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    "label": "ISRAEL Vol. I ends May 31, 1969 [1 of 2]",
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    "title": "ISRAEL Vol. I ends May 31, 1969 [1 of 2]",
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    "seq": 155,
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    "ocrText": "INTERNATIONAL\ndemilitarization of Sinai. At Sharm el\nQ. Do you think that Israelis and Pal-\nSheikh, however, we must be in a posi-\nhave established governments with ar-\nestinians might one day live together in a\ntion to protect the access to the Strait of\nmies and police forces. We had nothing.\nbinational state, comparable to the Chris-\nTiran-our backyard. We cannot rely on\nWe were just as illegal as the under-\ntian-Moslem arrangement in Lebanon?\npromises and outsiders to do it for us.\nground movements you just mentioned.\nA. I would not like to be in the same\nWe cannot live as a nation without a\nAnd while trying to control them, we\nposition as Lebanon-that is, on a 50-50\npeace treaty. As for the Golan Heights,\nhad at the same time to struggle against\nbasis. Lebanon could become 60-40 one\nthe British Army.\nwe will quite simply never give them up.\nday and then what happens to the\nThe same goes for Jerusalem. Here\nminority?\nQ. President Nasser told NEWSWEEK\nthere is no flexibility at all. I regret it. I\nIt's very important that you and your\nwould be very happy to say yes. But\nthat Egyptian representatives are pre-\nreaders should understand that for 2,000\nevery time I look at the map I shake my\npared to sit down with Israelis in joint\nyears we were persecuted minorities\nhead because there is no possible way to\ncommittees with U.N. observers as they\naround the world. Never again. We must\ncompromise on Jerusalem. It is the very\ndid under the 1949 armistice agree-\nhave our own place where we are a ma-\nheart of our state.\nments. What are your objections to re-\njority. Look at Cyprus. Twenty-three per\nsuming such a dialogue-a dialogue, in-\ncent Turks, and look at what is going on.\nQ. Some Israeli leaders are now sug-\ncidentally, which Nasser says your\nIs that what you want for us? Israel is\ngovernment ended?\ngesting that Nasser and King Hussein\nand must remain a Jewish state.\nare too weak domestically to risk a peace\nA. There was always a third party in\nsettlement, and that eventually you will\nthese committees and this third party-\nQ. In that case, how would you feel\nhave to settle with the Palestinians di-\nthe U.N.-was the decisive party. The\nabout a separate Palestinian Arab state?\nrectly. What do you think?\nU.N. observer nearly always said he nev-\nA. I am against it. Personally, I think\nA. If those two could work together-\ner saw what happened. The arrangement\nPalestinian connections and ties should\nand if Nasser didn't stab the King in the\nhad become a mockery, a travesty of jus-\ntice. When Nasser launched the first\nback from time to time-I am quite sure\nthey could sell a reasonable settlement\nfedayeen raids more than ten years ago,\nto their peoples. I have met at least half\nhe acted as though he was free to do as\na dozen times with Palestinian leaders\non the west bank. They said they would\nHAJ JACOB MUSTAFA\nhe pleased while we were supposed to\nrespect the armistice agreements. That's\ngo talk to Hussein and to Nasser. They\nwhy the arrangement broke down. But if\ndid, but came back empty-handed.\nNasser is ready to resume these joint\ncommittees and to sit with us there, why\nQ. Do you see the Palestinian com-\nisn't he ready to sit with us under the\nmandos-Al-Fatah and the fedayeen-as\nU.N. Security Council resolution of Nov.\n22, 1967?\na potentially important political factor\nin the Middle East?\nA. I don't want to brag, but the feda-\nQ. Hasn't the time come for some new\nIsraeli peace initiatives?\nyeen have lost a lot of people. Many are\nleaving the movement dispirited. I do not\nA. We feel that every day is the time\nbelieve the fedayeen will become as im-\nfor this. The question is what and how.\nLet's sit down and discuss it. Let's reason\nportant as some people in Western coun-\ntries seem to think. But if Al-Fatah wants\ntogether. We have said-and it certainly\nto talk to us directly, we would not say\nreached the ears of the Jordanian Gov-\nno. If one day they overthrow established\nernment-that if Jordan needs a Medi-\nArab governments, we would then have\nterranean harbor we are prepared to\ngive them free port facilities in Haifa or\na new enemy and a new situation. But I\nAshdod. We can embark on all sorts of\ndon't believe this will happen because\nthey feel better off as free lances, and\njoint endeavors to develop their industry\nare not at all anxious to take on the bur-\nand export business. Go talk to the Arab\nMarc Riboud-Magnum\ndens of government.\nfarmers on the west bank and they will\nJerusalem: \"The heart of our state'\ntell you what we have done in a few\nQ. You call the fedayeen terrorists.\nmonths to increase their productivity-\nbe with Jordan; they have the same cus-\nBut how do they differ from other resist-\nwhich had barely changed for centuries\ntoms, same religion, same language. But\nbefore. We dug wells for them where\nance movements through history?\nwho knows? Jordan's behavior may force\nA. If people perpetrate terrorist acts\ntheir own people had assured them there\nthem to have a separate entity.\nthey can, of course, call themselves a re-\nwas no water. This is what we can offer.\nsistance movement. But what are they\nBut there is a price. Either they maintain\nQ. If the Jews are entitled to a home-\nresisting? They cannot find shelter on the\na state of war and nothing happens, or\nland, aren't the Palestinians similarly en-\nwest bank; the Arabs there are not coop-\nthey want real peace and then the hopes\ntitled to their own country?\nfor the future are unlimited.\nerating with the fedayeen. That hardly\nA. What are Palestinians? When I\nqualifies them as resistance fighters.\ncame here there were 250,000 non-Jews\nQ. If you were President Nixon and\n-mainly Arabs and Bedouins. It was des-\nQ. But in Gaza the local population is\ntrying to counteract Russian penetration\nert-more than underdeveloped. Noth-\nresisting your occupation. Doesn't that\nof the Arab world, wouldn't you find it\ning. It was only after we made the desert\nnecessary to inch a bit closer to the\nconstitute a resistance movement?\nbloom and populated it that they be-\nArab view?\nA. As a Jew, I will answer with another\ncame interested in taking it from us.\nquestion. What difference does it make?\nA. It is always hard to put yourself in\nWhy should glorify them with their\nsomeone else's shoes, especially those of\nQ. You expect Arab governments to\nthe President of the United States. But I\nown label? But, more seriously, I would\ndisarm or control the fedayeen. But\npoint out that for twenty years Gaza was\nam convinced that, although we fought\nwere Jewish leaders capable of control-\noccupied by the Egyptians. The Egyp-\nalone, the six-day war enhanced the in-\nling Jewish underground groups like the\nterests of the free world in the Middle\ntians' curfew there was much tougher\nStern gang at the time of your own strug-\nEast. There is much alarm about Soviet\nthan ours. The Palestinian refugees in\ngle for independence?\nGaza resisted the Egyptians just as\ninfluence, but what do Egypt and Syria\nA. Yes, to a certain degree we were.\nhave to offer? And the states that do\nstrongly as they resist us.\nBut how can you compare? The Arabs\nhave a lot to offer-Saudi Arabia, Kuwait,\nNewsweek, February 17, 1969\n53"
}