\nand recognizing the likelihood that\nthey will exploit this lead for some\ntime to come in still more impressive\nsuccesses, we nevertheless are\nrequired to make new efforts. For\nwhile we cannot guarantee that we\nshall one day be first, we can\nguarantee that any failure to make\nthis effort will find us last. We\ntake an additional risk by making it\nin full view of the world -- but as\nshown by the feat of astronaut Shepard,\nthis very risk enhances our stature\nwhen we are successful. But this is\nnot merely a race.\n67\nSpace is open to us now; and our\neagerness to share its meaning is not\ngoverned by the efforts of others. We\ngo into space because whatever mankind\nmust undertake, free men must fully\nshare.\nI therefore ask the Congress,\nabove and beyond the increases I have\nearlier requested for space activities,\nto provide the funds which are needed\nto meet the following national goals:\nFirst, I believe that this nation\nshould commit itself to achieving the\ngoal, before this decade is out,\nof landing a man on the moon and\nreturning him safely to earth.\n68\nNo single space project in this period\nwill be more exciting or more\nwas\nt manhand as is more to jufements the world is\nimpressive, or more important for the may\nlong-range exploration of space; and\nnone will be so difficult or expensive\nto accomplish.\nIncluding necessary\nsupporting research, this objective\nwill require an additional $531 million\nthis year and still higher sums in the\nfuture. We propose to accelerate\ndevelopment of the appropriate lunar\nspace craft. We propose to develop\nalternate liquid and solid fuel\nboosters of much larger than any now\nbeing developed, until certain which\nis superior.\n69\nWe propose additional funds for\nother engine development and for\nunmanned explorations -- explorations\nwhich are particularly important for\none purpose which this nation will\nnever overlook: the survival of the\nman who first makes this daring flight.\nBut in a very real sense, it will not\nbe one man going to the moon -- it will\nbe an entire nation. For all of us\nmust work to put him there.\nSecond, an additional $23 million,\ntogether with $7 million already\navailable, to accelerate development\nof the ROVER nuclear rocket.\n69\nWe propose additional funds for\nother engine development and for\nunmanned explorations -- explorations\nwhich are particularly important for\none purpose which this nation will\nnever overlook: the survival of the\nman who first makes this daring flight.\nBut in a very real sense, it will not\nbe one man going to the moon -- it will\nbe an entire nation. For all of us\nmust work to put him there.\nSecond. an additional $23 million,\ntogether with $7 million already\navailable, will accelerate development\nof the ROVER nuclear rocket.\n70\nThis is a technological enterprise in\nwhich we are well on the way to\nstriking progress, and which gives\npromise of some day providing a means\nfor even more exciting and ambitious\nexploration of space, perhaps beyond\nthe moon, perhaps to the very ends of\nthe solar system itself.\nThird, an additional $50 million\nwill make the most of our present\nleadership by accelerating the use of\nspace satellites for world-wide\ncommunications. When we have put into\nspace a system that will enable people\nin remote areas of the earth to\nexchange messages, hold conversations,\n70\nThis is a technological enterprise in\nwhich we are well on the way to\nstriking progress, and which gives\npromise of some day providing a means\nfor even more exciting and ambitious\nexploration of space, perhaps beyond\nthe moon, perhaps to the very ends of\nthe solar system itself.\nThird, an additional $50 million\nto make the most of our present\nleadership by accelerating the use of\nspace satellites for world-wide\ncommunications. When we have put into\nspace a system that will enable people\nin remote areas of the earth to\nexchange messages, hold conversations,\n71\nand eventually see television programs,\nwe will have achieved a success as\nbeneficial as it will be striking.\nFourth, an additional $75\nmillion -- of which $53 million is for\nthe Weather Bureau -- will help give us\nat the earliest possible time a satel-\nlite system for world-wide weather\nobservation. Such a system will be of\ninestimable commercial and scientific\nvalue; and the information it provides\nwill be made freely available to all\nthe nations of the world.\nLet it be clear that I am asking\nthe Congress and the country to accept\na firm commitment to a new course of\naction --\n71\nand eventually see television programs,\nwe will have achieved a success as\nbeneficial as it will be striking.\nFourth, an additional $75\nmillion -- of which $53 million is for\nthe Weather Bureau -- to give us at\nthe earliest possible time a satellite\nsystem for world-wide weather\nobservation. Such a system will be of\ninestimable commercial and scientific\nvalue; and the information it provides\nwill be made freely available to all\nthe nations of the world.\nLet it be clear that I am asking\nthe Congress and the country to accept\na firm commitment to a new course of\naction --\n40\n72\na course which will last for many\nelling\nyears and carry very heavy costs 531 this you\nan estimated $7-9 billion additional\nover the next five years. If we were\nto go only halfway, or reduce our\nsights in the face of difficulty,\nit\nwould be better not to go at all.\nThe money deals\nbe\nthe my chance and family im and the Amen\nLet me stress also that more\nhat\nalone will not do the job.\nthat's\nwe shall\nThis decision demands a major national\n8\ncommitment of scientific and technical\nmanpower, material and facilities,\nand the possibility of their diversion\nfrom other important activities where\nthey are already thinly spread. It\nmeans a degree of dedication,\nSent Receivery Coug.\nmay 25, 1961\nSERVICES NHOT ARERS\nLIBRARY RENNEDY SERVICE if NHOT U.S.\nJOHN\nONV 's'n\n73\norganization and discipline which have\nnot always characterized our research\nand development efforts. It means we\ncannot afford undue work stoppages,\ninflated costs of material or talent,\nwasteful interagency rivalries, or a\nhigh turnover of key personnel.\nNew objectives and new money\ncannot solve these problems. They\ncould, in fact, aggravate them\nfurther -- unless every scientist,\nevery engineer, every serviceman,\nevery technician, contractor, and\ncivil servant involved gives his\npersonal pledge that this nation will\nmove forward, with the full speed of\nfreedom, in the exciting adventure of\nspace.\n74\nX. Conclusion\nIn conclusion let me\nemphasize one point: that we\nare determined, as a nation,\nthat freedom shall survive and\nsucceed -- and whatever the peril\nand the set-backs, we have some\nvery large advantages.\nThe first is the simple\nfact that we are on the side\nof liberty -- and, since the\nbeginning of history, liberty\nhas been winning out in the\nend.\nA second great asset is\nthat we are not alone. We have\nfriends and allies all over the\nworld.\n75\nMay I cite as a symbol of\ntraditional and effective\nfriendship the great ally I am\nabout to visit -- France. I\nlook forward to my visit to\nFrance, and to my discussion with\nher great ant Cap Fain 1020 leader - President\nde Gaulle, as a meeting of particular\nsignificance, permitting the kind\nof close and ranging consultation\nwhich will strengthen both parties\nand serve their common purposes of\nworld peace and liberty. Such\nserious conversations do not\nrequire a pale unanimity -- they\nare rather the instruments of trust\nand understanding.\n76\nA third asset is our desire\nfor peace. It is sincere and the\nworld knows it. We are proving\nit in our patience at the test-ban\ntable, and we are proving it in\nthe UN where our efforts have\nbeen directed toward maintaining\nthat organization's usefulness\nas a protector of the small. In\nthese and other instances, the\nresponse of our opponents has\nnot been encouraging.\nYet it is important that\nthey should know that our patience\nat the bargaining table is nearly\ninexhaustible, though our\ncredulity is limited --\n77\nthat our hopes for peace are\nunfailing, while our determination\nto protect our security is\nresolute. For these reasons I\nhave long thought it wise to\nmeet with the Soviet Premier for\na personal exchange of views.\nA meeting in Vienna next month\nturned out to be convenient for\nus both; and the Austrian\nGovernment has kindly made us\nwelcome. No formal agenda is\nplanned and no negotiations will\nbe undertaken; but we will make\nclear that America's enduring\nconcern is for both freedom and\npeace --\n78\nthat we are anxious to live in\nharmony with the Russian people\n-- that we seek no conquests,\nno satellites, no riches --\nand that we seek only the day\nwhen \"nation shall not lift up\nsword against nation, neither\nshall they learn war any more\".\nFinally, our greatest\nasset in this struggle is the\nAmerican people -- their\nwillingness to pay the price\nfor these programs -- to understand\nand accept a long struggle -- to\nshare their resources with other\nless fortunate peoples --\n79\nto meet the tax levels and\nclose the tax loopholes I have\nrequested -- to exercise self-\nrestraint instead of pushing up\nwages or prices, or over-producing\ncertain crops, or spreading\nmilitary secrets, or urging\nunessential expenditures or\nimproper monopolies or harmful\nwork stoppages -- to serve in\nthe Peace Corps or the Armed\nServices or the Federal Civil\nService -- to strive for excellence\nin their schools, in their cities\nand in their physical fitness --\nto take part in Civil Defense --\nto pay higher postal rates,\n80\nhigher payroll taxes and higher\nteachers salaries, in order to\nstrengthen our society -- to\nshow friendship to students\nand visitors from other lands\n-- and, finally, to practice\ndemocracy at home, in all states,\nwith all races, to respect each\nother and to protect the\nconstitutional rights of all\ncitizens.\nI have not asked for a\nsingle program which did not\ncause one or all Americans some\ninconvenience, or some hardship,\nor some sacrifice.\n81\nBut they have responded --\nyou in the Congress have\nresponded -- and I feel confident\nin asking today for a similar\nresponse to these new and larger\ndemands. It is heartening to\nknow, as I journey abroad, that\nour country is united in its\ncommitment to freedom -- and\nready to do its duty.\nI\nThe Constitution imposes upon me the obligation to \"from\ntime to time give to the Congress information of the State of the Union\".\nWhile this has traditionally been interpreted as an annual affair, particularly\nwith respect to personal appearances, this tradition has been broken in\nextraordinary times.\nThese are extraordinary times. We face an extraordinary\nchallenge. We face opportunities and adversaries that do not wait for\nannual addresses or fiscal years. This nation is engaged in a long and\nexacting test of the future of freedom -- a test which may well continue\nfor decades to come. Our strength as well as our convictions have imposed\nupon this nation the role of leader in freedom's cause.\nNo role in history could be more difficult or more important.\na\nIt is not/negative or defensive role it is positive. We stand for freedom.\nThat is our conviction for ourselves that is our only commitment to others.\nNo friend, no neutral and no adversary should think otherwise. We are not\nagainst any man -- or any nation or any system -- except as it is hostile\nto freedom.\nThe great battleground for the defense of freedom today is the\nwhole bottom half of the globe Asia, Latin America, Africa and the\nMiddle East the lands of the rising peoples. Their revolution is one of\npeace and hope for decency and dignity, for freedom and equality, for\norder and independence. It is a revolution which we support, regardless of\ntheir color, regardless of the Cold War, and, regardless of which political\nor economic route they choose to freedom.\nFor the adversaries of freedom did not create this revolution;\nnor did they create the conditions which compel it. But they are seeking to\ncapture it for themselves -- to enthrall its peoples in the servitude of a new\nand relentless form of totalitarian imperialism.\nYet their aggression is more often indirect than open. They have\nfired no missiles; and their troops are seldom seen. They send arms,\nagitators, aid, technicians and propaganda to every troubled area. But\nwhere fighting is required, it is usually done by others -- by guerrillas\n-2-\nstriking at night, by assassins striking alone, by subversives and saboteurs\nand insurrectionists, who in some cases control whole areas inside of\nindependent nations.\nThey possess a powerful intercontinental striking force, large\nforces for conventional war, a well-trained underground in nearly every\ncountry, the power to conscript talent and manpower for any purpose, the\ncapacity for quick decisions, a closed society without dissent or free\ninformation, and long experience in the techniques of violence and subversion.\nThey make the most of their scientific successes, their economic progress\nand their pose as a foe of colonialism and friend of popular revolution.\nThey prey on unstable or unpopular governments, unsealed or unknown\nboundaries, unfulfilled hopes, convulsive change, massive poverty, illiteracy\nunrest and frustration.\nWith these formidable weapons, the adversaries of freedom plan\nto exploit, to control, and finally to destroy the hopes of the world's newest\nnations. It is a contest of will and purpose as well as force and violence --\na battle for minds and souls as well as lives and territory. And in that\ncontest, we cannot stand aside.\nWe stand, as we have always stood, for the independence and\nequality of nations. We stand for the democratic revolution of social progress.\nWe stand for diversity, honest disagreements, and mutual respect. This\nnation was born of revolution and raised in freedom. And we do not intend\nto leave an open road to despotism.\nBut the facts of the matter are that we in the West have not yet\nsufficiently mobilized our resources, demonstrated our aims, or inspired\nthe necessary spirit of local reform to help these new revolutions find\nsuccess in constructive pursuits. Too often we have accepted a merely\ndefensive role. Too often we have let ourselves appear as friends of the\nstatus quo. Meanwhile the totalitarian conspiracy gains. One nation at a\ntime, by internal more often than external means, it consolidates its territory\nand snuffs out the candles of freedom.\n-3-\nThere is no single simple policy with which to meet this\nchallenge. Experience has taught us that no one nation has the power or\nthe wisdom to solve all the problems of the world or manage all its\nrevolutionary tides -- that extending our commitments does not always\nincrease our security that any initiative carries with it the risk of\ntemporary defeat -- that nuclear weapons do not deter subversion -- that\nno people can be kept free without will and energy of their own -- and that\nno two nations or situations are exactly alike.\nYet there is much we can do. The proposals I bring before you\ntoday are numerous and varied. They are designed in different ways to\nmeet a host of special opportunities and dangers which ha ve become\nincreasingly clear in recent months. Taken together they mark another\nstep forward and upward in our effort as a people. Taken together they will\nadvance our own progress, encourage our friends, strengthen the defense\nof freedom, and lift the hopes of all who seek a world of peace. I am here\nto ask the help of this Congress and this nation in approving these necessary\nmeasures.\n-4-\nII. Economic and Social Progress at Home\nThe ultimate source of our national strength is our domestic economy.\nTo sustain new efforts in world affairs and space -- to demonstrate to all the\nsuccess of freedom's way and to meet the needs of our own citizens when\nwe are assisting others -- we need a growing, prosperous nation. The times\nrequire that we make full use of our resources -- human, scientific, and\nmaterial -- giving priority to our most urgent national needs.\nThe first and basic task confronting the nation this year was to turn\nrecession into recovery. With your cooperation, the Administration\ninitiated an affirmative anti-recession program shortly after taking office.\nThat program of action, together with natural forces in the private sector,\nhave brought renewed confidence and energy to the economy. The recession\nhas been halted. Recovery is under way.\nBut the task of abating unemployment and achieving a full use of\nresources remains as a serious challenge. Unemployment is still intolerably\nhigh. It is a major social evil; it is a source of national weakness. It will\npersist even as the nation's output surpasses previous achievements.\nThis Congress must consider additional long-range measures to\ncurb this unemployment and increase our economic growth, if we are to\nsustain our full role as world leaders. I would stress one measure in\nparticular today -- a measure of particular importance in meeting the occu-\npational demands of new American leadership in space, aid, trade and defense.\nI am transmitting to the Congress a new Manpower Development and\nTraining program, to train or retrain more than a million workers in new\noccupational skills over a four-year period, in order to replace those skills\nmade obsolete by automation and industrial change with the new skills which\nnew processes demand. Supplementing current public and private training\nand education programs, such a measure, including subsistence and relocation\nallowances for the long-term unemployed, is a positive answer to the\nchallenge of technology.\n-5-\nIn addition, full recovery and economic growth require sustaire d\nincreases in investment, and this requires favorable monetary and credit\nconditions. The lending capacity of the Small Business Administration\nshould be increased; and Federal action can help reduce the cost of 2\nthe home-buyer's mortgage. Beyond this, the financial influence of the\nGovernment must continue to be exerted in the direction of credit ease and\nfurther monetary growth while the economy is recovering. Some further\ndownward adjustments in interest rates, particularly those which have been\nslow to adjust in the recent recession, are clearly desirable.\nThese expansionary measures at a time of unemployment, unused\ncapacity and stable price levels, are not inflationary. This is important,\nfor we have made great strides in restoring world confidence in the dollar,\nhalting the outflow of gold and improving our balance of payments. We must\nmaintain this progress and this will require the cooperation and self-\nrestraint of everyone. As recovery progresses, there will be temptations\nto seek unjustified price and wage inc reases. These we cannot afford.\nLabor and management must -- and I am confident that they will -- pursue\nresponsible wage and price policies in these urgent times; and I look to\nmy Advisory Committee on Labor-Management Policy to give a strong lead\nin this direction.\nMoreover, if the budget deficit now increased by the needs of\nour security is to be held within manageable proportions -- if we are to\npreserve our fiscal integrity and world confidence in the dollar -- it will be\nnecessary to hold tightly to prudent fiscal standards; and I must request the\ncooperation of the Congress in this regard -- to refrain from adding funds or\nprograms, desirable as they may be, to the Budget -- to end the postal\ndeficit through increased rates -- to provide full pay-as-you-build highway\nfinancing -- and to close those tax loopholes earlier specified. Our security\nand progress cannot be cheaply purchased; and their price must be found in\nwhat we all forego as well as what we pay.\n-6-\nIII Economic and Social Progress Abroad\nI stress the strength of our economy only because it is essential\nto our strength as a nation. And what is true in our case is true of other\ncountries. Their strength in the struggle for freedom depends on the\nstrength of their economic. and social progress. Their ability to resist\nimperialism from without and subversion from within depends in large\nmeasure upon their atability and success in achieving a viable economy.\nThis is particularly true in those less-developed countries\nthat have become the focal point of struggle. And that is why our response\nto their danger must be essentially constructive. We want to generate hope\nin those countries. We want them to modernize their societies and stand as\nequal partners in the community of free nations, We would be badly mistaken\nto consider their problems in military terms alone.\nFor no amount of alms and armies can help stabilize those\ngovernments which are unable or unwilling to achieve social reform and\neconomic development. Military pacts cannot help nations whose social\ninjustice and economic chaos invites insurgency and penetration and subver-\nsion. The most skillful counter-guerrilla efforts available cannot succeed\nwhere the local population is too caught up in its own misery to be concerned\nabout the advance of communism.\nOn the other hand, no amount of subversive activity can corrupt\na nation working with confidence for a better society, under leadership it\ntrusts, and with increasing participation by all in the benefits of new develop-\nment.\nThis is our concept. We stand ready now to provide generously\nof our skills, our capital, and our food to assist the peoples of the less-\ndeveloped nations to reach their goals and to help them before they are\nengulfed in crisis.\nThis is also our great opportunity. If we grasp it, communist\nsubversion is exposed as naked, unjustifiable aggression by a system that\ndoes not want new nations to be either free or equal. But if we do not\npursue it, the bankruptcy of unstable governments and unfulfilled hopes will\nsurely lead to a series of communist receiverships.\n-7-\nEarlier in the year, I outlined to the Congress a new program for\naiding emerging nations; and it is my intention to transmit shortly draft legis-\nlation to implement this program, to establish a new Act for International\nDevelopment (AID), and to add to the figures previously requested, in view\nof the swift pace of critical events, an additional $250 million for E Presidential\nContingency Fund, to be used only upon my determination in each case. I make\nthat in these uncertain times\nthis additional request because of my conviction/we must have the flexibility\nto respond to new, but as yet unknown, crises and opportunities. The total\namount requested now raised to $2. 65 billion is both minimal and crucial.\nOur hopes for the Latin American Alliance for Progress -- our hopes\nfor improving the excellent start toward planned development that has been\nmade in a number of countries our hopes for frustrating Communist\npropaganda and subversion by creating a climate for peaceful progress --\nand our hopes for convincing the other industrialized nations to increase\ntheir role in this endeavor all depend upon Congress enacting the full\namount of funds and, of equal importance, the long-term borrowing authority\nwhich I have requested.\nLet me stress there are bright spots in this picture. With the very\nconvincing help of the Congress, the Latin American Alliance for Progress\nhas been successfully launched. Our great partners to the North, who\nreceived my wife and myself so graciously, are indicating their interest.\nOur good neighbors to the South are making major strides to build the bulwarks\nof freedom economic and social progress t- against the further encroachment\nof Communism. Other nations are recognizing our expectation of greater\nreform on their part -- and other allies are indicating their willingness to help\nmake this decade of progress a turning-point. There is much to be done --\nbut we are not alone.\nIV.\nAll that I have said makes it clear that we are engaged in a world-wide\nstruggle to preserve and promote our own ideals, or have alien ideals forced\nupon us. That struggle has highlighted the role of the U. S. Information Agenc\n-8-\nour primary organ for disseminating information overseas. This activity\nassumes critical importance at different times and in different places and\nwe must be able to respond quickly. It is essential that the funds previously\nrequested for this effort be not only approved in full, but increased by an\nadditional $2. 4 million I am transmitting this week, for a total of little more\nthan $121 million.\nThis new request is for additional radio and television in Latin\nAmerica and Southeast Asia. These tools are particularly effective in the\ncities and villages of those great continents as a means of reaching millions\nof uncertain peoples to tell them the views and actions of the United States.\nCastro's own powerful propaganda broadcasts now heard throughout Latin\nAmerica are encouraging new revolutions in several countries; and our\nefforts to isolate this menace require increased efforts to convey throughout\nthe Americas the truth about communist brutalities, and the betrayal of the\nCuban revolution. To strengthen all of Latin America, we need the widest\npossible appreciation of our Alianza para el Progresso, and its meaning to\npoverty-stricken peoples.\nSimilarly, in Laos, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Thailand, we\nmust communicate our determination and support to those upon whom our\nhopes for resisting the communist tide in that continent must ultimately\nrest. Our interest is solely in the truth the truth that will make men free.\nV SPACE\nBut if we are to win the battle for men's minds, the dramatic\nachievements in space which occurred in recent weeks should have made\nclear to us all the impact of this new frontier of human adventure. Since\nearly in my term, our efforts in space have been under review -- where we\nare strong and where we are not, where we may succed and where we may\nnot. Now it is time to act -- time for a great new American enterprise --\ntime for this nation to take a clearly leading role in space achievement.\nI believe we possess all the resources and all the talents\nBut\nnecessary. The facts of the matter are that we have never made the\n-9-\ndecisions or marshalled the resources required for such leadership. We have\nnever specified long-range goals on an urgent time schedule, or managed our\nresources and our time so as to insure their fulfillment.\nRecognizing the head start obtained by the Soviets with their large\nrocket engines, and recognizing the likelihood that they will exploit this lead\nfor some time to come in still more impressive successes, we nevertheless\nare required to make new efforts, whether we are first or not. Making them in\nfull view of the world enhances our stature, whether we are first or not. But\nspace is open to us now; and our eagerness to share its meaning is not defined\nby the efforts of others. We go into space because what mankind must under-\ntake, free men must fully share.\nI therefore ask the Congress, above and beyond the increases I have\nearlier requested for space activities, to provide the funds which are needed\nto meet the following national goals:\nFirst, to land a man on the moon and return him safely to the earth\nbefore this decade is out. No single space project in this period will be more\nexciting, or more impressive, or more important for the long-range exploration\nof space; and none will be so difficult or expensive to accomplish. Including\nnecessary supporting research, this objective will require an additional $531\nmillion this year and still higher sums in the future. We propose to accelerate\ndevelopment of the appropriate lunar space craft. We propose to develop both\nliquid and solid fuel boosters of the largest possible size. We propose addi-\ntional funds for other engines and for unmanned explorations which are\nimportant in particular for a purpose which this nation will never overlook:\nthe survival of the men who first make these daring flights.\nSecond, an additional $30 million to accelerate development of the\nROVER nuclear rocket. This is a technological enterprise in which we are\nwell on the way to striking progress and one which gives promise of some day\nproviding the means for the exploration of space even beyond the moon -- to\nthe planets and the more distant reaches beyond.\n-10-\nThird, an additional $50 million to make the most of our present\nleadership by accelerating the use of space satellites for world-wide communi-\ncations. When we have put into space a system that will enable people in\nremote areas of the earth to exchange messages, hold conversations, and\neventually see television programs, we will have achieved a success as\nbeneficial as it will be striking.\nFourth, an additional $75 million -- of which $53 million is for the\nWeather Bureau -- to give us at the earliest possible time a system for\nworld-wide weather observation. Such a system will be of inestimable\ncommercial and scientific value; and the information it provides will be made\nfreely available to all the nations of the world.\n-11-\nLet it be clear that I am asking the Congress and the country\nto accept a firm commitment to a new course of action a course which\nwill last for many years and carry very heavy costs. If we were to go only\nhalf way, or reduce our sights in the face of difficulty, it would be better\nnot to go at all.\nLet me stress also that more money alone will not do the job.\nThis decision demands a major national commitment of scientific and\ntechnical manpower, material, and facilities and the possibility of their\ndiversion from other important activities where they are already thinly\nspread. It means a degree of dedication, organization, and discipline\nwhich have not always characterized our research and development efforts.\nIt means we cannot afford undue work stoppages, inflated costs of material\nor talent, wasteful interagency rivalries, or a high turnover of key personnel.\nNew objectives and new money cannot solve these problems.\nThey could, in fact, aggravate them further unless every scientist,\nevery engineer, every serviceman and service chief, every technician,\ncontractor, and civil servant involved gives his personal pledge that this\nnation will move forward, with the full speed of freedom, in the exciting\nadventure of space.\nVI Cur Partnership for Self-defense\nBut while we talk of peaceful adventure, of sharing and building\nand the competition of ideas, others talk of arms and threaten war. So we\nhave learned to keep our defenses strong - and to cooperate with others\nin a partnership of self-defense. The events of recent weeks have caused\nus to look anew at these efforts.\n1. The center of freedom's defense is the Atlantic Alliance\nand NATO's strength must be our constant concern. To meet the changing\nconditions of power, we have endorsed a new policy of increased emphasis\non NATO conventional strength, while at the same time affirming our convic-\ntion that the NATO nuclear deterrent must also be kept strong. I have made\nclear our intention to commit to the NATO command, for this purpose,\n5 POLARIS submarines, with more to come.\n-12-\nOur will and our capacity to resist all types of aggression in the NATO treaty\narea should be clear beyond possibility of miscalculation; and if they so\nremain, I am certain there will be no such attack.\n2. A second key to our partnership for self-defense is the Military\nAssistance Program. The main burden of local defense against local attack,\nsubversion, insurrection or guerrilla warfare must of necessity rest on local\nforces. If these forces are willing and able to cope with such threats, our\nintervention is rarely necessary or helpful. If they lack the necessary will,\nour intervention would be futile. But where will is present and only capacity\nis lacking, our Military Assistance Program can be of help.\nBut this program, like economic assistance, needs a new emphasis.\nIt cannot be extended without regard to the social, political and military\nreforms essential to internal respect and stability. The equipment and\ntraining provided must be tailored to legitimate local needs and to our own\nforeign and military policies, not to our supply of military stocks or a local\nleader's desire for military grandeur. And military assistance should comple-\nment, not substitute for, economic progress. The domestic works of our own\nArmy Engineers are an example of the role which military forces in the\nemerging countries can play in village development, sanitation and road\nbuilding. Thus, while kept separate from our economic assistance, this\nprogram must be closely coordinated with it under our Ambassadors abroad.\nIn an earlier message, I requested $1. 6 billion for Military Assistance,\nstating that this would maintain existing force levels, but that I could not\nforesee how much more might prove to be required. It is now clear that this\nis not enough that many countries need increased mobility, modernization\nand para-military equipment and that others must increase their capability\nto work effectively with outside forces dispatched to help them in tame emergency.\nThe rising tide of Castroism and Communism in Latin America the\nincreasing arms traffic in Africa and in particular the increasing pressures\non all those nations along the periphery of the Communist bloc in Asia and\nthe Middle East all make clear the dimension of our needs.\n-13-\nI therefore request the Congress to provide a total of $1. 885\nbillion for Military Assistance in the coming fiscal year -- an amount less\nthan that requested a year ago -- but a minimum which must be assured if\nwe are to help those nations make secure their independence.\nVII. Our own Military and Intelligence Shield\nIn line with these developments, I have directed a further\nreinforcement of our own capacity to deter or resist non-nuclear aggression.\nOur nuclear strength and our deterrent capacity are adequately safeguarded\nby what I have requested in an earlier message; and if their strength and\ninvulnerability are maintained, and the Western alliance remains resolute\nand united, there will be no general nuclear attack. And even in the conven-\nwith one exception,\ntional field, find no present need for large new levies of men. What is\nneeded is rather a change of position to give us still further increases in our\nflexibility, our adaptablility, and our readiness. Therefore:\n(1) First, I am directing the Secretary of Defense to undertake a\ncomplete reorganization of the Army's divisional structure, to increase its\nnon-nuclear firepower, to improve its tactical mobility in any environment, to\ninsure its flexibility to meet any direct or indirect threat, to facilitate its\ncoordination with our major allies, and to provide new mechanized divisions\nin Europe and new airborn brigades in both the Pacific and Europe.\n(2) Second, I am asking the Congress for an additional $100 million\nto begin the procurement task necessary to equip this new Army structure.\nMore helicopters, more armored personnel carriers and more howitzers,\nfor example, are necessary. These funds will be added to those already\nrequested or reprogrammed from other sources.\n(3) Third, I am directing the Secretary of Defense to expand\nrapidly and substantially the orientation of existing forces for the conduct of\nnon-nuclear war, para-military operations and sub-limited or unconventional\nwars. He assures me that, by reprogramming existing funds as permitted by\nlaw, over $100 million can be directed to this objective without additional ap-\npropriations this year. These funds will be used for accelerating the purchase\nof new non-nuclear weapons and equipment, increasing air and amphibious lift\ncapacity, and deploying more forces and equipment to key centers abroad,\nwhere they can be quickly moved to meet any outbreak of trouble.\n-14-\n(4) Fourth, I am asking that our special forces and unconventional\nwarfare units be increased and reoriented. Throughout the services new\nemphasis must be placed on the special skills and languages -- and a new\nsurvey has revealed in the services the ability to speak more than 100\ndifferent languages, from Arabic to Vietnamese -- which are required to work\nwith local populations in all the social, economic, psychological, governmental\nand other efforts that are short of open conflict but necessary to counter\ncommunist-sponsored guerrillas or insurgents.\n(5) Fifth, to enhance the already formidable ability of the Marine\nCorps to respond to limited war emergencies, I am asking the Congress for\n$50 million to increase Marine Corps strength to 200, 000 men. This will\nincrease the initial impact and staying power of our three Marine divisions\nand three air wings, and provide a trained nucleus for further immediate\nexpansion, if necessary in self-defense.\n(6) Finally, to cite one other area of operations that are both legitimate\nand necessary as a means of self-defense in an age of hidden perils, our whole\nintelligence effort must be reviewed, and its cocrdination with other elements\nof policy reviewed. This is not a matter on which public discussion is useful,\nthe\nnor are current studies completed. But the Congress and/American people are\nentitled to know that we will institute whatever new organization, policies and\ncontrol that are necessary to insure the maximum coordination and use of all\npolitical, economic and psychological resources in the attainment of our\nobjectives.\nVIII. Civil Defense\nOne major element of the national security program which this nation\nhas never squarely faced up to is civil defense. This problem arises not from\npresent trends but from past inaction. In the past decade we have inter-\nmittently considered a variety of programs, but we have never adopted a\nbasic policy. Public considerations have been largely characterized by\napathy, indifference and skepticism; while, at the same time, many of the\ncivil defense plans proposed have been so far-reaching or unrealistic that\nthey have not gained essential support.\n- -15 -\nThis Administration has been looking very hard at exactly what\ncivil defense can and cannot do. It cannot be obtained cheaply. It cannot\ngive a permanent guarantee of blast protection. And it cannot deter a\nnuclear attack.\nWe will deter an enemy from makinga.nuclear attack only if our\nretaliatory power is so strong and so invulnerable that he knows he would be\ndestroyed by our response. If we have that strength, civil defense is not\nneeded to deter an attack. If we should ever lack it, civil defense would not\nbe an adequate substitute.\nBut this deterrent concept assumes rational calculations by\nrational men. And the history of this planet is sufficient to remind us of'\nthe possibilities of an irrational attack, a miscalculation, an accidental war\nwhich cannot be either foreseen or deterred. The nature of modern warfare\nheightens these possibilities. It is on this basis that civil defense can\nreadily be justified - as insurance for the civilian population in the event of\nsuch a miscalculation. It is insurance we trust will never be needed but\ninsurance which we could never forgive ourselves for foregoing in the event\nof catastrophe.\nOnce the validity of this concept is recognized, there is no point\nin delaying the initiation of a nation-wide long-range program of identifying\npresent fall-out shelter capacity and providing fall-out shelters in new and\nexisting structures. Such a program would protect millions of people\nagainst the hazards of radioactive fallout in the event of a large-scale\nnuclear attack. This is particularly important in the event of an attack\naimed primarily at military targets instead of urban areas. To assure\neffective use of these shelters, additional measures will be required for\nwarning, training, radiological monitoring and stock-piling of food and\nmedicines. And effective performance of the entire program requires not\nonly new legislative authority and more funds, but also sound organizational\narrangements.\n-16-\n(1) Therefore, under the authority vested in me by Reorganization\nPlan No. 1 of 1958, I am assigning responsibility for this program to the top\ncivilian authority already responsible for continental defense, the Secretary of\nDefense. It is important that this function remain civilian in nature and\ncommand; and this feature will not be changed. Responsibilities for pre-\nparedness programs in connection with health, food, manpower, transportation\nand other needs in the event of an attack will be assigned to the appropriate\ndepartment and agency heads, all of whom will work with State and local\nagencies. For their role remains an essential one.\n(2) The Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization will be reconstituted\nas a small staff agency to assist me in the coordination of these functions,\nunder the new title of \"Office of Emergency Planning\".\n(3) As soon as those newly charged with these responsibilities have\nprepared new authorization and appropriation requests, such requests will be\ntransmitted to the Congress for a much strengthened Federal-State civil\ndefense program. Such a program will include new requirements for shelter\nin Federal and Federally financed buildings, and will provide Federal funds for\nidentifying, in all areas, fallout shelter capacity in existing structures, and\nmatching grants or other incentives for constructing initially outside of\nprimary target areas -- fallout shelters in State and local government and\nprivate buildings.\nFederal appropriations for civil defense in fiscal 1962 under this\nprogram will in all likelihood be more than triple the pending budget requests;\nand they will increase sharply in subsequent years. Financial participation\nwill also be required from State and local governments and from private\ncitizens. But no insurance is cost-free; and every American citizen and his\ncommunity must decide for themselves whether this form of survival\ninsurance justifies the expenditure of effort, time and money. For myself,\nI am convinced that it does.\n-1-\nF OR RELEASE UPON DELIVERY, ITUESDAY MAY 23, 1961 at Twelve Noon\nI\nThe Constitution imposes upon me the obligation\nof\nto \"from time to time give to the Congress information QUI the\nState of the Union\". While this has traditionally been interpreted\nas an annual affair, particularly with respect to personal appear-\nances, this tradition has been broken in extraordinary times.\nThese are extraordinary times. We face an extraordinary\nchallenge. We face an adversary that does not wait for annual\naddresses or fiscal years. And the pace of events since my last\nbefore this body my\nreport\nand\nappearance here compels *** urgent/request\nto you today.\nThe facts of the matter are that we are now engaged in what\nwe maintain\nmay well be a second Hundred Years War. If/the\ndeterrent strength and invulnerability of our retaliatory capacity,\n****************** there will be no general nuclear war. If the\nWestern Alliance remains resolute and united, there will be no\ninvasion of Europe. But in Asia, Africa, the Middle East and\nLatin America, another kind of war is beingfought every day --\na war that feeds on unstable or unpopular governments, unsealed\nor unknown boundaries, unfulfilled hopes, convulsive change,\nmassive poverty, illiteracy, unrest and frustration. It is a war\nof will and purpose as well as violence -- a war for the minds and\nsouls of men as well as their lives. It is Communism's war to\nexpand their domain, to \"bury\" the West and to claim the future for\nthemselves.\nYet no Soviet missiles are fired and no Soviet troops are\nand\nis rarely\ndeployed; XXXX is opportunity or cause/presented for the use of our\nmissiles or troops. The Soviets and the Communist Chinese may\nsend arms, advice, aid, technicians, trade and propaganda through-\nwhere fighting is required\nout the bottom half of the globe. But/the fighting is done by others,\nby\nby guerrillas striking at night, RX assassins striking alone, by\n-2-\nsubversives and saboteurs and insurrectionists, who in some cases control\nwhole areas inside of independent nations.\nThe Communist powers possess a powerful intercontinental striking force,\nmassive forces for conventional war, a well-trained underground in every\ncountry, the power to compel talent, manpower and quick decisions, a. closed\nsociety without dissent or free public information, and long experience in the\ntechniques of violence and subversion. They train, supply and encourage\nrevolts and guerrilla warfare. They make the most of their scientific successes,\ntheir economic progress and their pose as a foe of colonialism and friend of\nrevolution. Where the inevitable revolt against misery succeeds, they seek to\ncapture it; and where it fails, they seek to inherit it.\nThis country is also a friend of revolution. Unlike the Communists, we\nfavor the independence and equality of all nations. But we in the West have not\nsufficiently mobilized our resources, demonstrated our aims or inspired the\nnecessary local reforms and resistance to channel these revolutions into peaceful\nand constructive pursuits. We are forced on the defensive, considered friends\nof the status quo. As aggressors and revolutionists, the Communists hold the\ninitiative. One nation at a time, by internal more often than external means,\nthey consolidate their territory and erode our security.\nThere is no single, simple strategy or policy with which we must respond\nto this challenge. We wish it were so. But experience has taught us that no\nnation has the wisdom and power to solve all the problems of the world, or\ncontrol its revolutionary tides that extending our commitments does not in-\ncrease our security - that any initiative carries with it the risk of defeat -- that\nnuclear weapons cannot deter subversion -- and that no two nations or situations\nare alike.\nBut there is much we can do -- to increase our security, encourage our\nfriends, and impress our foes. I here and now call upon this Congress and this\nnation to support these necessary steps.\n(Next page number is 4)\n-4-\nII - Non-Nuclear Defenses\nWhen our security is in danger, our natural response is a\nmilitary one -- increasing our retaliatory capacity to\ndeter a nuclear attack, and increasing our conventional forces inc\nexstex to deter or resist any invasion of friendly borders. I have in\na prior message\nrequested all of\nto build\nthe funds that can be usefully spent this year invintressing our\nretaliatory capacity; and, to the extent that numbers of men are\nneeded to prevent any armed invasions of free nations, it is clear\nthat the 2.5 million men now in cur Armed Services, backed by a\nReserve Force of 1.8 million men, and nearly 6 million men in\non the whole\nthe forces of allied and friendly nations, are/adequate to meet\nthis threat,\nBut overt attack is not the only threat or the greatest danger.\nour strength has\nWhat/waxxxx failed to stop is indirect and internal aggression --\nby subversion, infiltration, individual acts of violence, insurrec-\nwithout.\ntion or guerrilla attacks supported from\nThe United States could double the size of its conventional forces\nwithout improving its ability to combat these attacks.\nThis is particularly true in the case of the Army, which is\ncurrently organized for reliance primarily on tactical nuclear\nweapons, and not for operations in a jungle or mountain-range\nagainst the kind of indirect opposition I have mentioned. Yet this\nnation possesses both the fighting tradition -- dating back to the\nIndian\nFrench-and-inliax War -- and the modern equipment -- such as\nhelicopters to give us unsurpassed excellence in this kind of\ncombat.\nTherefore:\n(1) First, I am directing the Secretary of Defense to undertake\na complete reorganization of the Army's divisional structure, to\nincrease its non-nuclear fire-power, to improve its tactical mobility\nin any environment, to insure its flexibility to meet any threat, to\nits\nfacilitate/coordination with our major allies, and to provide new\n-5-\nmechanized divisions in Europe and new airborn brigades in both\nthe Pacific and Europe.\n(2) Secondly, I am asking the Congress for an additional\n$100 million to begin the massive procurement task necessary to\nequip this new Army structure. More helicopters, more armored\npersonnel carriers and more howitzers, for example, cannot be\nproduced overnight. These funds will be added to those already\nrequested, reserved, or reprogrammed from other sources.\n(3) Third, I am directing the Secretary of Defense to expand\nrapidly and substantially the orientation and utilization of existing\nforces for the conduct of para-military operations and sub-limited\nor unconventional wars. He assures me that, by reprogramming\nexisting funds, nearly 1/4 billion can be directed to this objective\nwithout additional appropriations this year. These funds will be\nused for accelerating the purchase of new non-nuclear weapons\nShould this be\nand equipment, increasing air and amphibious lift capacity, and\nstressed as a\nseparate,\ndeploying more forces and equipment in key centers abroad,\nimportant\nitem\nwhere they can be quickly moved to meet any outbreak of trouble.\nIn addition, we shall establish four regional groups of\npsychological warfare, intelligence, civil affairs and special\nforces units under the title of U. S. Forward Liaison and\nAssistance Groups -- or U. S. FLAGS for short. The mission\nof these cold war task forces will be to train, advise and assist\nfree governments in countering communist-sponsored guerrillas\nor insurgents.\nFinally, our special forces and unconventional warfare units\nwill be increased -- a number of World War II type aircraft will\nbe activated for \"Jungle Jim\" anti-guerrilla training -- and\nthroughout the services new emphasis will be placed on the\nspecial skills a new survey has revealed the ability to speak\nmore than 100 different languages -- from Afrikaan to Vietnamese --\nand to work with local populations in all the social, egonomic,\n-6-\npsychological, governmental and other efforts that are short\nof open conflict but necessary to stem internal Communist\naggression.\nDoes the impact\n(4) Fourth, to remove all doubts about either our will or our\nof one Division\njustify the ex- capacity to respond, I am asking the Congress for $600 million\npense?\nShould we say to add another Marine Division and Air Wing. The Marine Corps\nwe are call-\ning up Re-\nphilosophy, terming training, mobility, tailored logistic support\nserves ?\nWould use of\nand integrated air support all make it particularly fit for the kind\nexisting train-\ning units or\nof combat that may be thrust upon us.\nfilling out\nexisting\nDivisions be\nmore efficient?\n- 7-\nIII - Military Assistance\nHowever, as stated in my earlier message, the main burden\nof local defense against local attack, subversion, SK. insurrection\nor guerrilla warfare must rest on local forces. If they are willing\nand able to cope with any threat, our intervention is rarely neces-\nsary or helpful. If they lack the necessary will, our intervention\nis futile. But where they lack only the necessary capacity, our\nMilitary Assistance Program can be of help.\nBut this program, too, needs a new emphasis. It can no\nlonger be extended without regard to the social, political and\nmilitary reforms essential to internal respect and stability. The\nequipment and training provided must be tailored to the local\ncountry's needs and our own foreign policy, not to our supply of\nsurplus stocks or a local leader's desire for military grandeur.\nAnd military assistance should complement, not substitute for,\neconomic progress. The domestic works of our own Army\nEngineers demonstrate the role local forces in the emerging\ncountries can play in village development, sanitation and road\nbuilding. Thus, while kept separate from our economic assistance,\nthis program must be closely coordinated with it under our\nAmbassadors abroad.\nFinally, high military assistance levels premised on local\ncountries staving off an overt major aggression are consistent\nneither with our defense commitments or the new strength and\nmobility sought for our own conventional forces. Reducations\nhave also been possible in some nations with rising economic\ncapacities.\nBut we cannot refuse to face the rising tide of Castroism\nand Communism in Latin America -- the increasing arms traffic\nin Africa, where new national boundaries do not always conform to\nlogical, historical, or defensible patterns -- and the growing\nthreat to all those nations along the periphery of the Communist\n-8-\nQuery: Should\nbloc: Greece, Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, Burma, Thailand, Cam-\nany nation be\nadded BX to or\nbodia, Vietnam, Indonesia, the Philippines, the Republic of\ntaken off this\nlist? Review\nChina on Formosa, and Korea. These nations are on the front\nof each justifi-\ncation is illum-\nlines of the Cold War -- any outbreak of internal disorder can be\ninating (see,\ne.g. Burma,\neasily inflamed, supplied or exploited by their Communist\nPakistan)\nneighbors. In some cases, such as Vietnam and Thailand, there\nShould we also\nincrease mili-\nis a threat of an open and external Communist attack.\ntary assistance\nto NATO coun-\nIn my earlier message on Foreign aid, I requested $1. 6\ntries to build\ntheir conven-\nbillion for Military Assistance, stating that this would cover\ntional forces?\nexisting commitments and force levels, but admitting an inability\nto determine how much more current developments might require.\nShould we men- It is now clear that this amount is insufficient to do the job; and\ntion also re-\nquesting right\nthat at least $400 million more is necessary. Until arms control\nto borrow $400\nmill. from re-\nbecomes a relaity, we cannot let down our guard and we must not\ngular Defense\nBudget ?\nlet down our friends.\n-9-\nIV - NATO\nour security\nPP\nAn essential element of is the military strength of the\nNorth Atlantic Community. The coordinated defenses of NATO\nconstitute our single greatest bulwark for peace and freedom; and\nI have no hesitation in making any effort or taking any trip to make\ncertain that alliance is solid.\nBut NATO force structures were originally devised to meet\nSince this was\nessentially in\nthe threat of a massive conventional attack, in a period of Western\nthe Canadian\nspeech, do\nnuclear monopoly. Now, opposing armies are less massive. Our\ncourtesy &\nprotoccl re-\nmonopoly is gone. And resistance by NATO conventional forces\nquire that it\nbe said to the\nmay be both feasible and necessary under certain conditions,\nCongress?\nShould NATO\nIf we are to achieve non-nuclear NATO forces of sufficient\neconomic\npolicies\nquality, mobility and firepower to hold any attacking force long\nbe\ndiscussed?\nenough to permit a deliberate decision on the use of nuclear\nWill the\nGermans be\nweapons, every NATO member -- and this country has already\nnervous\nabout this\nbegun -- must assign more resources and a higher priority to the\ndiscussion\nof conven-\nstrengthening of conventional forces now on the continent.\ntional\nforces ?\nI have also made clear our intention to bolster NATO's\nnuclear deterrent by committing to the NATO command area 5\nPolaris submarines, with more to come later, This Administra-\ntion's thinking on both current and future arrangements for a\nNATO sea-borne missile force have been earlier disclosed; and\nI will only add my conviction that if our will and our capacity to\nresist all types of aggression in the NATO treaty area are clear\nbeyond possibility of miscalculation, there will be no such attack.\n-10-\nV ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AID\nBut we would err, and grievously so, if we assumed that our\nanswer to the Communist challenge must be wholly, or even\nprimarily military. The most skillful counter-guerrilla efforts\nin the world cannot prevail if the local population, who sees no\nother rescue from their misery, is sympathetic to the guerrillas.\nA dozen more Marine divisions could not keep within the Free\nWorld orbit either a nation dependent on Communist aid and\ntechnicians, or a nation whose social and economic chaos invites\nNor will more\npenetration and subversion./ xivice military assistance\nhelp stabilize those governments unable or unwilling to initiate\nprograms for economic reform and development, or too caught\nup in their own misery to be concerned about the advance of Com-\nmunism.\nSo let us not react to new military set-backs by becoming\nobsessed with military solutions. The thrust of our foreign\npolicy is, and must be, largely constructive, particularly with\nthe emerging nations to help them preserve their independence,\nmodernize their societies and stand as equal partners in the\ncommunity of free nations-- and to help them before they are\nengulfed in crisis.\nopportunity.\nThis is our If we pursue it, Communist\nsubversion is exposed as naked, unjustifiable. aggression by a\nsystem that does not want new nations to be either free or equal.\nBut if we do not pursue it, the bankruptcy of unstable governments and\nunfulfilled hopes will surely lead to a series of Communist\nreceiverships.\nEarlier in the year, I outlined to the Congress a new program\nAre we\nfor aiding these emerging nations; and it is my intention to transmit\ncertain it\nwill be ready\nwithin a week draft legislation to implement this program, to\nbefore depart-\nAct\nInternational\ning the\nestablish a new/Axsxiis*katiox Development\ncountry?\n(AID), and to add to the figures previously requested, in view of\n-11-\nthe swift pace of critical events, an additional $250 million for\na Presidential\nDo we men-\n**** Contingency Fund. The total amount requested -- now raised\ntion request\nfor transfer\nto $2. 65 billion -- is both minimal and crucial. Our hopes for\nauthority\nfrom military\nthe Latin American Alliance for Progress -- our hopes for\nto economic?\nsolid\nOr any\nimproving the bright/spots in South Asia, such as India and\norganizational\ndecisions\nPakistan -- our hopes for countering Communist aid, Communist\n(Food for\nPeace, etc)?\npropaganda, and the discontent on which the Communists prey --\nand our hopes for convincing the other industrialized nations to\nincrease their role in this endeavor all depend upon Congress\nlong-term I have\nenacting the full amount of funds and/authority/requested.\nIf our strength were directly attacked, I know this nation\nwould respond, regardless of the cost. The Communists know\nit, too\nthis They prefer to nibble away at our strength, to erode it\ngradually, to prolong a struggle which is neither war nor peace.\n7, 000 of their technicians are working in less-developed countries.\nNew Communist aid missions are in Africa and Asia. Surely we\nin the West can mobilize all the resources needed to meet this\nchallenge, as we have every other challenge to our security since\nthe nation's birth.\nIn heybers hey larget they\nare\nas\ncan\n15.5\n?\nhurl u\n17.\nw L10\nI'm\nhter other to can\n-12-\nVI. Trade\nAt the same time, we must adhere to policies of inter-\nnational trade which further the economic solidarity of the Free World\nand the stability of less-developed countries. The increase in our\nexports, assisting the improvement in our balance of payments,\nrequires a continued liberalization of our import policies. The tradex\neconomic\n/offensive of the Communist bloc, which has tripled its trade with\nthe less-developed countries in recent years, has become an effec-\ntive wedge for increasing the economic, technical and ultimately\n-- particularly in Latin America--\nGeorge\npolitical dependence of these countries, whose economies/are often\nBall\nadvises\nwhodly based upon the sales of a single commodity. Nor will our\nagainst\nspecific\ndevelopment aid be successful if such countries cannot obtain stable\nmention\nour\nof com-\nmarkets in which to earn the funds they need to pay back *** loans,\nmodity\nagreements.\nimport new goods and modernize their economies. The OECD will\nbefore\ntrade\npolicy\nLatin hopes\nbe an important instrument for/cooperation. Our own trade lagister\nget too\nreviewed and\nhigh.\nstorm which must be/renewed next year, must not be weakened **\nand\na policy\nrecognizing that it is/amonot which must be\nselectively applied when unemployment is high, I would nevertheless\nurge that, to ease these pressures for restriction, the Congress\nenact a Trade Adjustment Assistance Act to help those communities,\nbusinesses and workers seriously injured by import competition.\n7\n- 13 - -\nVII. CUBA\nI cannot speak of Latin America without saying a few words\nabout our future policy toward Cuba. It is important that we are not\nmisled by one reverse into much more serious errors.\nAt the present time I do not believe that the interests of\nfreedom would be served by an armed attack of United States forces\non Castro -- or by a naval blockade (which is only a much less effec-\ntive form of initiating an open war) - unless, as I have previously\nindicated, there should be any foreign effort to make Cuba a base of\nserious aggressive action against this country, or an attempt by\nCastro himself to undertake aggressive action among our inter-\nAmerican allies. In the absence of such efforts, we must never\nforget this nation's world-wide role and commitments, which are\ncrucial in so many key areas, and which require us, in framing our\ncourse for any one case, to bear in mind our total responsibilities.\nBut this does not mean that we are helpless or complacent\nabout this small but noxious despotism, slipping steadily under more\nAre there\nand more foreign control and now angrily denying even a pretense of\nany\neconomic\nfree elections. We are more certain than ever that the Castro's\nsanc-\ntions\nregime's own words and actions will increasingly isolate it from\nwe can\nindicate?\nliberal forces in the Hemisphere, and make clear to all the Americans\nthat it is not a genuine revolution but a captive satellite. We are, in\naddition, more determined to cooperate energetically with all nations\nwho may be threatened by this dictatorship. We shall also fulfill\nour obligations and generous traditions in meeting the needs of Cuban\nexiles, particularly those families who suffered losses in the gallant\neffort of recent weeks. Meanwhile, the Cuban struggle for freedom\nwill surely continue - our sympathies are plain - and, under the\nAlliance for Progress, we intend to work more closely than ever with\nall our friends to make this Hemisphere fulfill her own high promise.\n-14-\nVIII. COLD WAR OPERATIONS\nPartly as a result of the course of events and errors in Cuba,\nI have initiated detailed studies of this nation's capacity and organization\nin the collection and analysis of intelligence, and in covert, para-military,\npsychological warfare and related operations. To the extent permitted, our\nconclusions and actions resulting from those studies will be appropriately\ncommunicated to the Congress.\nThis much can be said now, however, about such operations in the\nfuture. There is no denying either their necessity or their legitimacy as a\nmeans of self-defense against a covert foe in an age of peril. But they must\nbe conducted strictly within the framework of our foreign policy objectives\nand democratic aspirations. Any major decision should be preceded by a\nminimum of advance advertising and a maximum of advance planning, to\nassure maximum exploitation of success and a minimization of failure.\nThere must be both a clearer distinction and closer coordination between\noperations necessarily secret and those which should be overt, and less\npublicity and speech-making relating to these operations generally. We must\ning\navoid concentrating in one agency the responsibility for gather/and coordinat-\ning intelligence data, for conducting counter-intelligence, for providing\nanalysis and estimates, for X recommending policy, and for conducting\nmilitary or para-military operations to implement that policy. Nor can such\noperations be conducted from afar. And, at the same time, these responsi-\nbilities are limited, too many separate and competing agencies with the same\nassignment, with too many people given too much unaccounted for money,\nmust be brought under closer executive review -- with new organization, new\nprinciples and new leadership, and integrated more closely with related\nmilitary, economic and propaganda operations.\n- 15 -\nIX. U.S. I. A.\nAll that I have said makes it clear that we are engaged in a struggle to\npreserve and promote our own ideals,\nor have alien ideals forced upon us. The role of propaganda, of ideo-\nlogical and psychological warfare, and of the U. S. Information Agency\nalone\nthus assume critical importance. One year's defense budget/could\noperate the U.S.I.A. program for 400 years yet without that program\nwe may have very little left to defend. It is essential that the funds\npreviously requested for this effort be not only approved in full, but\nincreased by an additional sum I am transmitting this week.\n?\nThis new request is for additional radio and television - -- the most\nmeans at our command to influence\neffective xcediaxwith those illiterate and semi-literate peoples to whom the\nCastros and Communists appeal XX in the newly beleaguered areas of\nLatin America and Southeast Asia. Castro's own powerful propaganda\nbroadcasts now heard throughout Latin America are threatening new\n\"Fidelista\" revolutions in several countries; and our efforts to isolate\nthis menace require increased efforts to convey throughout the Americas\nthe truth about his brutalities, his subservience to international Communism\nand his betrayal of the Cuban revolution. To strengthen all of Latin\nAmerica, we need the widest possible appreciation of our.Alianza para\nProgresso, and its meaning to poverty-stricken peoples.\nSimilarly, in Vietnam, Cambodia and Thailand, we must\ncommunicate our determination and support to those upon whom our\nhopes for resisting the Communist tide in that continent must ultimately\nrest. Our propaganda propagates the truth -- the truth that will make\nmen free.\n16\nX CIVIL DEFENSE\n--\nOne major element of the defense picture/unrelated to any\nnew developments but which this nation has never squarely faced\nup to/is civil defense. In the past decade we have intermittently\nconsidered a variety of programs, but never a basic policy.\nMost discussions have fallen into two categories: apathy, indifference\nand skepticism from the general public, whose participation is\nfrom those\nessential; and the unrealistic or exaggerated plans afxixxxx\nenthusiasts whose arguments do not begin to justify the cost of\ntheir proposals.\nhas\nThis Administration / been looking very hard at exactly\nwhat civil defense can and cannot do. I see no justification for\nembarking on a multi-billion dollar program for blast shelters\nwhich may not be reached inctime in the event of an attack, which\nmay become quickly obsolescent with the rise in explosive power,\nwhich would be sold to the public only by a national posture that\nwar\nmight frighten the enemy into attack, and which in any event\nwould not deter a nuclear attack.\nWe will deter such an attack only if our retaliatory power\nso\nis so strong and/invulnerable that any enemy knows he would be\nwiped out by our response. If we have that strength, civil defense\nis not needed to deter an attack. If we should ever lack it, civil\ndefense would not be of much help.\nBut the deterrent theory assumes rational calculations by\nthe M events )\nrational men And the history of this planet is sufficient to\n1914,\nA\n1584\nremind us of the possibilities of an irrational attack, a miscal-\n1950\nculation, an accidental war which cannot be either foreseen or\ndeterred. The growing trend toward \"push-button warfare\", and\nthe imminent spread of nuclear weapons, serve to heighten these\npossibilities. It is to this extent that civil defense can be justified --\nas insurance for the civilian population in the event of such a\nmiscalculation. It is insurance we trust will never be used -\nbut insurance which we could never forgive ourselves for refusing\nin the event of catastrophe.\n-17-\nOnce both the validity and the limits of this concept are\naccepted, there is no time to waste in initiating a nation-wide,\nlong-range program of identifying and incorporating fall-out\nshelters, which will protect against the hazards of radio active\nthose\nfall-out a maximum number of/civilians who survive an initial\nblast. This is particularly important in the event of an attack\naimed primarily at military targets. To implement these\nshelters will require additional measures for warning, training,\nfood\nradiological monitoring and faxed and medical stock-piling. And\nto implement the entire program will require not only considerably\nmore funds but considerabiy stronger organization and leadership.\n(1) Therefore, under the authority vested in me by Reorgani-\n1958\nzation Plan No. 1 of *938, I am transferring basic authority for\ncivil defense to the top civilian authority already responsible for\ncontinental defense, the Secretary of Defense. Responsibilities\nfor health, food, manpower, transportation and other needs in the\nevent of an attack will be delegated to the appropriate Department\nheads. The Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization, which has\nswollen to unworkable proportions, will be reconstituted as a\nsmall Presidential staff agency to assist in the coordination of\nthese functions under the title of \"Office of Emergency Planning\".\nThe role of state and local governments, of course, remains\nessential; and their share of the financial and programming\nburden is substantial.\n(2) Secondly, as soon as those newly charged with these\nresponsibilities are ready, new authorization and appropriation\nrequests will be transmitted to the Congress for a four-year\nFederal-State shelter program, including new requirements for\nall Federal and Federally-financed buildings and matching grants\nblast\nfor identifying(in all areaș and constructing (outside of these areas)\ninexpensive fall-out shelters in State and local government and private build-\nPP\nings. Federal expenditures for civil defense in fiscal 1962 under\n-18-\nthe ir\nthis program will in all likelihood be more than triple Rixher current\nlevel, and increase sharply in subsequent years. Similar\nexpenditures will be required from State and local governments\nfrom all\nBut no\nand/private citizens. bis insurance is cost-free; and every\nAmerican must decide whether this form of survival insurance\njustified the expenditure of effort, time and money.\n-19-\nXI. SPACE\nThe events of recent weeks have also made clear the impact\nof dramatic scientific achievement on the minds and morale of\nWhatever\nother peoples. the actual scientific or military value of\na spectacular undertaking in space, its success\nenhances the prestige of the nation which scores it, and is\ninterpreted by othersmadics as a major indication of superiority.\nambdeadecebixx Nor is this a wholly mistaken interpretation.\nSuccess in large scale space projects requires a highly organized\nbrilliant\nmobilization of resources, a technology, and unflagging pursuit\nof long-range goals.\nI believe this nation possesses both the resources and the\ntalents to be first in space in every respect. We are not first\ntoday. We have never made the decisions and marshalled the\nresources necessary to be first. We have never fully accepted\nthe necessity of pursuing space projects at a pace fixed largely\nby the element of national prestige. We have never specified\norderly, long-range goals and then managed our resources and\nour time so as to insure their fulfillment.\nThe time has come for this country to seek world leadership\nIP\nwith\nin space. Recognizing the head start obtained by the Soviets and\ntheir large rocket engines and recognizing the likelihood that they\nwill exploit this lead in still more impressive successes, we\nnevertheless cannot permit the margin of their superiority to\ngrow so large that we can never catch up, or are reduced by\nsubsequent break-throughs to the status of a second-class power.\nNor, at present, can we expect the Soviets to share with us the\nknowledge they have already obtain ed that is essential to this\nnation's technological progress. TP Thus we must make ***** new\nefforts, whether we are first or not. Making them in full view of\nthe world enhances our prestige, whether we are first or not. But\nour ultimate aim is to be first.\n-20-\nI am therefore asking the Congress, in addition to the increases\nI earlier requested for space activities, to provide the funds\nnational\nnecessary to meet the following /goals:\nand foremost,\nShould we say)\n(1) First,/ to land a man on the moon and return him to earth\nby 1967?\n)\n) before this decade is out. No single space project will be more\nimpressive or more important; and none will be so difficult or\nexpensive to accomplish. Including necessary supporting research,\nthis will require an additional $516 million this year and still\nPP\nhigher sums in the future. The Soviets already have the booster\nthey possess\ncapability to land instruments on the moon, and/more knowledge\non life in space; and thus their advantage is substantial. But our\nintention is to accelerate now the development of the appropriate\nlunar space-craft; the development of a Nova liquid fueled rocket\nengine with a thrust six times greater than the largest (Saturn)\nbooster now under development; the parallel development (by the\nDepartment of Defense) of an equally large solid fueled Nova\nbooster, until sufficient data is available to determine which\napproach is superior; a similar back-up of the Centaur engine\nwith Titan II engines; and further unmanned explorations of the\nmoon and space, particularly as they relate to a factor this\nthe men who\nnation will never overlook: the survival of tdxxxxxxx first walsing make\nthese daring\n/жики flights.\n(2) Secondly, an additional $50 million to make the most of\nour leadership in the use of space satellites for world-wide\ncommunications. When we have put into operation a system that\nwill enable even the remotest corners of the earth to send or\nreceive messages, conversations and even television programs,\nwe will have achieved a success that is both impressive and bene-\nficial.\n(3) Third, an additional $75 million ($53 million of which\nis for the Weather Bureau) to give us at the earliest possible time\n- 21 -\nthe world's first system of world-wide weather prediction. Such a\nand for all who go by air or sea;\nsystem will be of inestimable commercial and scientific value; /\nnations\nNote: NASA\nand we intend to share it with all/ who will join with us in these\nand AEC also\nexplorations\nwanted $30\npeaceful corpoitations of space.\nmillion to\naccelerate\nLet me warn you that I am asking the Congress and the\nROVER still\nfurther.\ncountry to commit us all for a period of years to a new course\nBudget\nsays hold.\nwhich will be exceedingly expensive; but if we were only to go\nhalf-way, or change our goals, or reduce our sights, it would be\npreferable not to go at all. Let me also stress that more money\ndo.\nalone will not bevanaughx This decision requires a major national\ncommitment of scientific and technical manpower, materials and\nfacilities, and their diversion from other activities where they are\nalready too thinly spread. It requires a degree of dedication and\norganization which have not always characterized the pace of our\nresearch and development efforts, and which cannot permit undue\nwork stoppages, inflated costs of material or talent, wasteful\ninter-agency rivalries, or a high turn-over of key personnel.\n--\nNew objectives and new money cannot solve these problems/, and\nin fact\n--\nevery\n/ could aggravate them further/ unless every scientist,/engineer,\nand RX service chief,\nevery serviceman/ technician, contractor and civil servant involved\ngives his personal pledge that this nation will someday be\nfirst againx in space.\nand in was\n-22-\nXII. STRENGTHENING OUR ECONOMY\nIs this\nFinally, I must stress the role of our own economy. If\nsection\nanti-\nwe are to sustain the kind of effort I have outlined, and demon-\nclimactic\nat the end\nstrate to all the success of freedom's way, we need a growing,\nof a very\nlong speech?\nprosperous economy that makes maximum use of our plant and\nCould it be\na separate\nworker capacity. This is no time for large-scale unemployment\nmessage, or\ndoes its\nand wasted talents.\nsuccess\ndepend upon\nWith your cooperation, this Administration initiated an\nits inclu-\nsion in this\naffirmative anti-recession program shortly after taking office\n\"urgent\"\nthe\nit generated\npackage?\nfour months ago. That program, coupled with/renewed confidence/\nDoes it\nthe\nof our economy,\nhand\nand/natural forces/ has halted the recession and stepped up our\nthe opposi-\ntion an\nrate of growth. Recovery is under way.\nexcuse\nfor attack?\nBut the road to full recovery is a long one, particularly for\nthose on the persistently high rolls of the unemployed. Programs\nbeyond those already submitted are essential if we are to reduce\nunemployment below the 6% level this year.\n******** Specifically:\n(1) I am transmitting to the Congress a Youth Employment\nOpportunities Act, to help meet the spectacular increase in young\npeople who are out of school and out of work. The latest available\ndata showed 300, 000 young men between the ages of 17 and 20 **\ndone unemployed with thousands more pouring onto the labor market\nevery month. The program I am proposing would provide work and\ntraining for 56,000 young men in such constructive activities as\nthe conservation of natural resources and the development of\nrecreational facilities, preparing them for permanent employment\nand upgrading their skills.\n(2) I am transmitting to the Congress a new Job Training\nand Manpower program, to train and retrain more than a million\nworkers over a four-year period in order to replace skills made\nwhich\nobsolete by automation with the new skills/ new products demand.\nSupplementing current public and private training and education\nprograms, such a measure, including subsistence and relocation\n-23-\nallowances for the long-term unemployed, is a positive answer\nto the challenge of technology.\n(3) I am transmitting to the Congress, as earlier promised,\na permanent measure to strengthen our Federal-State system of\nunemployment insurance, increasing coverage and benefit amounts,\nimproving its financing, and providing for a stand-by Federal\nprogram for additional benefits to long-time workers and those\nexhausting their rights during a recession. If this system is to\noperate as a true \"built-in stabilizer\", it should not be necessary\nfor every slump\nfor the Congress to enact a new stop-gap\nNeither can we ignore the 5 million Americans still out of work,\n900, 000 of them without a job for more than six months.\n(4) To help industry modernize its plant for greater indus-\nLabor opposes trial strength, I am transmitting an Industrial Modernization Credit\nmention;\nBudget doubts Insurance Act, authorizing the Secretary of Commerce to insure\nusefulness;\nSBA wants\nup to 80% of private loans for the purchase of new equipment. In\nin\nthe long run, more modern plant means new markets and new\njobs -- and this measure, patterned on the FHA example and\nsupplemented by the Investment Tax Credit earlier submitted, will\nmeet the needs of those too small to have ready access to the\nlarger sources of capital but too large to be helped by the Small\nBusiness Administration.\n(5) I am recommending a $150 million increase in the lending\ncapacity of the Small Business Administration of which about half\nwill be utilized during the next fiscal year. Applications to that\nagency for loan participations have been growing rapidly; and this\nmoney, as primer for the flow of additional private funds, can\nspeed recovery and growth while strengthening the vitality of\nsmall business.\n(6) The financial influence of the Government must continue\nto be exerted in the direction of credit ease and further monetary\ngrowth while the economy is recovering. Some further downward\n-24-\nadjustments in interest rates, particularly those which have been\nslow to adjust in the recent recession, are clearly desirable.\n(7) To supplement this general stimulus, I have directed\nthe Federal Housing Administration to reduce the maximum permis-\nsible interest rate on FHA-insured mortgages from 5-1/2 to\n5-1/4 percent, with the help of the Federal National Mortgage\nAssociation through its secondary market mortgage purchases, and\na new initiative launched by the Federal Home Loan Bank Board to\ninduce, through cheaper credit, reductions in rates charged by\nprivate savings and loan associations.\nThis expansion of credit at a time of unemployment, unused\ncapacity, stable price levels, weak markets and limited monetary\ngrowth will not incur any major risks of inflation. This is\nimportant, for we have made great strides in restoring world\nconfidence in the dollar, halting the outflow of gold and improving\nour balance of payments. But as recovery is achieved, the tempta-\ntion to seek unjustified price increases and excessive wage in-\ncreases will be very strong. This we cannot afford. We do not\nseek the controls of a war-time economy but I must call on both\nShould men-\nmanagement and labor to exercise the sèlf-restraints of war-\ntion be\nmade here\ntime peril.\nof Labor-\nManagement\nMay I respectfully urge the exercise of similar fiscal respon-\nAdvisory\nCommittee,\nsibility and restraint on the part of the Congress? I have recom-\nor auto\nwages\nmended only those programs which I consider to be absolutely\nand\nprices?\nessential to our national defense and space needs, and to our\nfull The was new Cop\noverall economic strength. Our security and progress cannot\nbe bought cheaply. But if the Budget is to be held within manageable\nproportions, it will be necessary to refrain from adding funds or\nnume we\nprograms which have not been requested, to end the postal deficit\n1 are any mill\nthrough increased rates, to provide full pay-as-you-go highway\nfinancing, and to close those tax loopholes earlier specified.\nSurely the inconveniences and sacrifices involved in those measures\nare not too great to ask in times such as these.\n-25-\nXIII CONCLUSION\nIn conclusion let me emphasize one point: that we are\ndetermined, as a nation, to survive and succeed -- that whatever\nthe peril and the set-backs, we have some very large advantages.\nThe first is that we are on the side of liberty -- the Communists\nare not -- and liberty has been ultimately winning out in the end\nsince the beginning of history. The Communists will find this\nout -- even behind the Iron Curtain.\nA second asset is our desire for peace. It is sincere and\nthe world knows it. At Geneva, in cooperation with the United\nKingdom, we have put forward concrete proposals to make clear\nan effective\nour wish to meet the Soviets halfway in negotiating a/nuclear\ntest ban treaty. In the UN, our efforts have been directed toward\nmaintaining its usefulness as a protector of the small. In these\nand other instances, the Communist response has been one of\nYet it is important that\nintransigence or disruption. They should know that our patience\nwhile\nat the bargaining table is nearly inexhaustible, shot our credulity\nwhile\nis limited -- that our hopes for peace are unfailing, bux our\ndetermination to protect our security is resolute. And because\nthere are some signs that the Communists are not aware of this\nposition, because we live in a world which on more than one\nall-out\nrecent occasion has veered close to generaxwar, and because the\nchances of misunderstanding, miscalculation and communication\nfailures are too great to risk in the nuclear missile era, I have long\nthought it wise, following my final visit with the great leaders of\nthe West, to meet with the Soviet Premier for a personal exchange\nof views. No agenda is planned and no agreements will be sought;\nbut our desire for peace will be clear.\nin this struggle\nOur final asset/is the American people -- their willingness\nto pay the price for these programs -- to understand and accept\nless fortunate\na long struggle to share their resources with other/peoples --\nto meet the tax levels and close the tax loopholes I have requested --\n-26-\nto serve in the Peace Corps or the Marine Corps or the Federal\ntheir\nCivil Service to strive for excellence in xxx schools, in NNX their\ntheir\ncities and in case physical fitness -- to take part in Civil Defense --\nto pay higher postal rates, higher payroll taxes and higher\nteachers salaries, in order to strengthen our society -- to\ndemonstrate democracy in our attitudes toward other races,\nor visitors from other lands -- and to exercise self-restraint\nor\ninstead of pushing up wages or prices, xx overproducing certain\nor\nor\ncrops, xx spreading military secrets, In urging unessential\nexpenditures, Xx improper monopolies or harmful work stoppages.\nI have not asked for a single program all year which did not\n.all\nwome\ncause one or wore Americans some inconvenience, or/hardship\nsome\nor/sacrifice. But they have responded -- you in the Congress\nmagnificently\nin any juney and\nhave responded/ and I am gratified that I go to meet Mr.\nwas\nand reassurance\nKhrushchev with the knowledge/that our nation is united,\nare\ndetermined and ready to do its duty.\n##########"
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