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- 25 -
The difference would be that it would be the East Germans, rather
than the Soviets, who would be trying to make the changes. Allied
unity could probably be more readily secured on defending this
existing line than on trying to improve it at the time of a GDR
take-over. And parity of treatment for the GDR would be easier
for the USSR to accept as an outcome of the crisis, if it had
been deterred and wanted a face-saving "out".
The East Germans' initial reaction to a pre-treaty announce=
ment by the Western powers along the lines suggested above
(assuming that negotiations with the USSR had already failed) is
predictable: They would say that the procedures to be followed
could only be détermined in post-treaty negotiations between
the Western powers and the sovereign East German regime.
The West could not, of course, allow itself to be placed
in the position of negotiating to secure rights which it already
possessed -- least of all with a regime which it does not
recognize or hold responsible for those rights' fulfillment.
At the same time, the West would not want it to appear that
it was breaking with the Communists over the issue of dealings
with the GDR, rather than over the issue of Berlin's freedom.
This would be falling into a Communist propaganda trap.
The Western powers might, therefore, indicate that
they remained willing to negotiate with the USSR about post-
treaty Berlin and were willing to inform the GDR of the
procedures which they would follow if negotiations did not
succeed. The manner of this "informing" could be determined
at the time -- the main object being to choose a manner
which would generate a minimum of divisive doubts and
disputes among the Western powers. The proposal for
reciprocal declarations contemplated in Solution "C"
might be revived for this purpose.
But now suppose that the East Germans reject being
"informed" about procedures, and insist that post-treaty
procedures be determined through direct inter=governmental
negotiation with the GDR. They might announce that, failing
such negotiation, they would unilaterally specify the new
procedures to be followed, and only allow Western military
traffic to pass which conformed to these procedures.
Should
SECRET
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"ocrText": "SECRET\n- 25 -\nThe difference would be that it would be the East Germans, rather\nthan the Soviets, who would be trying to make the changes. Allied\nunity could probably be more readily secured on defending this\nexisting line than on trying to improve it at the time of a GDR\ntake-over. And parity of treatment for the GDR would be easier\nfor the USSR to accept as an outcome of the crisis, if it had\nbeen deterred and wanted a face-saving \"out\".\nThe East Germans' initial reaction to a pre-treaty announce=\nment by the Western powers along the lines suggested above\n(assuming that negotiations with the USSR had already failed) is\npredictable: They would say that the procedures to be followed\ncould only be détermined in post-treaty negotiations between\nthe Western powers and the sovereign East German regime.\nThe West could not, of course, allow itself to be placed\nin the position of negotiating to secure rights which it already\npossessed -- least of all with a regime which it does not\nrecognize or hold responsible for those rights' fulfillment.\nAt the same time, the West would not want it to appear that\nit was breaking with the Communists over the issue of dealings\nwith the GDR, rather than over the issue of Berlin's freedom.\nThis would be falling into a Communist propaganda trap.\nThe Western powers might, therefore, indicate that\nthey remained willing to negotiate with the USSR about post-\ntreaty Berlin and were willing to inform the GDR of the\nprocedures which they would follow if negotiations did not\nsucceed. The manner of this \"informing\" could be determined\nat the time -- the main object being to choose a manner\nwhich would generate a minimum of divisive doubts and\ndisputes among the Western powers. The proposal for\nreciprocal declarations contemplated in Solution \"C\"\nmight be revived for this purpose.\nBut now suppose that the East Germans reject being\n\"informed\" about procedures, and insist that post-treaty\nprocedures be determined through direct inter=governmental\nnegotiation with the GDR. They might announce that, failing\nsuch negotiation, they would unilaterally specify the new\nprocedures to be followed, and only allow Western military\ntraffic to pass which conformed to these procedures.\nShould\nSECRET"
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