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This file contains:
From RN to Daniel P. Moynihan RE: memo from January 3. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From Daniel P. Moynihan to RN RE: advice for the incoming president. 15 pgs. [Memo], 1/3/1968
From RN to Bob Haldeman RE: Bishop Jackson of Chicago. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to John Ehrlichman RE: Medal of Freedom. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to John Ehrlichman RE: invitations to the White House. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to John Ehrlichman RE: making telephone calls. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to Henry Kissinger RE: Western Euroepean astronauts. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to John Ehrlichman RE: letters from Billy Graham. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to Henry Kisinger RE: study of Vietnam. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to John Ehrlichman RE: Lyman Brownfield. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to Bob Haldeman RE: Walter Thayer as Under Secretary of HEW. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to Rose Mary Woods RE: favorite poem. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From H. Lynn Sheller, on behalf of Whittier Junor College, to RN and PN RE: RN's favorite poem. 1 pg. [Letter], 11/8/1968
Copy of a memo from RN to General Goodpaster RE: attached letters. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a letter from Unknown, on behalf of the Walter Reed Hospital, to RN RE: Thanksgiving Day visist. 2 pgs. [Letter], 12/4/1968
Copy of a memo from RN to Peter Flanigan RE: attached memorandum. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of an excerpt from a letter written by Benjamin Clayton regarding older corporate figures. 1 pg. [Letter], 11/18/1968
Copy of a memo from RN to Peter Flanigan RE: attached memorandum. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Excerpt from a letter written by Benjamin Clayton regarding older corporate figures. Handwritten notes on reverse added by unknown. 2 pgs. [Letter], 11/18/1968
Copy of a memo from RN to General Goodpaster RE: Council of Former Presidents. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a paper from unknown, to unknown regarding the establishment of a Council of Former Presidents. 1 pg. [Other Document], N.D.
Copy of a memo from RN to General Goodpaster RE: Council of Former Presidents. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Paper from unknown, to unknown regarding the establishment of a Council of Former Presidents. 1 pg. [Other Document], N.D.
From RN to Bob Haldeman RE: Leo Cherne. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to Bob Haldeman RE: gubernatorial inaugurations. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Haldeman RE: use of telephones in the election campaign. 2 pgs. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Ehrlichman RE: White House reception. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Ehrlichman regarding retiring members of the Washington Press Corps. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Ehrlichman RE: political cartoons. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary Woods RE: filing of documents. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary Woods RE: letter from Eisenhower. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary Woods advising that Lyman Brownfield be invited to the Inauguration. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary Woods RE: Reverend John F. Cronin. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to John Ehrlichman RE: White House guest list. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to John Ehrlichman RE: Stuart List at a potential White House dinner. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Bob Haldeman regarding Thatcher Longstreth. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Bob Haldeman RE: Walter Thayer as Under Secretary of HEW. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary Woods RE: favorite poem. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a letter from H. Lynn Sheller of Fullerton Junior College to RN and PN RE: a poem. 1 pg. [Letter], 11/8/1968
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary Woods RE: "special friends" list. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to Bob Haldeman RE: Thatcher Longstreth. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Scholar Source Context
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26125876
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WHSF: Returned, 1-37
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26125876
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WHSF: Returned, 1-37
description
This file contains:
From RN to Daniel P. Moynihan RE: memo from January 3. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From Daniel P. Moynihan to RN RE: advice for the incoming president. 15 pgs. [Memo], 1/3/1968
From RN to Bob Haldeman RE: Bishop Jackson of Chicago. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to John Ehrlichman RE: Medal of Freedom. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to John Ehrlichman RE: invitations to the White House. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to John Ehrlichman RE: making telephone calls. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to Henry Kissinger RE: Western Euroepean astronauts. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to John Ehrlichman RE: letters from Billy Graham. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to Henry Kisinger RE: study of Vietnam. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to John Ehrlichman RE: Lyman Brownfield. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to Bob Haldeman RE: Walter Thayer as Under Secretary of HEW. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to Rose Mary Woods RE: favorite poem. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From H. Lynn Sheller, on behalf of Whittier Junor College, to RN and PN RE: RN's favorite poem. 1 pg. [Letter], 11/8/1968
Copy of a memo from RN to General Goodpaster RE: attached letters. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a letter from Unknown, on behalf of the Walter Reed Hospital, to RN RE: Thanksgiving Day visist. 2 pgs. [Letter], 12/4/1968
Copy of a memo from RN to Peter Flanigan RE: attached memorandum. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of an excerpt from a letter written by Benjamin Clayton regarding older corporate figures. 1 pg. [Letter], 11/18/1968
Copy of a memo from RN to Peter Flanigan RE: attached memorandum. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Excerpt from a letter written by Benjamin Clayton regarding older corporate figures. Handwritten notes on reverse added by unknown. 2 pgs. [Letter], 11/18/1968
Copy of a memo from RN to General Goodpaster RE: Council of Former Presidents. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a paper from unknown, to unknown regarding the establishment of a Council of Former Presidents. 1 pg. [Other Document], N.D.
Copy of a memo from RN to General Goodpaster RE: Council of Former Presidents. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Paper from unknown, to unknown regarding the establishment of a Council of Former Presidents. 1 pg. [Other Document], N.D.
From RN to Bob Haldeman RE: Leo Cherne. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to Bob Haldeman RE: gubernatorial inaugurations. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Haldeman RE: use of telephones in the election campaign. 2 pgs. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Ehrlichman RE: White House reception. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Ehrlichman regarding retiring members of the Washington Press Corps. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Ehrlichman RE: political cartoons. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary Woods RE: filing of documents. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary Woods RE: letter from Eisenhower. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary Woods advising that Lyman Brownfield be invited to the Inauguration. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary Woods RE: Reverend John F. Cronin. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to John Ehrlichman RE: White House guest list. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to John Ehrlichman RE: Stuart List at a potential White House dinner. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Bob Haldeman regarding Thatcher Longstreth. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Bob Haldeman RE: Walter Thayer as Under Secretary of HEW. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary Woods RE: favorite poem. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
Copy of a letter from H. Lynn Sheller of Fullerton Junior College to RN and PN RE: a poem. 1 pg. [Letter], 11/8/1968
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary Woods RE: "special friends" list. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
From RN to Bob Haldeman RE: Thatcher Longstreth. 1 pg. [Memo], 1/8/1969
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Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection
Returned White House Special Files
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
White House Special Files Collection
Folder List
Box Number Folder Number Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
From RN to Daniel P. Moynihan RE: memo
from January 3. 1 pg.
1
37
01/03/1968
Memo
From Daniel P. Moynihan to RN RE: advice
for the incoming president. 15 pgs.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
From RN to Bob Haldeman RE: Bishop
Jackson of Chicago. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
From RN to John Ehrlichman RE: Medal of
Freedom. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
From RN to John Ehrlichman RE: invitations
to the White House. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
From RN to John Ehrlichman RE: making
telephone calls. 1 pg.
Wednesday, September 30, 2009
Page 1 of 6
Box Number Folder Number Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
From RN to Henry Kissinger RE: Western
Euroepean astronauts. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
From RN to John Ehrlichman RE: letters
from Billy Graham. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
From RN to Henry Kisinger RE: study of
Vietnam. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
From RN to John Ehrlichman RE: Lyman
Brownfield. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
From RN to Bob Haldeman RE: Walter
Thayer as Under Secretary of HEW. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
From RN to Rose Mary Woods RE: favorite
poem. 1 pg.
1
37
11/08/1968
Letter
From H. Lynn Sheller, on behalf of Whittier
Junor College, to RN and PN RE: RN's
favorite poem. 1 pg.
Wednesday, September 30, 2009
Page 2 of 6
Box Number Folder Number Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to General
Goodpaster RE: attached letters. 1 pg.
1
37
12/04/1968
Letter
Copy of a letter from Unknown, on behalf of
the Walter Reed Hospital, to RN RE:
Thanksgiving Day visist. 2 pgs.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to Peter Flanigan
RE: attached memorandum. 1 pg.
1
37
11/18/1968
Letter
Copy of an excerpt from a letter written by
Benjamin Clayton regarding older corporate
figures. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to Peter Flanigan
RE: attached memorandum. 1 pg.
1
37
11/18/1968
Letter
Excerpt from a letter written by Benjamin
Clayton regarding older corporate figures.
Handwritten notes on reverse added by
unknown. 2 pgs.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to General
Goodpaster RE: Council of Former
Presidents. 1 pg.
Wednesday, September 30, 2009
Page 3 of 6
Box Number Folder Number Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
1
37
N.D.
Other Document
Copy of a paper from unknown, to unknown
regarding the establishment of a Council of
Former Presidents. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to General
Goodpaster RE: Council of Former
Presidents. 1 pg.
1
37
N.D.
Other Document
Paper from unknown, to unknown regarding
the establishment of a Council of Former
Presidents. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
From RN to Bob Haldeman RE: Leo Cherne.
1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
From RN to Bob Haldeman RE:
gubernatorial inaugurations. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to Haldeman RE:
use of telephones in the election campaign. 2
pgs.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to Ehrlichman RE:
White House reception. 1 pg.
Wednesday, September 30, 2009
Page 4 of 6
Box Number Folder Number Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to Ehrlichman
regarding retiring members of the
Washington Press Corps. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to Ehrlichman RE:
political cartoons. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary
Woods RE: filing of documents. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary
Woods RE: letter from Eisenhower. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary
Woods advising that Lyman Brownfield be
invited to the Inauguration. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary
Woods RE: Reverend John F. Cronin. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to John
Ehrlichman RE: White House guest list. 1 pg.
Wednesday, September 30, 2009
Page 5 of 6
Box Number Folder Number Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to John
Ehrlichman RE: Stuart List at a potential
White House dinner. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to Bob Haldeman
regarding Thatcher Longstreth. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to Bob Haldeman
RE: Walter Thayer as Under Secretary of
HEW. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary
Woods RE: favorite poem. 1 pg.
1
37
11/08/1968
Letter
Copy of a letter from H. Lynn Sheller of
Fullerton Junior College to RN and PN RE: a
poem. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
Copy of a memo from RN to Rose Mary
Woods RE: "special friends" list. 1 pg.
1
37
01/08/1969
Memo
From RN to Bob Haldeman RE: Thatcher
Longstreth. 1 pg.
Wednesday, September 30, 2009
Page 6 of 6
RMW
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Daniel P. Moynihan
FROM:
RN
Your memorandum of January 3 was stimulating
and helpful. Clearly apart from your other duties, I
would like for you to sit back about once a month, or at
other times when the spirit may move you to do so, and
give me your reactions to policy problems generally in
a memo of this type. In addition, I would like for you
in that type of memo to send along on a very limited
basis, having in mind my time problem, any suggestions
you have for extra-curricular reading of good articles,
columns or summaries of articles or columns on major
national issues.
# # #
OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT-ELECT
Richard M. Nixon
WASHINGTON, D.C.
3 January 1968
MEMORANDUM
TO:
The President Elect
FROM:
IS
Daniel P. Moynihan
Assistant for Urban Affairs
Before the storm breaks, as it were, on the 20th, I
would like to send in a few extended comments on some of the
longer range issues that face you, but will tend, I should
imagine, to get lost in the daily succession of crises.
I would like to speak first of the theme "Forward
Together. =
This appeal was much in evidence in your very fine ac-
ceptance speech at Miami, and during the campaign the logic
of events, and your own sure sense of them, brought it forward
ever more insistently. In the end it was the theme of the
campaign, and in the aftermath of victory stands as the most
explicit mandate you have from the American people. I would
hope it might be the theme of your administration as well.
It has fallen to you to assume the governance of a deeply
divided country. And to do SO with a divided government. Other
Presidents -- Roosevelt -- have taken office in moments of crisis,
-2-
but the crises were SO widely perceived as in a sense to unite
the country and to create a great outpouring of support for the
President as the man who would have to deal with the common danger.
Neither Lincoln nor Wilson, the two predecessors whose situations
most resembled yours, in terms of the popular vote and the state
of then current political questions, had any such fortune. No
one would now doubt that they proved to be two of our greatest
leaders, nor yet that their administrations achieved great
things. But, alas, at what cost to themselves.
A divided nation makes terrible demands on the President.
It would seem important to try to anticipate some of them,
at least, and to ponder whether there is not some common element
in each that might give a measure of coherence and unity to the
President's own responses, and by a process of diffusion provide
a guide for the administration as a whole.
I believe there is such a common element. In one form or
another all of the major domestic problems facing you derive
from the erosion of the authority of the institutions of American
society. This is a mysterious process of which the most that
can be said is that once it starts it tends not to stop.
It can be stopped: the English, for example, managed to
halt and even reverse the process in the period, roughly, 1820-40.
But more commonly, those in power neglect the problem at first
and misunderstand it later; concessions come too late and are
too little; the failure of concessions leads to equally unavailing
-3-
attempts at repression; and SO events spiral downward toward
instability. The process is little understood. (Neither is
the opposite and almost completely ignored phenomenon: some
societies -- Mexico in the 1920's -- seem almost suddenly to
become stabilized after periods of prolonged and seemingly
hopeless chaos.) All we know is that the sense of institutions
-- especially those of government -- being legitimate is the glue
that holds societies together. When it weakens, things come
unstuck.
The North Vietnamese see this clearly enough. Hence the
effort through the subtleties of seating arrangements to establish
the NLF as an independent regime, and the Saigon government as
a puppet one. In contrast, Americans, until presently at least,
have not been nearly SO concerned with such matters. American
society has been SO stable for SO long that the prospect of
instability has had no very great meaning for us. (As I count,
there are but nine members of the United Nations that both existed
as independent nations in 1914 and have not had their form of
government changed by invasion or revolution since.) Moreover
we retain a tradition of revolutionary rhetoric that gives rather
an advantage to those who challenge authority rather than those
who uphold it. Too little heed is given the experience of the
20th Century in which it has been the authority of democratic
institutions that has been challenged by totalitarians of the
left and the right.
Even the term "authority" has acquired for many a sinister
cast, largely one suspects from its association with the term
-4-
"authoritarian. Yet it remains the case that relationships
based on authority are consensual ones: that is to say based
on common agreement, do behave in certain ways. It is said
that freedom lives in the interstices of authority: when the
structure collapses, freedom disappears, and society is governed
by relationships based on power.
Increasing numbers of Americans seem of late to have
sensed this, and to have become actively concerned at the drift
of events. Your election was in ways the first major consequence
of that mounting concern. Your administration represents the
first significant opportunity to change the direction in which
events move.
Your task, then, is clear: to restore the authority of
American institutions. Not, certainly, under that name, but with
a clear sense that what is at issue is the continued acceptance
by the great mass of the people of the legitimacy and efficacy
of the present arrangements of American society, and of our
processes for changing those arrangements.
For that purpose the theme "Forward Together" responds not
only to the deepest need of the moment, but also, increasingly,
to a perceived need as the facts of disunity more and more
impress themselves on the nation's consciousness.
What has been pulling us apart? One wishes one knew. Yet
there are a number of near and long term developments that can
-5-
be discerned and surely contribute significantly to what is
going on.
Of the near term events the two most conspicuous are the
Negro revolution and the war in Vietnam. Although seemingly
unrelated, they have much in common as to origins, and even more
as to the process by which they have brought on mounting levels
of disunity.
The French philosopher Georges Bernanos once wrote: "There
are no more corrupting lies than problems poorly stated. I,
at least, feel that this goes to the heart of much of the pre-
sent turmoil of race relations and foreign policy. In a word,
those in power have allowed domestic dislocations that accompany
successful social change to be interpreted as irrefutable
evidence that the society refuses to change, and foreign policy
failures that have arisen from mistaken judgements as incontro-
vertible proof that the society has gone mad as well.
The fact with respect to Negro Americans is that we have
seen incredible progress since, roughly, the Brown VS. Board
of Education decision of 1956 and President Eisenhower's subsequent
decision to see Federal troops to Little Rock, thus commencing
the Second Reconstruction Nowhere in history is there to be
encountered an effort to bring a suppressed people into the
mainstream of society comparable to the public and private ini-
tiatives on behalf of Negro Americans in recent years. As
I
would like to discuss in a later memorandum, the results have
been dramatic. Yet it was only after that effort had begun,
-6-
and had been underway for some time, that it became possible to
see the true horror of the situation white America had forced
on black America and the deep disabilities that came about in
consequence. The first to see this, or course, were the blacks
themselves. The result on the part of many was a revulsion
against white society that has only just begun to run its course.
Middle class, educated blacks, especially young ones, have in
even larger numbers come to see American society as hateful and
illegitimate, having no true claim on their allegiance. Well
they might. The problem is not that one group in the population
is beginning to react to centuries of barbarism by another group.
The problem is that this cultural reaction among black militants
is accompanied by the existence of a large, disorganized urban
lower class, which like such groups everywhere, is unstable and
essentially violent. This fact of lower class violence has
nothing to do with race. It is purely a matter of social class.
But since Watts the media of public opinion -- the press, television,
the Presidency itself - - have combined to insist that race is
the issue. As a result, middle class blacks caught up in a
cultural revolution have been able, in effect, to back up their
demands. This has led to a predictable white counter reaction.
And SO on. In the process we have almost deliberately obscured
the extraordinary progress, and commitment to progress which the
nation as a whole has made, which white America has not
abandoned, and which increasingly black America is learning to
make use of.
-7-
To the contrary, it has been the failures of policy that
have seemed ever more prominant. The essence of the Negro problem
in America at this time is that despite great national commitments,
and great progress, a large mass of the black population remains
poor, disorganized, and discriminated against. These facts are
increasingly interpreted as proof that the national commitment
is flawed, if not indeed fraudulent, that the society is irre-
deemably "racist," etc. This interpretation is made by middle
class blacks and whites for whom, outwardly at least, society
would seem to have treated very well, but the continued existence
of black poverty makes their argument hard to assail. Moreover,
increasingly that argument is directed not to particulars, but
to fundamental questions as to the legitimacy of American society.
Vietnam has been a domestic disaster of the same proportion,
and for much the same reason. As best I can discern the war
was begun with the very highest of motives at the behest of men
such as McNamara, Bundy, and Rusk in a fairly consistent pursuit
of post war American policy of opposing Communist expansion and
simultaneously encouraging political democracy and economic
development in the nations on the Communist perimeter, and else-
where for that matter. At the risk of seeming cynicism, I would
argue that the war in Vietnam has become a disastrous mistake
because we have lost it. I quite accept Henry Kissinger's splendid
formulation that a conventional army loses if it does not win,
the opposite being the case for a guerilla force. We have not
-8-
been able to win. Had the large scale fighting by American
forces been over by mid-1967 (which is my impression of what
Bundy anticipated in mid-1965), had the children of the middle
class accordingly continued to enjoy draft exemption, had there
been no inflation, no surtax, no Tet offensive, then I very much
fear there would be abroad at this point at most a modicum of
moral outrage.
But this is not what happened. The war has not gone well,
and increasingly in an almost primitive reaction -- to which
modern societies are as much exposed as any Stone Age clan - -
it has been judged that this is because the Gods are against
it. In modern parlance this means that the evil military in-
dustrial complex has embarked on a racist colonialist adventure.
(I have heard the head of S.N.C.C. state that we were in Vietnam
"for the rice supplies. ") But the essential point is that we
have been losing a war, and this more than any single thing
erodes the authority of a government, howsoever stable, just,
well intentioned, or whatever. I would imagine that the desire
not to be the first President to "lose" a war has been much in
President Johnson's mind over the past years, and explains some
of his conduct. But the fact is that he could not win, and the
all important accompanying fact is that the semi-violent domestic
protest that arose in consequence forced him to resign. In a
sense he was the first American President to be toppled by a
mob. No matter that it was a mob of college professors,
millionaires, flower children, and Radcliffe girls. It was a
-9-
mob that by early 1968 had effectively physically separated
the Presidency from the people. (You may recall that seeking
to attend the funeral of Cardinal Spellman, Johnson slipped
in the back door of St. Patrick's Cathedral like a medieval
felon seeking sanctuary.) As with the case of the most militant
blacks, success for the anti-war protestors has seemed only to
confirm their detestation of society as it now exists. Increasingly
they declare the society to be illegitimate, while men such as
William Sloan Coffin, Jr., the chaplain at Yale, openly espouse
violence as the necessary route of moral regeneration.
The successful extremism of the black militants and the
anti-war protestors -- by in large they have had their way - -
has now clearly begun to arouse fears and thoughts of extreme
actions by other groups. George Wallace, a fourth rate regional
demagogue, won 13 percent of the national vote and at one point
in the campaign probably had the sympathy of a quarter of the
electorate, largely in the working class. Among Jews - - I draw
your attention to this -- there is a rising concern, in some
quarters approaching alarm, over black anti-semitism. They
foresee Negro political power driving them from civil service
jobs, as in the New York City school system. They see anti-
semitism becoming an "accepted" political posture. With special
dread, they see a not distant future when the political leaders
of the country might have to weigh the competing claims of ten
million black voters who had become passionately pro-Arab as
-10-
against one or two million pro-Israel Jewish voters. In the
meantime we must await the reaction of the Armed Forces, and the
veterans of Vietnam to whatever settlement you get there. No
officer corps ever lost a war, and this one surely would have
no difficulty finding symbols of those at home who betrayed it.
All in all reason to expect a busy eight years in the White House.
There is a longer term development contributing to the
present chaos which bears mentioning. Since about 1840 the
cultural elite in America have pretty generally rejected the
values and activities of the larger society. It has been said
of America that the culture will not approve that which the
polity strives to provide. For a brief period, associated with
the Depression, World War II, and the Cold War there was something
of a truce in this protracted struggle. That, I fear, is now
over. The leading cultural figures are going -- have gone - -
into opposition once again. This time they take with them a
vastly more numerous following of educated, middle class persons,
especially young ones, who share their feelings and who do not
need the "straight" world. It is their pleasure to cause trouble,
to be against. And they are hell bent for a good time. President
Johnson took all this personally, but I have the impression
that you will make no such mistake!
It is, of course, easier to describe these situations than
-11-
to suggest what is to be done about them. However, a certain
number of general postures do seem to follow from the theme
"Bring Us Together." I would list five.
First, the single most important task is to maintain the
rate of economic expansion. If a serious economic recession
were to come along to compound the controversies of race, Vietnam,
and cultural alienation, the nation could indeed approach in-
stability. It would be my judgement that the great prosperity
of the 1960's is the primary reason we have been able to weather
as much internal dissension as we have. The lot of Negroes has
steadily improved, and SO has that of most everyone else. Black
demands for a greater share have thus been less threatening.
The war has been costly, but largely has been paid for through
annual fiscal increments and recent deficits. Consumption has
been effected not at all. If this situation were to reverse
itself, your ability to meet Black needs, the tolerance of the
rest of the society for your efforts, the general willingness
to see military efforts proceed, would all be grievously diminished.
Second, it would seem most important to de-escalate the
rhetoric of crisis about the internal state of the society in
general, and in particular about those problems -- e.g., crime,
de facto segregation, low educational achievement - - which gov-
ernment has relatively little power to influence in the present
state of knowledge and available resources. This does not mean
reducing efforts. Not at all. But it does mean trying to create
-12-
some equivalence between what government can do about certain
problems and how much attention it draws to them. For this
purpose the theme you struck in presenting your cabinet on
television seems perfect: yours is an administration of men
with wide ranging interests and competence whose first concern
is the effective delivery of government services. There is a
risk here of being accused of caring less than your predecessors,
but even that will do no great harm if you can simultaneously
demonstrate that you do more. It is out of such perceptions
that the authority of government is enhanced.
It would seem likely that a powerful approach to this issue
will be to stress the needs and aspirations of groups such as
Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, American Indians and others
which have also been excluded and exploited by the larger society.
This, of course, is something you would want to do in any event.
Third, the Negro lower class must be dissolved. This is
the work of a generation, but it is time it began to be under-
stood as a clear national goal. By lower class I mean the low
income, marginally employed, poorly educated, disorganized
slum dwellers who have piled up in our central cities over the
past quarter century. I would estimate they make up almost
one half the total Negro population. They are not going to
become capitalists, nor even middle class functionaries. But
it is fully reasonable to conceive of them being transformed
into a stable working class population: Truck drivers, mail
-13-
carriers, assembly line workers: people with dignity, purpose,
and in the United States a very good standard of living indeed.
Common justice demands this be done, but also common sense. It
is the existence of this lower class, with its high rates of
crime, dependency, and general disorderliness that causes nearby
whites (that is to say working class whites, the liberals are
all in the suburbs) to fear Negroes and to seek by various ways
to avoid and constrain them. It is this group that black extre-
mists use to threaten white society with the prospect of mass
arson and pillage. It is also this group that terrorizes and
plunders the stable elements of the Negro community - - trapped
by white prejudice in the slums, and forced to live cheek by
jowl with a murderous slum population. Take the urban lower
class out of the picture and the Negro cultural revolution be-
comes an exciting and constructive development.
Fourth, it would seem devoutly to be wished that you not
become personally identified with the war in Vietnam. You have
available to you far more competent advice than mine in this
area, and I am sure you will wish to proceed in terms of the
foreign policy interests of the nation rather than in domestic
terms, but I do urge that every effort be made to avoid the ugly
physical harrassment and savage personal attacks that brought
President Johnson's administration to an end. The dignity of
the Presidency as the symbolic head of state as well as of
functioning leader of the government must be restored. Alas,
-14-
it is in the power of the middle class mob to prevent this.
I would far rather see it concentrate, as faute de mieux it
now seems to be doing, on attacking liberal college presidents
as "racist pigs."
I fear the blunt truth is that ending the draft would be
the single most important step you could take in this direction.
The children of the upper middle class will not be conscripted.
In any event, the present system does cast a pall of anxiety
and uncertainty over the lives of that quarter of the young
male population which does in fact require four to eight to
ten years of college work to prepare for careers which almost
all agree are socially desirable, even necessary.
Fifth, it would seem important to stress those things
Americans share in common, rather than those things that dis-
tinguish them one from the other. Thus the war on poverty
defined a large portion of the population as somehow living
apart from the rest. I would seek programs that stress problems
and circumstances that all share, and especially problems which
working people share with the poor. Too frequently of late the
liberal upper middle class has proposed to solve problems of
those at the bottom at the expense, or seeming expense, of
those in between.
Obviously the theme "Forward Together" is essential here,
and there are other symbols at hand of which I would think the
approaching 200th anniversary of the founding of the Republic
-15-
is perhaps the most powerful. In the final months of your
second term you will preside over the anniversary ceremonies of
July 4, 1976. It would seem an incomparable opportunity to begin
now to define the goals you would hope to see achieved by that
time, trying to make them truly national goals to which all may
subscribe, and from which as many as possible will benefit.
Hopefully our 200th anniversary will see the nation
somewhat more united than were those thirteen colonies!
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Bob Haldeman
FROM:
RN
While I understand Bishop Jackson is somewhat
controversial in Chicago, I believe he should be invited
to the Inauguration.
After all, he did come out for us when many of
his critics refused to do SO.
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
John Ehrlichman
FROM:
RN
When I saw Lodge in Florida he suggested
that the . Medal of Freedom, which had been initiated by
Kennedy and apparently not utilized by Johnson, be
awarded on appropriate occasions by the new Administration.
Would you make a check on this and give me a
recommendation.
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
John Ehrlichman
FROM:
RN
I would like for you to check with John
Alexander to get a list from him, which I have asked
for, of some of our top supporters and clients who might
deserve a White House invitation and who might be
included when we are naming people to Presidential
Commissions of the honorary type.
I am sure he will not make the list too burdensome
and over a period of time I would like to include some of
these people.
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
John Ehrlichman
FROM:
RN
In thinking about my schedule after January 20
I want a time set aside each day, where possible, for
making telephone calls other than those which must be
returned.
An appropriate list should be prepared for this
drill.
In addition, I have already spoken to someone:
on the staff with regard to initiating the practice of
writing a few letters each week to friends across the
country where doing so might be helpful to our future
plans.
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Henry Kissinger
FROM:
RN
You may recall that I mentioned Teddy White's
suggestion that one dramatic move might be for us to
offer to send Western European astronauts into space
with ours.
This supplements the other suggestion that has
been made with regard to inviting a Russian astronaut
to go along on our next space trip.
I don't know whether such ideas are feasible
or not but they appeal to me, and at some level you might
have them checked out and give me a recommendation
sometime after January 20.
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
John Ehrlichman
FROM:
RN
I am enclosing a file of letters which Billy
Graham passed on to me Sunday.
He said, incidentally, that he had received over
1200 letters since the election from people who asked him
to intercede with me with regard to jobs, their ideas, etc.
Mrs. Shoemaker is Senator Alex Smith's daughter.
I do not recall her and do not know whether she is
qualified for what she suggests she might do, but perhaps
she might be worth a further check by the Wilkinson group
or some other group.
You can look over the other letters to see what
ideas, if any, are worth considering.
Perhaps you have a reaction to the suggestion from
the Religious Editor of the Miami Herald. I don't know
whether Billy responded to the letter, and I don't know
further what, if any, response we should give. Follow up
in any way you think is appropriate.
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Henry Kissinger
FROM:
RN
In making your study of Vietnam I want a precise
report on what the enemy has in Cambodia and what, if
anything, we are doing to destroy the build-up there.
I think a very definite change of policy toward Cambodia
probably should be one of the first orders of business
when we get in.
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
John Ehrlichman
FROM:
RN
Lyman Brownfield should be on the list
for an appointment at a later time to one of the special
committees.
I realize he has been difficult, but at least
he tried to contribute to the best of his ability.
Lyman Brownfield
Brownfield, Kosydar & Yearling
88 East Broad Street
Columbus, Ohio 43215
614/221-5834
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Bob Haldeman
FROM:
RN
I now recall what I was trying to think of
in the office Tuesday when we were discussing Finch.
Do you think it might be wise to see if
Walter Thayer would take on the Under Secretary of
HEW?
We discussed this briefly, but I think it might
be worth following up on in the event that we don't
move with Thayer on the National Finance position.
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Bob Haldeman
FROM:
RN
I have a very high regard for Thatcher
Longstreth. (Greater Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce).
He could work out well on Finch's team.
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
RMW
FROM:
RN
When someone writes and asks for a favorite
poem, you might send them this excerpt from Carl
Sandburg's, "The People Yes".
I recall studying this when Sheller was my
teacher 40 years ago!
NOV 15 1968
FJC
Fullerton Junior College 321 East Chapman Avenue Fullerton, California 92634 Telephone 871-8000
Superintendent
Charles H. Wilson
President
H. Lynn Sheller
Board of Trustees
Melvin D. Hilgenfeld
Joe W. Johnson
November 8, 1968
Francis N. Laird
Felix S. LeMarinel
Richard D. Noble
President-Elect Richard Nixon and Pat
James R. Ratcliffe
Key Biscayne, Florida
Herbert M. Warren
Dear Dick and Pat,
The people is a monolith,
a mover, a dirt farmer,
a desperate hoper.
The prize liar comes saying, "I know how, listen to me and I'll
bring you through."
The guesser comes saying, "The way is long and hard and maybe
what I offer will work out."
The people choose and the people's choice more often than not
is one more washout.
Yet the strong man, the priceless one who wants nothing for him-
self and has his roots among his people,
Comes often enough for the people to know him and to win through
into gains beyond later losing,
Comes often enough so the people can look back and say, "We have
come far and will go farther yet."
--From The People, Yes, by Carl Sandburg
Congratulations a million to both of you, with every good
wish for your unlimited success as our President and First Lady!
Sincerely,
H.
President
North Orange County Junior College District
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
General Goodpaster
FROM:
RN
Re the attached letter you will note the
General's reference to General Heaton.
I would like to follow up on this in any way
that is appropriate since I have the highest regard for
General Heaton.
Perhaps the proper course of action is for a
personal letter to be sent by me to him indicating that
I would like for him to stay on and that I will put a
request in to the Congress at the appropriate time.
I will, of course, do whatever you recommend
in this respect.
DDE
GETTYSBURG
PENNSYLVANIA 17325
Walter Reed Hospital
December 4, 1968
Dear Dick:
When I saw you all Thanksgiving Day there were two rather
personal matters that I wanted to mention but with so many
people present I thought it better to write you personally,
making sure you got the letter yourself.
The first one has to do with Bob Woodruff. As you know,
being from Georgia, he has been a Democrat all his life
but he has supported me in the past as well as you this
time. He made a significant contribution--- I suppose
secretly, due to his party affiliation. I am told that the
amount was in excess of $20, 000. I know you are ac-
quainted with Bob and thought it quite possible this knowl-
edge had not come to your attention. I felt if you knew it
you would write a note of appreciation.
The other point has to do with General Heaton. When he
was asked to remain another two years on active duty
(Though now retired) he declined to do so before the
election for the simple reason of his determination to
avoid serving under your opponent. I believe under the
last resolution passed by Congress, a resolution ex-
tended his service to sometime in May. It occured to
me that you might want to take some action in the mat-
ter. He wants nothing for himself, but all his associ-
ates that I have met are so impressed; first, by his
standing in medicine in the United States and second, by
the close and friendly relation he has built up with Con-
gress during the past 15 years that you might want him
to continue for a couple years as the Chief, Army Medi-
cal Corps or you might want to use him in some capacity
as coordinator of military medicine in all the services.
He is an extremely able man.
Incidentally, we were all delighted to hear that you are
assigning Colonel Tkach as your White House Physician.
He is top flight in every respect.
I hate to bother you with a letter but these two matters
were personal and are the expressions of my own opinion.
No one else has any knowledge of this letter. I shall ad-
dress it to Bryce Harlow who can bring it to you at your
convenience.
I cannot tell you how much I enjoyed the visit you and
your family made to Mamie and me on Thanksgiving Day.
That occasion has been the highlight of seven long months
in a hospital room.
With every good wish and affectionate greetings to every
member of your charming family.
Cordially,
the ≤.
President-Elect Richard M. Nixon
c/o Hotel Pierre
5th Avenue at 61st Street
New York, New York 10021
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Peter Flanigan
FROM:
RN
The attached memorandum from a Mr. Ben Clayton
may be of some interest to you in stock=piling your
names for appointments, either temporary or permanent.
I know all three of these people and they are
all able.
Excerpt from letter dated Nov. 18, 1968, from Mr. Benjamin Clayton:
"lst the man who brought United Fruit out of the terrible condition they
got themselves into. They were in desperate straits. Great plantations
in most Latin American countries who were taxing them out of existence.
Litigation going on against them in connection with International Railways,
where court decisions were against them - big losses from hurricanes
blowing their tall banana trees down, etc.
" They got a man from Standard Oil of Indiana to come to the Presidency of
U.F. In 10 or 12 years he had them a great company again. He worked
them out of their legal difficulties. Sold or rented their plantations to
natives. Furnished them with expert supervisors & developed a low bushy
tree to produce bananas of the highest quality and put them on the big road
again. I can't remember whether he was named Hutchinson or Hutcheson.
Any good stock broker can tell you. But he is good.
"Another one is Swearingen, now Chairman of the Board of Standard Oil of
Indiana, 55 years old, I believe. He is a business statesman. He is good.
" L. F. McCollum, just retired as President of Continental Oil Co., Houston.
Sixty-five years old.
" Any one of these men would make a fine official where courage, honesty and
great ability are needed. They are all rich and honest.
"If I were to analyze each of them I would put No. 1 above, where he had to
untangle and organize a large body of subordinates.
"No. 2 would go-where a good cleanup job was needed, as well as to operate
it afterwards.
"No. 3. Would go where difficult situations had to be studied and brought
to normal, and operated. All of them work on the staff principle. No. 3
werves on the Caltech Board of Trustees with my son.
"Standard of Indiana - Noxx8x has no official over 55 years of age and only
one that old (out of the top 15 or 20 officials who run this great corporation). "
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Peter Flanigan
FROM:
RN
The attached memorandum from a Mr. Ben Clayton
may be of some interest to you in stock=piling your
names for appointments, either temporary or permanent.
I know all three of these people and they are
all able.
Excerpt from letter dated Nov. 18, 1968, from Mr. Benjamin Clayton:
"Ist the man who brought United Fruit out of the terrible condition they
got themselves into. They were in desperate straits. Great plantations
in most Latin American countries who were taxing them out of existence.
Litigation going on against them in connection with International Railways,
where court decisions were against them - big losses from hurricanes
blowing their tall banana trees down, etc.
" They got a man from Standard Oil of Indiana to come to the Presidency of
U.F. In 10 or 12 years he had them a great company again. He-worked
them out of their legal difficulties. Sold or rented their plantations to
natives. Furnished them with expert supervisors & developed a low bushy
tree to produce bananas of the highest quality and put them on the big road
again. I can't remember whether he was named Hutchinson or Hutcheson.
Any good stock broker can tell you. But he is good.
"Another one is Swearingen, now Chairman of the Board of Standard Oil of
Indiana, 55 years old, I believe. He is a business statesman. He is good.
" L. F. McCollum, just retired as President of Continental Oil Co., Houston.
Sixty-five years old.
Any one of these men would make a fine official where courage, honesty and
great ability are needed. They are all rich and honest.
"If I were to analyze each of them I would put No. 1 above, where he had to
untangle and organize a large body of subordinates.
"No. 2 would go-where a good cleanup job was needed, as well as to operate
it afterwards.
"No. 3. Would go where difficult situations had to be studied and brought
to normal, and operated. All of them work on the staff principle. No. 3
werves on the Caltech Board of Trustees with my son.
"Standard of Indiana - Moxx2x has no official over 55 years of age and only
one that old (out of the top 15 or 20 officials who run this great corporation). "
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January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
General Goodpaster
FROM:
RN
On one of the recent occasions when I saw the
General I believe he handed me this memo and told me that
he had received it from Johnson. My recollection, however,
may be fuzzy in this respect. I found the memorandum in
some papers that had piled up on my desk over the past
few weeks.
I would like for you to read it quickly and give
me a recommendation. My guess is that we can accomplish
everything set forth in the memo better by individual
handling rather than setting up a Council of former
Presidents.
I, for example, can't see much good that would be
accomplished by asking Truman to sit down with Johnson and
Eisenhower. On the other hand, I could well bring Johnson
and Eisenhower in together on one occasion as well as seeing
them separately which, of course, I plan to do. As far as
the staffing function is concerned and keeping them posted,
as you know, we have talked about Bob Schulz taking over
this function.
I would like for you to give the whole matter some
thought and I will follow whatever advice you come up with.
"Through the years ahoul the Prosident of the United States should draw on
Dwight D. Eisen hower, in quiet days as well as troubled, for the sage guidance
and heartening lift he gives all who call on him.
"I have directed my staff to prepare ways by which, without undue imposition on
him or trial to him, he can be kept currently abreast of the ventures, problems,
and aspirations of the next Administration. 11
(From October 14, 1968, Press Release)
THE SITUATION
The extraordinary political hallmark of the Republic since its inception, except
for the 1861-65 period, is National Governmental continuity through many
decades of change in circumstances, of growth and expansion in every measure-
ment of a nation's stature. In part, this continuity has been due to the durability
of the membership of the Congress of the United States on the legislative side.
In larger part, on the executive side, it has been due to the longevity of invid-
iduals, commonly referred to as Elder Statesmen, who have bridged Presidencies
and who have been advisers to Presidents.
First and preeminent among such men today is Dwight D. Eisenhower. Since late
1945 until early 1961, he was either a molder and shaper of national policy at
home and abroad or the Chief Executive.
His immediate successors in times of urgent crisis have always been quick to
call on him for counsel--thereby, on more than one occasion, giving reassurance
to Americans everywhere. The present President has tried to keep him
abreast of international affairs by briefings in depth when advisable or possible.
Most of the time, however, his sources of information have been his newspaper
and visitors. And his views have only irregularly reached Government
because no organized line of communications--protecting him from the
appearance of intrusiveness--existed. Despite his self-imposed or tradition-
imposed isolation from the mainstream of public affairs, he has nevertheless
continued to enjoy the confidence and affection of the American people.
For the next Administration not fully to use a man still in his intellectual
prime and in command of knowledge and wisdom immediately applicable to
both foreign and domestic problems would be a waste of a unique human resource.
=
THE PROBLEM
How--constitutionally, without diminition of Presidental image, stature or
independence--can such a man and men like him in the future be formally
associated with the President as continuing sources of senior advice?
A PROPOSED SOLUTION
The establishment by Executive Order of a Council of Former Presidents,
constituting a solely advisory body but assigned a staff adequate to brief the
council members and to communicate regularly through designated channels
their advice whenever requested.
At the start, for a pioneer venture of this sort, the Secretary (or Chief
Coordinator) should be an individual: who has a broad knowledge of the
Executive departments and particularly White House operations; who is known
to and has acted as liaison between those who will be members of the Council;
who is keenly aware of the protocols, propieties and channels that must be
observed.
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
General Goodpaster
FROM:
RN
On one of the recent occasions when I saw the
General I believe he handed me this memo and told me that
he had received it from Johnson. My recollection, however,
may be fuzzy in this respect. I found the memorandum in
some papers that had piled up on my desk over the past
few weeks.
I would like for you to read it quickly and give
me a recommendation. My guess is that we can accomplish
everything set forth in the memo better by individual
handling rather than setting up a Council of former
Presidents.
I, for example, can't see much good that would be
accomplished by asking Truman to sit down with Johnson and
Eisenhower. On the other hand, I could well bring Johnson
and Eisenhower in together on one occasion as well as seeing
them separately which, of course, I plan to do. As far as
the staffing function is concerned and keeping them posted,
as you know, we have talked about Bob Schulz taking over
this function.
I would like for you to give the whole matter some
thought and I will follow whatever advice you come up with.
"Through the years ahead the President of the United States should draw on
Dwight D. Eisen hower, in quiet days as well as troubled, for the sage guidance
and heartening lift he gives all who call on him.
"I have directed my staff to prepare ways by which, without undue imposition on
him or trial to him, he can be kept currently abreast of the ventures, problems,
and aspirations of the next Administration. 11
(From October 14, 1968, Press Release)
THE SITUATION
The extraordinary political hallmark of the Republic since its inception, except
for the 1861-65 period, is National Governmental continuity through many
decades of change in circumstances, of growth and expansion in every measure-
ment of a nation's stature. In part, this continuity has been due to the durability
of the membership of the Congress of the United States on the legislative side.
In larger part, on the executive side, it has been due to the longevity of invid-
iduals, commonly referred to as Elder Statesmen, who have bridged Presidencies
and who have been advisers to Presidents.
First and preeminent among such men today is Dwight D. Eisenhower. Since late
1945 until early 1961, he was either a molder and shaper of national policy at
home and abroad or the Chief Executive.
His immediate successors in times of urgent crisis have always been quick to
call on him for counsel--thereby, on more than one occasion, giving reassurance
to Americans everywhere. The present President has tried to keep him
abreast of international affairs by briefings in depth when advisable or possible.
Most of the time, however, his sources of information have been his newspaper
and visitors. And his views have only irregularly reached Government
because no organized line of communications--protecting him from the
appearance of intrusiveness Despite his self-imposed or tradition-
imposed isolation from the mainstream of public affairs, he has nevertheless
continued to enjoy the confidence and affection of the American people.
For the next Administration not fully to use a man still in his intellectual
prime and in command of knowledge and wisdom immediately applicable to
both foreign and domestic problems would be a waste of a unique human resource.
=
THE PROBLEM
How--constitutionally, without dimination of Presidental image, stature or
independence--can such a man and men like him in the future be formally
associated with the President as continuing sources of senior advice?
A PROPOSED SOLUTION
The establishment by Executive Order of a Council of Former Presidents,
constituting a solely advisory body but assigned a staff adequate to brief the
council members and to communicate regularly through designated channels
their advice whenever requested.
At the start, for a pioneer venture of this sort, the Secretary (or Chief
Coordinator) should be an individual: who has a broad knowledge of the
Executive departments and particularly White House operations; who is known
to and has acted as liaison between those who will be members of the Council;
who is keenly aware of the protocols, propieties and channels that must be
observed.
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January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Bob Haldeman
FROM:
RN
You ought to check around to see whether
Leo Cherne might be a good potential for one of the
positions in the Administration.
I have always found him extremely capable and
objective, although he is, of course, known as a
liberal Democrat.
Leo Cherne
Executive Director
The Research Institute of America, Inc.
589 Fifth Avenue
New York, New York 10017
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Bob Haldeman
FROM:
RN
One area where we have missed the boat again is
with regard to sending wires to the Governors as they were
inaugurated. I suppose that we have covered the base to
an extent by having sent notes or wires of congratulation,
although those were sent so late that some of them may
have been miffed.
At this point, I think a letter might well go to
those Governors who were inaugurated and I would limit it
to the Republican Governors.
"This is just a note to extend my warmest
congratulations to you on the occasion of your inauguration
as Governor of
.
" (Now, where it is someone who is
inaugurated for a 2nd or a 3rd term put that in -- Charlie
can give you the information.)
"I shall look forward to working with you over
the next four years, and I will appreciate your giving me
the benefit of your counsel on issues which confront the
nation during that period.' "
"With every good wish for the New Year,"
RMW
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
HALDEMAN
FROM:
RN
You will recall that I asked for a check to be
made on the effectiveness of our telephone campaign and
on some of the other programs that we used. I know you
are pretty tied down now with the White House responsibil-
ities. I do, however, want some group to undertake this
analysis so that it will be available to us within the
next four or five months. Perhaps you can use Sears, under
Ehrlichman's direction, to follow through from the White
House level but with the primary responsibility either in
the new National Committee set-up with Len Garment or pos-
sibly with a committee of both.
I have a feeling that we probably wasted a con-
siderable amount of money during the campaign and that in
certain areas we were grossly over-staffed. Some of this,
of course, is inevitable but now a good, cold study of it
can keep us from making such mistakes in the future.
On the same subject, I think it is important now
for us to develop a plan for campaign funds for 1972.
Johnson had enormous amounts collected in the first year
after he became President so that when 1964 rolled around
he had all the money he needed. In this connection, as I
have emphasized to you, funds should now be collected to take
- 2 -
care of our deficit and transition expenses from those who
failed to contribute before the election and, between now
and 1972, we should get substantial contributions in the
bank so that we will not have to make a major drive at the
beginning of the election year.
# # #
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
EHRLICHMAN
FROM:
RN
For the receptions for the family, the campaign staff
and old friends, I want the procedure to be different from
what we have previously discussed. I think it will mean a
great deal more to all present if an entry is made just as it
is at White House social functions for the diplomatic corps,
for Congress and other guests. Have the guests all arrive at
a certain time. Approximately fifteen minutes later, the Marine
Band will strike up some kind of music. Check with them to
see if it is traditional to play "Hail to the Chief" at this time.
We then come to the door and the aides announce, "The President
of the United States and Mrs. Nixon."
In the case of the old friends reception, we will then
stand in line while all of them come through the line to shake
hands. In the case of the family, we will then simply start
walking around and shaking hands with them, and in the case of
the staff, we will walk to the head of the room where I will
make a few remarks.
# # #
RMW
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
EHRLICHMAN
FROM:
RN
One luncheon function or informal evening function
which I would like to have scheduled is for some of the
old-timers in the Washington Press Corps who are retiring,
or have retired, in the last two or three years. Arthur
Krock, Walter Trohan, Willard Edwards, Ted Lewis, Bill Henry
(I don't think he is retired, but he will be doing so shortly)
Gould Lincoln and John Cummings of the Philadelphia Inquirer
are in this number. You might check with Klein to see if he
has a few other names in this league who might be included.
or lunch
The Dinner would be stag; the timing for it would be sometime
within the first 60 days.
# # #
RMW
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
EHRLICHMAN
FROM:
RN
One of the balls that seems to be dropping
between the stools is the request I have put in ten or
fifteen times with regard to letters to those who write
good columns, make good commentaries or give us a good
cartoon. We simply have to get this out of Klein's hands
and into the hands of somebody who follows up on things.
Cartoonists particularly deserve a note now and then since
we will be requesting their originals. We have very few
friends in this group (Carl Blumenthal of the Herald Express
and Don Hesse of the St. Louis Globe-Democrat being among
them) and we should try to cultivate them.
# # #
RMW
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
RMW
FROM:
RN
When I send things out for filing that are
political in character, I want them to go into a
special file since I will not want to give such papers
to the Government or make them available for public
surveillance. Also, my yellow notes of conversations
and speeches should be put in a file separately from
the other material that comes out.. I shall make a later
determination as to what, if any, of these note will be
made available to the public.
# # #
RMW
January 8, 1969
TO:
RMW
FROM:
RN
From the enclosed letter from Eisenhower,
you will note his reference to Bob Woodruff. Would
you check Stans' office to see if an acknowledgement
was made to Bob Woodruff. If none was made, see that
a letter goes to him and then have Haldeman ride herd
to see if there are any others of this type who should
have letters from me. I don't want things to fall
between the stools as they did in 1960 in this respect,
simply because we don't get the information.
# # #
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
RMW
FROM:
RN
Lyman Brownfield should be on the Inauguration
invitation list.
Brownfield, Kosydar & Yearling
88 East Broad Street
Columbus, Ohio 43215
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
RMW
FROM:
RN
I would like you to consider whether Rev. John
F. Cronin, S.S. ought to be included at a White House
reception or something else.
Rev. John F. Cronin, S.S.
St. Mary's Seminary
5400 Roland Avenue
Baltimore, Maryland 21210
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
John Ehrlichman
FROM:
RN
The following should be put on the White House
guest list:
Walter Thayer
Room 4600, Time & Life Building
Rockefeller Center
New York, New York 10020
Major General and Mrs. Wilton B. Persons
43 Royal Palm Drive
Fort Lauderdale, Florida
Mr. R. W. Woodruff
P. O. Box 1734
Atlanta, Georgia (in the event he made a generous
contribution)
Mr. and Mrs. Ralph Cordiner
155 Bayview Drive, Belleair
Clearwater, Florida 33516
Mr. and Mrs. Raymond Moley
(for a White House dinner)
444 Madison Avenue
New York, New York 10022
Raymond Moley and Walter Lipmann should be on the
list for the older people who are retiring.
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
John Ehrlichman
FROM: RN
Stuart List should be on the list for a White
House dinner -- not a priority, but at a later time.
He has just retired as Publisher of the Chicago
American, 445 N. Michigan Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60611.
"
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Bob Haldeman
FROM:
RN
I have a very high regard for Thatcher
Longstreth. (Greater Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce)
He could work out well on Finch's team.
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Bob Haldeman
FROM:
RN
I now recall what I was trying to think of
in the office Tuesday when we were discussing Finch.
Do you think it might be wise to see if
Walter Thayer would take on the Under Secretary of
HEW?
We discussed this briefly, but I think it might
be worth following up on in the event that we don't
move with Thayer on the National Finance position.
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
RMW
FROM:
RN
When someone writes and asks for a favorite
poem, you might send them this excerpt from Carl
Sandburg's, "The People Yes".
I recall studying this when Sheller was my
teacher 40 years ago!
[100]
NOV 15 1968
FJC
Fullerton Junior College 321 East Chapman Avenue Fullerton, California 92634 Telephone 871-8000
Superintendent
Charles H. Wilson
President
H. Lynn Sheller
Board of Trustees
Melvin D. Hilgenfeld
Joe W. Johnson
November 8, 1968
Francis N. Laird
Felix S. LeMarinel
Richard D. Noble
President-Elect Richard Nixon and Pat
James R. Ratcliffe
Key Biscayne, Florida
Herbert M. Warren
Dear Dick and Pat,
The people is a monolith,
a mover, a dirt farmer,
a desperate hoper.
The prize liar comes saying, "I know how, listen to me and I'll
bring you through."
The guesser comes saying, "The way is long and hard and maybe
what I offer will work out."
The people choose and the people's choice more often than not
is one more washout,
Yet the strong man, the priceless one who wants nothing for him-
self and has his roots among his people,
Comes often enough for the people to know him and to win through
into gains beyond later losing,
Comes often enough so the people can look back and say, "We have
come far and will go farther yet."
--From The People, Yes, by Carl Sandburg
Congratulations a million to both of you, with every good
wish for your unlimited success as our President and First Lady!
Sincerely,
H. Lynn - Mary Sheller
President
North Orange County Junior College District
January 8, 1969
MEMORANDUM
TO:
RMW
FROM:
RN
Just to remind you that you are to prepare
a special list of those who helped us between the
period of 1962 and 1968 with a few added from earlier
years who should be on our "special friends list.
This is for the purpose not only of such
drills as Christmas cards, but also for occasional
letters, telephone calls and White House invitations.