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This file contains:
photocopy of envelope addressed to Mr. Larry Higby, Nixon for President Committee crossed out with handwritten notation "Haldeman Private, General Memos July". 1 page. [Other Document], n.d.
Buchanan to Haldeman re: results of Gallup poll with handwritten notes. 1 page. [Memo], n.d.
Dwight to HRH re: Convention - Tuesday Morning Delegate Meetings. 1 page. [Memo], 7/28/1968
Safire to DC re: printing an election brochure. It implies there was a copy attached, but there is nothing attached to this memo. 1 page. [Memo], 7/31/1968
John Jewett Garland to Nixon re: asking to escort him to the podium at the convention, including transcribed copy of original handwritten letter with attached notes from Hillings and Haldeman and mailing envelope. 6 pages. [Letter], 7/1/1968
Bryce Harlow to Peter Flanigan re: recommending John Anderson as Nixon's running mate. 1 page. [Letter], 7/23/1968
John Whitaker to Chapin/Haldeman re: John Eisenhower's role in the new administration. 1 page. [Memo], 7/10/1968
Paul Davies to Nixon re: meeting with Russell Giffen and Albert Russell. 2 pages. [Letter], 7/23/1968
Frank Shakespeare to Rose Mary Woods re: publicity opportunites for Nixon (Chet Huntley show, Joey Bishop show, Bill Buckley). 2 pages. [Memo], 7/17/1968
Safire to DC re: "Kremlineering", involving strategy for negating any implication of influence Russia has on the election. 3 pages. [Memo], 7/14/1968
Safire to DC re: Aphorism, epigrans and quotable paragraphys for Acceptance and stump speeches. 6 pages. [Memo], 7/17/1968
Draft speech. "the Next one hundred days". 9 pages. [Other Document], 7/14/1968
copy of The Economist article "One Vote for Hubert". 2 pages. [Newspaper], 7/16/1968
copy of New York Times article "Humphrey and Nixon: The First big issue of the campaign". 1 page. [Newspaper], 7/14/1968
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Pre-Convention Report - General Strategy for poliy and manpower development. 3 pages. [Memo], 7/18/1968
List entitled "Foreign Affairs" listing people and their present postions and fields. 3 pages. [Report], n.d.
List entitled "Domestic Affairs" listing people and their present postions and fields. 2 pages. [Report], n.d.
List entitled "Fiscal and Economic" listing people and their present postions and fields. 1 page. [Report], n.d.
List entitled "Justice, Law and Order" listing people and their present postions and fields. 1 page. [Report], n.d.
List entitled "Health, Education and Welfare" listing people and their present postions and fields. 1 page. [Report], n.d.
List entitled "Administration" listing people and their present postions and fields. 1 page. [Report], n.d.
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Briefing from Edwin Reischauer about foreign policy recommendations. 3 pages. [Memo], 7/16/1968
Beyond Vietnam: The United States and Asia by Edwin Reischauer. 5 pages. [Report], n.d.
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Briefing with Ed Guillion, former ambassador to Congo, about recommendations for the candidate. 3 pages. [Memo], 7/18/1968
List of Participants in the "Agenda for the Nation" Project. 1 page. [Report], n.d.
Buchanan to Haldeman re: requesting help to bring in Neal Freeman. 1 page. [Memo], 7/15/1968
Scholar Source Context
Document identity
localId
26126945
label
WHSF: Returned, 36-1
core
doc
dtoType
document
citationUrl
pageCount
1
Source metadata
id
26126945
sourceUrl
contentType
document
title
WHSF: Returned, 36-1
description
This file contains:
photocopy of envelope addressed to Mr. Larry Higby, Nixon for President Committee crossed out with handwritten notation "Haldeman Private, General Memos July". 1 page. [Other Document], n.d.
Buchanan to Haldeman re: results of Gallup poll with handwritten notes. 1 page. [Memo], n.d.
Dwight to HRH re: Convention - Tuesday Morning Delegate Meetings. 1 page. [Memo], 7/28/1968
Safire to DC re: printing an election brochure. It implies there was a copy attached, but there is nothing attached to this memo. 1 page. [Memo], 7/31/1968
John Jewett Garland to Nixon re: asking to escort him to the podium at the convention, including transcribed copy of original handwritten letter with attached notes from Hillings and Haldeman and mailing envelope. 6 pages. [Letter], 7/1/1968
Bryce Harlow to Peter Flanigan re: recommending John Anderson as Nixon's running mate. 1 page. [Letter], 7/23/1968
John Whitaker to Chapin/Haldeman re: John Eisenhower's role in the new administration. 1 page. [Memo], 7/10/1968
Paul Davies to Nixon re: meeting with Russell Giffen and Albert Russell. 2 pages. [Letter], 7/23/1968
Frank Shakespeare to Rose Mary Woods re: publicity opportunites for Nixon (Chet Huntley show, Joey Bishop show, Bill Buckley). 2 pages. [Memo], 7/17/1968
Safire to DC re: "Kremlineering", involving strategy for negating any implication of influence Russia has on the election. 3 pages. [Memo], 7/14/1968
Safire to DC re: Aphorism, epigrans and quotable paragraphys for Acceptance and stump speeches. 6 pages. [Memo], 7/17/1968
Draft speech. "the Next one hundred days". 9 pages. [Other Document], 7/14/1968
copy of The Economist article "One Vote for Hubert". 2 pages. [Newspaper], 7/16/1968
copy of New York Times article "Humphrey and Nixon: The First big issue of the campaign". 1 page. [Newspaper], 7/14/1968
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Pre-Convention Report - General Strategy for poliy and manpower development. 3 pages. [Memo], 7/18/1968
List entitled "Foreign Affairs" listing people and their present postions and fields. 3 pages. [Report], n.d.
List entitled "Domestic Affairs" listing people and their present postions and fields. 2 pages. [Report], n.d.
List entitled "Fiscal and Economic" listing people and their present postions and fields. 1 page. [Report], n.d.
List entitled "Justice, Law and Order" listing people and their present postions and fields. 1 page. [Report], n.d.
List entitled "Health, Education and Welfare" listing people and their present postions and fields. 1 page. [Report], n.d.
List entitled "Administration" listing people and their present postions and fields. 1 page. [Report], n.d.
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Briefing from Edwin Reischauer about foreign policy recommendations. 3 pages. [Memo], 7/16/1968
Beyond Vietnam: The United States and Asia by Edwin Reischauer. 5 pages. [Report], n.d.
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Briefing with Ed Guillion, former ambassador to Congo, about recommendations for the candidate. 3 pages. [Memo], 7/18/1968
List of Participants in the "Agenda for the Nation" Project. 1 page. [Report], n.d.
Buchanan to Haldeman re: requesting help to bring in Neal Freeman. 1 page. [Memo], 7/15/1968
citationUrl
collections
Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection
Returned White House Special Files
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
White House Special Files Collection
Folder List
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
36
1
n.d.
Other Document
photocopy of envelope addressed to Mr.
Larry Higby, Nixon for President Committee
crossed out with handwritten notation
"Haldeman Private, General Memos July". 1
page.
36
1
n.d.
Memo
Buchanan to Haldeman re: results of Gallup
poll with handwritten notes. 1 page.
36
1
07/28/1968
Memo
Dwight to HRH re: Convention - Tuesday
Morning Delegate Meetings. 1 page.
36
1
07/31/1968
Memo
Safire to DC re: printing an election
brochure. It implies there was a copy
attached, but there is nothing attached to this
memo. 1 page.
36
1
07/01/1968
Letter
John Jewett Garland to Nixon re: asking to
escort him to the podium at the convention,
including transcribed copy of original
handwritten letter with attached notes from
Hillings and Haldeman and mailing
envelope. 6 pages.
36
1
07/23/1968
Letter
Bryce Harlow to Peter Flanigan re:
recommending John Anderson as Nixon's
running mate. 1 page.
Wednesday, June 17, 2009
Page 1 of 4
Box Number Folder Number Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
36
1
07/10/1968
Memo
John Whitaker to Chapin/Haldeman re: John
Eisenhower's role in the new administration.
1 page.
36
1
07/23/1968
Letter
Paul Davies to Nixon re: meeting with
Russell Giffen and Albert Russell. 2 pages.
36
1
07/17/1968
Memo
Frank Shakespeare to Rose Mary Woods re:
publicity opportunites for Nixon (Chet
Huntley show, Joey Bishop show, Bill
Buckley). 2 pages.
36
1
07/14/1968
Memo
Safire to DC re: "Kremlineering", involving
strategy for negating any implication of
influence Russia has on the election. 3 pages.
36
1
07/17/1968
Memo
Safire to DC re: Aphorism, epigrans and
quotable paragraphys for Acceptance and
stump speeches. 6 pages.
36
1
07/14/1968
Other Document
Draft speech. "the Next one hundred days". 9
pages.
36
1
07/16/1968
Newspaper
copy of The Economist article "One Vote for
Hubert". 2 pages.
Wednesday, June 17, 2009
Page 2 of 4
Box Number Folder Number Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
36
1
07/14/1968
Newspaper
copy of New York Times article "Humphrey
and Nixon: The First big issue of the
campaign". 1 page.
36
1
07/18/1968
Memo
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Pre-Convention
Report - General Strategy for poliy and
manpower development. 3 pages.
36
1
n.d.
Report
List entitled "Foreign Affairs" listing people
and their present postions and fields. 3 pages.
36
1
n.d.
Report
List entitled "Domestic Affairs" listing
people and their present postions and fields.
2 pages.
36
1
n.d.
Report
List entitled "Fiscal and Economic" listing
people and their present postions and fields.
1 page.
36
1
n.d.
Report
List entitled "Justice, Law and Order" listing
people and their present postions and fields.
1 page.
36
1
n.d.
Report
List entitled "Health, Education and
Welfare" listing people and their present
postions and fields. 1 page.
Wednesday, June 17, 2009
Page 3 of 4
Box Number Folder Number Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
36
1
n.d.
Report
List entitled "Administration" listing people
and their present postions and fields. 1 page.
36
1
07/16/1968
Memo
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Briefing from
Edwin Reischauer about foreign policy
recommendations. 3 pages.
36
1
n.d.
Report
Beyond Vietnam: The United States and
Asia by Edwin Reischauer. 5 pages.
36
1
07/18/1968
Memo
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Briefing with Ed
Guillion, former ambassador to Congo, about
recommendations for the candidate. 3 pages.
36
1
n.d.
Report
List of Participants in the "Agenda for the
Nation" Project. 1 page.
36
1
07/15/1968
Memo
Buchanan to Haldeman re: requesting help to
bring in Neal Freeman. 1 page.
Wednesday, June 17, 2009
Page 4 of 4
General
Memor
I
Private
NIXON FOR PRESIDENT COMMITTEE
P.O. BOX 1968, TIMES SQUARE STATION
NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10036
Mr. arry Higby
Nixon for President Committee
P.O. Box
1958,
Times Square Station
New York New York 10036
9
Crimy Engloce
file HORN
Javits hascome out
praised V.N. stat
NK pred come
Memo to Haldeman
ridicarlous
From Buchanan
skg to cone. on new polls -
blocked attempt to reed UN start
wasn't true)
Gallup and Harris in NY had a joint Press Conferencee.
They agreed on several points.
1) Raee involving RN and HHH and George Wallace would
be extremely close---wich Wallace holding the balance of
support.
2) R cheReller has moved into an open lead over both
his potential pm opponents in the Democratic Party.
3) McCarthy's support shows the greatest volatility
of any candidate's.
This has beenn a year of the unexpected and the polls
have reflected this.
1) ******* Reults of Harris and Qallup and Crossly are
not as sissimilar as they might appear at first glance.
we
Val sounds protective the they've based techniques society line at on varying a poll takers a pamplit Buchanan
we
say
file
(Keast
Covered
mardian
July 28, 1968
7/31
will send mail
to Hurneys - to
an. sat AM.
To: HRH
From: Dwight
RE: CONVENTION - Tuesday Morning Delegate Meetings
Complete background information on the Delegate meetings
to be held August 6th, should be available for RN before
leaving for Miami. This will help him in planing a little
different touch for each group.
The information should contain (1) States represented; (2) key
leaders who should be mentioned/ recognized; (3) Political points
to be made; (4) Political summation of situation in the
particular state (s).
You should program the political types to pipe this background
to you next Sunday so the Boss will have it when he returns to
NYC. Obviously-- there will be a necessity to update some
of the information when RN arrives Monday night in Miama--- but
he should have as much information as possible ahead of time
to work with.
<<<<<<<<<<<<<
Memo to DC from Safire
July 31, 1968.
Here's the mint copy, hot off the press in Miami. Our plan is to print
20, 000 there, distribute them to delegates and VIPs free, and sell the
rest at Miami hotel newsstands.
Thenwe will substitute the acceptance speech for the "Expanded Democracy",
add some victory pictures from the convention and run the other 80, 000.
And if there is anything you want to change, it could be done for that second
run.
Hobe Lewis threw a lot of his top talent at the Digest into this (as well as
his own time); you'll want to call him soon. I'll arrange to get a list of his
volunteers to receive notes from you.
We will wait until the "final" edition is run before binding fifty in leather
for presentation to certain contributors.
I'll be in Miami when you get this, double-checking on the distribution; if
there is some horrible error I've missed that requires that the whole
effort be aborted, call me; after doing so, I will swim slowly out to sea.
P.S. Another subject: If you want to use that Dickens quote about "the
worst of times, the best of times" it was written in reference
to 1775, not in 1775.
For your information
From Pat Hillings
File
I contacted Josk Garland
To Bob Holdeman
delegate from Any
who was my fellow district
at the lost for Conventions
and explained this
Re the plalform roguld
Decesion on escorting
mode in M nomi
He doesn't plan to attend
Can do Idant Dee whifelse we
00 el new
-
Pak H.
Hellings
/
Is this one for
you to handle ?
of not let
me know
cause someone
has to -
H
BOB HALDEMAN
Copy of handwritten letter
from
John Jewett Garland
July 1st, 1968
Dear Dick:
Needless to say, after having served on the
past six California Delegations, I was hurt by not being even asked
to be even an alternate delegate at the Miami Convention.
One reason is that I feel I let you down by not being
selected, but it was not because I didn't try. My guess is that the Rockefeller
delegates who knew of my unswerving loyalty to you felt that I would not
be useful should they achieve a stalemate on the first ballot. Such, due
to your magnificent primary victories is not going to take place and I
rejoice as delegates and Republican leaders daily turn to you with their
support.
My great ambition now is to be among the group
honored by being selected to escort you (and Pat) to the platform when
you accept the nomination on the final day of the Convention. In 1960
Bob Finch was on that committee, and also was not a delegate, so there
is a precedent.
Always sincerely,
/s/
Jack
Quez 1st 1968
JOHN JEWETT GARLAND
117 WEST NINTH STREET
LOS ANGELES 15,CALIFORNIA
JUL 5 1968
Dear Dier -
needless to say,
after having served on the past
six Colforma Delegations, awas
hurt even en not being even asked
to be an acternate Deegate at
the miami Convention
Onreason is
that 9 for a let you down of
not being selected; but it was
not because Idid'nt try my
guess is that the Rockefreen
delegates who knew of mf
unswerving loyalty to you felt
that 9 would not be useful
should they achieve a stalemate
on the first ballot. such, due
to your magnificant primary
victories is not going to
take place and 9 rejoice as
delegatesand Republican leaders
daily turn to for with their
support
my great amerition
now is to be among the
group honored by him freelet-
ed to accort for found Pat)
to the peatform when for
a ceept the nomination on the
fince day of the Convention.
In 1960 BooFinch was on
that committee, and also was not
a deegate, so there is aprecedut.
always sincerely.
Oaa
U.S.
VIA AIR MAIL
SOT
PM
10c MAIL
: JUL
MG8
Hom Richard m nixon
810 Fifth avenue
new york
PEASONAL/
n.y.
Run
Puh other the
with this me
SI006 CALIFORNIA ANGELES'S SOT
STREET HININ 1S3M 211
JOHN JEWETT GARLAND
PERSONAL
Mr Haldeman To
BRYCE N. HARLOW
for
1730 K STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON 6, D.C.
July 23, 1968
Mr. Peter M. Flanigan
Nixon for President Committee
P. O. Box 1968
Times Square Station
New York, New York 10036
Dear Pete:
On July 19 Congressman Craig Hosmer of California
called me, he confided, on "a very important matter."
It turned out he believes that Congressman John B.
Anderson of Illinois would be just right as RN's
running mate.
Hosmer avers that Anderson has one of the best minds
and is one of the best speakers in all the House of
Representatives -- full of energy, too -- and "one
just can't find a better man anywhere."
Hosmer adds that Anderson speaks in a way to "get the
people going." He's good looking. He's "a little to
the left of the middle of the road."
I promised Hosmer to let the RN Valhalla have his
advice.
You have it. So now
Sincerely,
Bryce N. Harlow
File.
MEMORANDUM
JULY 10, 1968
TO:
CHAPIN/HALDEMAN
CC: JOHN EHRLICHMAN
FROM:
JOHN WHITAKER
RE:
JOHN EISENHOWER
John Eisenhower has been calling me several times lately and in his
last conversation he definitely wants guidance in nailing down his
role from here to November.
He has accepted Tom Evans' request to head the United Citizens for Nixon
in Pennsylvania.
He wants to come to Miami and I have assured him there is adequate
housing and that Barbara should come along and that all expenses would
be paid = Ehrlichman please advise me on what rooms they have and when
you want them. He seems agreeable to being part of the reception committee
when RN arrives in Miami and I told him I thought this was a good idea.
The basic problem with John is that he, as he puts it, "wants to be in a
staff capacity to RN post-Convention and doesn't want to be another 'one of
the family strap-hangers" - translated I sens this means that he just
doesn't really want to be out front in a cele brity position where he would
be most useful to RN.
At any rate, I am on the hook to call John back and clarify his overall role
from now to November and, more specifically, his precise role in Miami.
Please
advice.
Bob TO Arile to RN for
PAUL L, DAVIES
H Ch. Rmw,
P.O.BOX 760
SAN JOSE, CALIFORNIA 95106
July 23, 1968
File Done
Dear Dick:
I spent the weekend at the Bohemian Grove Encampment. The weather
was ideal and we had the largest number in attendance in the history
of the Grove. A number of your friends asked about you and expressed
regret that you could not be in attendance.
I had as my guest, Russell Giffen, who you may remember when you were
running for Governor, was the key farmer in the Fresno area. You
and I flew to his ranch on the West side of the Valley where he had
as his guests for luncheon a number of the outstanding agriculturists.
Mr. Giffen continues to be one of the largest farmers in the United
States and is very active in the affairs of the Cotton Council and
other top-flight agriculture organizations.
Mr. Giffen got in touch with me sometime ago and said that a Mr.
Albert Russell, who is Executive Vice President of the National Cotton
Council and lives in Memphis, but farms in Mississippi, was very
anxious to have the opportunity of talking to you. If it were
possible for you to arrange to meet him, Mr. Giffen would also
plan to be present.
What they both would like to talk to you about, of course, is agri-
culture. According to Mr. Giffen, Mr. Russell is very influential
in the South and is a member of the Mississippi delegation to the
Republican Convention.
I know how crowded your schedule is prior to the Convention and I
have told Mr. Giffen that I doubt whether it would be possible for
you to see Mr. Russell and him, but I thought in view of the
importance of Mr. Russell in connection with the Southern delegations
and with agriculture, you might wish to have one of your aides make
a suggestion as to what time, if any, you had before the Convention
when you could see the two of them.
Mr. Giffen, in concluding his letter to me, said that Mr. Russell
and he would be glad to go wherever it is convenient for you to
see them, North, East, South or West.
-2-
I am sending copies of this letter to Rose Mary Woods and Bob
Holderman, and if possible, would appreciate hearing from one
of them as to the feasibility of this request, SO I can pass
the word on to Mr. Giffen and Mr. Russell. If it is impossible
for you to see them prior to the Convention, I think it would
be best for me to be in position to advise them of this latter
fact.
Warm regards.
Truly yours,
ORIGINAL SIGNED BY
P. L. DAVIES
Paul L. Davies
Mr. Richard M. Nixon
450 Park Avenue
New York, New York 10022
CC: Mr. Robert Holderman
Miss Rose Mary Woods
7/17/68
FRANK SHAKESPEARE to rmw
Three things:
1. Re quest for interview on the Chet Huntley Show --
(today after the luncheon I stayed on with them - the
Executive Producer of the Huntley-Brinkley show said
they have a concept of having two shows prior to the
Republican Convention and two shows prior to the Democratic
Convention. Huntley will do Nixon - Brinkley will do
Rockefeller.
(this would be on the regular 1/2 hour evening show.
It would be head to head in RN's apartment.
When rmw started to say something Frank said -- I want to have
a Gentlemen's agreement that they won't take excerpts from RN
and excerpts from Rocky and make it a debate. They have to be
run completely separate day from the NR mnterview.
Also that they will not overshoot.
"I have already told them that his schedule is extremely
crowded - going to California and will then beunavailable
because he will be doing some writing, etc.
2. Warren Wallace with whom RN has been doing some shooting is going
to go to California to look over the situation.
I understand Ed is in Seattle - he wants to get any family
photographs, etc. -- to whom should he speak?
(rmw referred them to our own office for the early photographs
as we have a good collection of them -- and said I would find
out about Whittier, etc. -
Should we ask Clara Jane whether she has tht time to take this
fellow around -- say to the home in Whittier - to Yorba Linda,
etc.
(It may be that Wallace will decide that he should not do any
shooting out there -- but if he does decide it could not be
until Tuesday night since he does not get out there until
Monday night.
QUESTION: Would RN want to do it (rmw said I did not think SO on
Tuesday night as he would just be getting started
on trying to have some time alone to think.
But - would, of course, check this out
- 2 -
3. Joey Bishop Show -- Los Angeles -- would RN want to do this
Monday night?
(rmw said I did not think so -- that I felt the meeting would
go on most of the day and into the evening.
(He said to check it out -- and said "I think it is a perfectly
suitable show to do it - it is a good exposure but whebber or
not it is encroaching on his schedule - or if RN wants to do it
any other night while he is out there.
(I am sure the only reason they said Monday night they did
not know he would be there longer)
I don't know whether RN saw the TV column in the Daily News --
Bill Buckley (the other day when we were talking with the ABC people
at lunch they said they were doing a different coverage
this year -- they are having a 90 minute wrap up in the
evening)
There will be a 20 minute segment in which Gore Vidal and Buckley
willmake comment. When they asked Bill Buckley what he thought he
would be doing he said "I will be running defense for Richard Nixon."
Secondly he said Richard Nixon will win his support even in a contest
with Ronald Reagan.
DC from Safire (cc Mitchell)
Re: "kremlineering"
July 14, 1968.
Hypotheses:
1. The Soviet Union will attempt to influence the U.S. election in hopes
of electing the Democratic candidate.
2. Democratic strategy will take advantage of this to portray Humphrey
as the peacemaker and Nixon as an old-fashioned cold warrior who will
perpetuate East-West tension.
Support for Hypothesis #1:
a. There is precedent: Khrushchev admitted to Mike Wallace on CBS
last year that he did what he could to defeat Nixon in 1960 by refusing to
exchange the U-2 pilot.
b. The London Economist story (attached) titled "One Vote for Hubert"
shows how Russian actions on disarmament this month are designed to help the
Democrats.
c. Reporters I spoke to in London last week are certain that kosygin has
already invited LBJ to Moscow during the campaign in the U.S.
Support for Hypothesis #2:
a. Humphrey's intended Commonwealth Club speech was directed at
accommodation with Soviet Union and ignored China. This was his most
carefully prepared speech to date and indicates the first step in a continuing
strategy.
b. Reston's column (attached) was the result of a backgrounder intended
to establish Humphrey as the man the Russians trust more and will deal wi th
more easily than Nixon. The column simply differentiates between candidates'
approach to Soviets, makes no judgments about which is right; that will come
laters.
C. LBJ has already dropped a public hint about "The Summit."
cont'd.
-2-
d. Past patterns of Clark Clifford and Jim Rowe have been "turn a minus
into a plus.' Best way to get rid of "war party" image is not to defend reasons
for the war, but to suddenly and dramatically stress a peace offensive,
identifying Democrats as the party of détente. This is daring political strategy
which Clifford has specialized in ("We have to throw a long pass." is the way
he puts it).
Therefore, if these hypotheses are accepted as likelihoods, two sharply
different counter-strategies present themselves:
1. Coin "kremlineering" and denounce it.
a. Ted Lewis column in N.Y. News, commenting on Economist
article, shows typical hardliner reaction -- that any indication of Russian
support for a candidate is the "kiss of death' and that U.S. public would prefer
a man who can "stand up to the Russians. "
b. Remind voters LBJ ran falsely as "man of peace" in '64 and
is now warming over the same phoney technique.
C. Warn against LBJ Russian trip as a pure political ploy,
similar to abortive Manila conference during '66 elections. Remind voters of
Yalta, when tiring U.S. president was too willing to take Soviet assurances
at face value, and his weakening grip cost West dearly.
d. Play up U.S. resentment at outside interference with U.S.
elections, recall khrushchev's previous action.
e. Stress need for wariness and strength in dealing S with
Soviets, with realistic Nixon better equipped to deal with them than desperate
LBJ or naive Humphrey.
f. Caution against "secret agreements" that might tie the hands
of the next President.
(NOTE: Democrats probably expect this reaction by Republicans, with Nixon
forced into a moratorium during actual trip based on past performance, leaving
denunciations to vice presidential candidate and National Chairman.)
2. Surprise counter-strategy: Seize the idea first.
a. Nixon suggests LBJ make a trip to Moscow soon.
cont'd.
-3-
b. At Convention, suggest Rockefeller, Percy or other defeated
or unchosen Republican candidate accompany him; man chosen by Nixon would
be widely interpreted as next Secretary of State. This would break the direct
link between President's peacemaking efforts and Democratic campaign.
c. Stress good-will nature of trip, downplay negotiations;
consider this laying the groundwork for hard negotiations by next President.
d. In campaign, focus on Asia as source of future trouble and
hold Humphrey's feet to fire on area he prefers to avoid talking about.
e. In sum, be all in favor of a preliminary breaking of the ice
by the retiring President, bolster need for bipartisan foreign policy and
stress Nixon's capability of following through with hard bargaining that will
best protect America's interests.
Basic advantages of counter-strategy denouncing "kremlineering" -- It relies
on distrust of Johnson by electorate, stresses his foreign policy weakness
and crassly political gambits.
Basic advuntages of counter-strategy of getting ahead of the parade -- It
identifies Nixon with hopes for peace, shows his nonpartisan concern for
country first, and makes what is bound to happen his own unifying idea.
Worst potential Nixon mistake -- Lack of a plan to meet this Democratic
strategy. This would result in a reaction that falls between two stools:
reluctance to criticize forthrightly, sniping by secondary officials who may
appear to be at cross purposes with candidate's high-minded stand, a general
feeling that the newsmaking power of the Presidency causes Republicans to
flounder.
A radio speech containing the opening salvo of counter-strategy #2 is attached;
it quietly introduces the thought near the end.
DC from SAFIRE (via GARMENT)
CC: Haldeman
July 17, 1968.
Aphorisms, Epigrams and Quotable Paragraphs for Acceptance Speech
and Stump Speeches.
Foreign Policy
We have never been the policemen of the world; We cannot be expected to
be the welfare workers of the world; I'C do not presume to be the judges
of the world. Bul by the example we sel in the achievement of personal
freedom, we can once again become the hope of the world.
(OR)
Il is all very popular at the moment to recite the truism that we are not
the world's policeman. But if we do not accept our fair share of re-
sponsibility in protecting peace and freedom around the world, we will
find ourselves having to act again as the world's fireman--and II'C must
not let that happen again.
When can a third-rate power embarrass or defeat a first-rate power?
Only when that first-rate power has second-rate leadership.
There are always those willing to sell out our allies and sell short our
resolution.
Change
The power to vote is the power to change. And that power to change is the
greatest strength of " democracy.
Unrest
If we dismiss our discontented young people as "rebels without " cause"
we shall find ourselves leaders without an effect.
There are those who wring their hands over living through " decade of
demonstrations. They forget that the story of America is the greatest
two-century demonstration in all the long sweep of human history. We
are all demonstrators. We are all rerolutionaries.
-2-
Unrest (cont'd)
Our campaign will not add to national tensions -our platform does not
resl on unrest.
In achieving peace abroad, the diplomats can do more than the military;
in achieving peace at home, the moderates can do more than the militants.
Law and Order
As we jealously guard the rights of the accused, lel us gire some thought
to the rights of the abused. We must stop feeling guilly about protecting
the innocent victims.
Wallace
There are those who form minority parties in order to deny rights 10
minorilies.
I differ with the likely Democratic candidate on the dismal record of this
Administration; I differ with the Democratic candidate on the failure 10
reslore order in America; I differ with the Democratic candidate on the
abuse of our dollar at home and the misuse of our power abroad. And
if any splinter candidate wants to call this "" dime's worth of difference,"
all I can say is that's some valuable dime!
To those who would divert the stream of protest to the backwaters of "
third party, / ask: Do you want to register " futile protest, or do you
want to nake " change? And I urge: Don't vote to gel something off your
chest vote to gel someone on the job.
When they count your vote--will your vote count?
Protest has its place. but in the American system, a candidate runs 10
win -and " voler votes to elect.
Themes
We are mel today al a watershed of American history.
-3-
Themes (cont'd)
We must offer the American people a true compass (1 compass that will
restore our sense of direction and enable us to get accurate bearings on
where we really stand a compass that will point the way to " new de-
parture, il fresh approach " true compass to chart (1 course of moral
action. (This could be the metaphor for the new administration.)
Leadership
America needs preventive diplomacy and inventive leadership.
Promises
America is saying, "Deliner us from promises -promise us what you
can deliver. "
The "wave of the future" we were promised turned out to be " wave of
crime and all underlow of war.
We have heard great pronouncements about a War on Poverly and " War
on Crime. Abroad, we have been waging " war without declaring il: at
home, we have been declaring wars without waging them.
Bossism
The handshaking of the primaries is better than the arm-lwisting of the
back rooms.
(OR)
In 1968, America is not going to elect " candidate who preferred the smoke
of the backrooms to the fire of the primaries.
Uplifl
The American Dream does not come to those who fall asleep. The American
Dream is achieved by those who are wide awake to the ideals that beam hope
10 all mankind.
-1-
Uplift (cont'd)
In the long view of history, the first millenium brought man into the
Dark Ages; the second millenium broke through to the hope of freedom
und justice, as well as the danger of annihilation. We stand today at
the threshold of (1 third millenium
In A Tale of Two Cities, Charles Dickens wrote:
"Il was the best of times, it was the worst of times
it was
the spring of hope, il was the winter of despair. " The year he described
was 1775, as the United States was coming into being, and that paradox
applies again today.
In one sense, these are the worst of times
the worst riols,
the worst crime, the worst inflation and the wors! kind of war. But these
are also the best of times. Never before has mankind had " better chance
to shape his own destiny. Never before could each one of us participate
so fully in changing the worst of times into the best of times.
Peace
We shall pursue the politics of peace in the furtherance of freedom.
Peace is not passive; the path of peace must be continually cleared.
The road to war is paved with the neglect of Tillle tensions.
Comeback
You have chosen as your nomince one who has tasted victory and who
is no stranger to defeat. A man can gain a lot from the one, and learn (I
lot from the other.
As a nation, America loo has had ils ups and downs in the Sixlies. We
have all suffered from the selbacks of this difficult decade. But I have
learned as an individual, and I believe that we have all learned as (1
nation, that the only way to "come back" is to more ahead.
I believe that a great comeback is in store for the relations between the
races. I believe that a great comeback is in slore for those who have
been robbed of their human dignity. I believe that a great comeback is in
slore for the cause of peace with freedom in the years ahead.
-5-
Individualism
As our opponents plead for unity, lel us celebrate diversity; as they
sanctify sameness, lel us dignify uniqueness; as they think collectively
of the people, lel us think individually of the person.
Attacks
After the peaceful progress of the Fifties, we have seen the sleep,
surprising slide of the Sixlies
In the past five years, " shadow has fallen across America; and now.
the Johnson-Humphrey administration seeks to cast its shadow across
the next four years of American history.
New leadership cannot be achieved by a warmed-over administration
with a carbon-copy plalform and a Xerox candidate.
Welfare
Welfare is 100 important to be left to the Welfare Staters.
Decentralization
Government of the people and by the people has been replaced by
government for the people. We must restore that delicate balance:
government must seek the advice and consent of erery American.
Experience
"What difference is there!" some people ask me, "between Hubert Humphrey's
background and your own? After all, you were both rice presidents. " The
difference is this: Humphrey learned about the Presidency from Lyndon
Johnson, and I served under Dwight Eisenhower -and that makes all the
difference in the world.
-6-
Useful Woodrow Wilson quotes:
"Government is not " warfare of interests
government is " matter of
common conncil. "
"We are witnessing a renaissance of public spirit, " reawakening of sober
public opinion, a revinal of the power of the people, the beginning of an
age
with the new age we shall show a new spirit.'
"We stand in the presence of an awakened nation, impatient oj parlisan
make-believe."
"The Nation has been unnecessarily, unreasonably, at war within ilself.
Our task now is to effect a great readjustment and get the forces of the
whole people into play. We need no revolution: need no excited change;
we need only a new point of view and a new method and spirit of counsel. "
"I believe that the greatest force for peace, the greatest force for
righteonsness, the greatest force for the elevation of mankind, is
organized opinion.
"
"I know the temper of the great convention that nominated me; I know the
temper of the country that lay back of that convention and spoke through il."
file
1st Draft. July 14, 1968. WLS
THE NEXT ONE HUNDRED DAYS
Today, July 29, 1968, offers an interesting benchmark in this
election campaign. One hundred days from today, Americans will go to
the polls to select their next President.
One hundred days marked the time of Napoleon's last campaign;
one hundred days at the beginning of Franklin Roosevelt's administration
marked a period of enormous change in our nation. The span of time may
be brief but much can happen in a hundred days.
In these next hundred days, America will go through the tumult
of choosing nominees at national conventions; we will go through the
exhiliration and fascination of a national campaign; and then, in a moment
of quiet and privacy in a voting booth, each one of us wiil make his or her
decision about the future direction of our country.
To those who do not understand the American system, the next
hundred days will appear to be a time of deep division, of angry voices,
of charge and countercharge.
Those who do understand the workings of democracy know that this
will be the time of our greatest strength. This is the testing-time, the
crucible of freedom; as we change our leadership in this orderly way, we
re-dedicate our ideal of government by the consent of the governed. Out
of this struggle emerges a stronger nation and a reinvigorated people.
-2-
Our differences are real, and the candidates of the two parties
offer sharply different approaches to the problems we face. But Thomas
Jefferson put it this way: "Not every difference of opinion is a difference
of principle." Whoever emerges as President of the United States will
indeed be president of all the people.
In these next one hundred days what can the candidates do, what
can you as a citizen do, and what can the President do to make this a
creative, constructive campaign? What can we all do now to set the stage
for a new unity after Election Day?
The Candidates' Responsibility
First, let's see what the candidates can do to sharpen the issues; to
clarify the issues; to clarify the differences in philosophy; to help you make
an informed choice. This is the nature of the campaign I foresee:
The campaign of 1968 will be a campaign of new ideas. It will
have to be---I don't think the American people will stand for a situation in
which one party cries, "It's time for a change. " while the other party
replies, , You never had it so good.' Trat kind of campaigning is behind us.
The problems of peace abroad, of controlling crime and violence at home,
and of providing equal justice under law are too overriding to bermit a retreat
into the tired rhetoric of the past.
The new ideas in this campaign must be relevant to the needs of
today and must prepare for the needs of tomorrow. You will be able to
see, in this next hundred days, which candidate will be promising more of the
-3-
same old answers, and which candidate will come up with new answers,
new approaches to problems that the old answers have not solved.
There is something else the candidates must do this year. We
must show you what kind of people we are. And not just in carefully
prepared speeches. Candidates in 1968 must be prepared to engage in
the cut and thrust of debate. We must be prepared to answer questions,
the hard questions, from people in audiences and from the reporters who
represent them.
A President of the United States has to be prepared to think fast
and to act wisely. His basic instincts have to be right, and he has to be
able to say clearly what he thinks. You as a voter can judge a man's
character in the way he responds to spontaneous and unhehearsed situations.
This year candidates will not be able to escape such tests.
Another way to judge a man's character is to look at his record to
see if what he says is consistent with what he has done over the years. In
this campaign nobody will be allowed to run away from his record or his
administration's record.
There is another responsibility of candidates this year: To lock
horns with the dilemmas and not with each other. There will be a certain
amount of ribbing, that's all part of political campaigning but this is not
the year for bickering about personalities. Style is less important than
substance; I believe the undecided voter will join the man who joins the issues.
-4-
Finally, candidates this year will have to demonstrate an ability
to unite and to lead. Let me be clear about the ability to unite: We all
know, that even in the greatest landslides, at least one American in three
does not vote for the man who is elected. The nature of our system calls
for the closing of ranks, the coming together of the nation, after the voice
of the majority has spoken.
But there is a good way for you to judge the ability to unite the
nation after election day: And that is the ability of a candidate to unite his
party before Election Day. Preaching unity is one thing; being a unifying
force is something else. Each candidate will surely try to bring together
the widespread wings of his party; it is for you to judge who best succeeds.
The Voters' Responsibility
So far, I've been discussing the responsibilities of candidates in
this next one hundred days. But what of your responsibility? What will you
be called upon to do in this testing time for America?
There are certain things you do not have to do. You do not have
to wear a button or wave a banner or blow up a balloon. If you enjoy that,
fine--it's a good way of showing your enthusiasm and getting others excited
and involved. But the outward trappings of political activity are only part
of the picture.
The most important thing for all of us to do is to open our minds and
stretch our understanding of what's happening in our country today. The
pages of our newspapers and magazines that get all too quick a glance are
-5-
the pages that probe the trends of American life; the television programs
that get the lowest ratings are those documentaries that pose the problems
of hunger and crime and all our social ills. It's hard work to watch and
read and comprehend, especially after a day on the job or raising a family.
But it is this extra effort that is needed, especially in these hundred days
of decision.
Election Day will not be the only day you vote. In a larger sense,
you're voting every day -electing whether to participate or withdraw.
When a neighbor asks you to come to a civic or political meetings do
you vote to participate or to withdraw? When a man on the job next to
you suggests a project that would involve you with a community youth
program the decision you make is a way of voting.
President Truman used to have a sign on his desk that read,
The buck ends here." But the buck really does not end on the President's
desk in Washington. It ends in the personal decisions in the daily lives of
two hundred million individual Americans.
Certainly it's a big job, obeying the law, paying your taxes,
providing for your family -but today there is more to the job of being a
responsible American. When it come S to restoring racial peace, to
opening up opportunity, to closing the generation gap the buck ends with
every one of us.
And there is another thing you can do in this hundred days: Make
it tough on the candidates. I mean all the candidates from the most local
office on the bottom of the ticket to the men running for President.
-6-
Here's 'a constructive way to make a candidate's life difficult.
Listen carefully to what he says and ask yourself: "Have I heard all this
before, or is he offering something new? Is he promising to make my
life easy, or is he 'telling it like it is'? Does he have specific programs
or is he dealing in generalities? Is he talking about problems of the past,
or is he talking about my problems today?"
And don't just ask yourself these questions. Ask the candidate,
or write him, and get quite specific. It will m ke us all better candidates.
And it will make you a better informed voter.
The President's Responsibility
Now let me turn to what the President of the United States can do
in these next hundred days to take the politics out of peacemaking, and to
take peacemaking out of the American political campaign.
Four months ago, President Johnson told the American people
he was not going to be a candidate for reelection, so that he could better
devote his remaining months in office to the cause of making peace.
He felt, quite rightly, that he had to make this sacrifice to redeem
an ashministration whose policies have led to wider war, frustration and
failure.
As peace negotiations have begun, the President has been offered
a great deal of offstage advice. I have not joined the chorus of those who
have submitted a variety of peace plans, because I believe the United States
should speak with one voice at the peace table.
-7-
Over the years, however, I have made it plain time and again
that the problem of peace in Viet Nam is not a localized matter, but one
that has to be approached on global terms.
It is not unlikely that in the near future the President will be
invited to Moscow for talks with Premier Kosygin.
I believe it would be fitting for the President to accept that invitation.
Such a trip, coming in the midst of election time in the United
States, would undoubtedly cause some skepticis.) and some criticism.
Memories of the hastily-arranged Manila conference during the 1966
congressional campaign would be awakened. There would be charges that
the mission to Moscow was timed for our domestic election and politically
motivated.
Bui let's be realistic: Everything the President does, whenever he
does it, has a political impact. The question is not whether this will help
the Democratic nominee; certainly, to some extent, it will. The real question
is whether, in the long run, it could have a beneficial effect on world peace.
I think it could. Properly handled, and with bipartisan support, a
good-will trip now by the President could pave the way for concrete negotiations
later by the incoming Administration.
I am not anaware of the dangers of summitry. The "spirit of
Glassboro" did not stop the Soviet Union from supplying 80% of the war
material to North Viet Nam. The Soviet Union knows very well how to play
upon the sincere hopes for peace in the Western world. And the Soviet leaders
know that the President has a personal need for some dramatic compact to
reverse the character of his past five years.
-8-
Despite changes of mood, I do not believe that the Soviet Union
has changed its motives. They will accommodate our pressure for peace
only as it suits their own economic and diplomatic purposes.
But neither do I believe that Lyndon Johnson has changed. He remains
as shrewd and tough and politically adept as ever. I would hope, in the
traditional spirit of bipartisanship in foreign affairs, that he would take
with him some eminent Republicans who, like him, are not involved in
élection campaigns. I would further hope that the President would seek
suggestions from both Presidential nominees about these advisers to
accompany him; among these would be a man who would provide continuity
of contact into the next administration.
This suggestion to the President is tendered not in a spirit of pre-
sumption, but in a spirit of cooperation in a cause larger than partisan
politics.
7 think we can all agree that the next hundred days will makk a
turning point in American history. Who wins is obviously important, for it
will determine the direction of our government as we begin the final third
of this century. But how he wins, the nature of the campaign, is important
as well, because a creative campaign will lay the foundation for re-unifying
the American people after Election Day.
As we have seen, the President will play an important role; the
candidates, all up and down the line, have special responsibilities this year
to engage the great world issues and the urgent local issues.
-9-
And your own role in this watershed year of 1968 has never
been more demanding nor more vital. Your own actions in these
hundred days will bring America to grips with its problems; your careful
attention will force candidates to speak with candor and clarity; and your
vote is your voice in determining your own future.
July 6, 1968
One Vote for Hubert
Kosvein is voting early, and he is voting for Hubert
him on a planer. When the Russian ambassador in London
It is more than a year since President Johnson
signed the non-proliferation treaty on Monday-while other
producting the Russians to sit down and talk about
copies were being signed in Washington and Moscow-he
limit to the number of nuclear missiles the two super-
produced a list of no fewer than nine subjects his government
be allowed to possess. That Mr Kosygin should
would like to talk about next. The limiting of missile forces
have accepted Mr Johnson's invitation, after dodging it
was discrectly slipped in among them. But the Russians
June, means that he must have a motive.
chucked in some of the oldest kitchen sinks in the propaganda
21 cannot he explained just by saying that it has taken
business, including the dismantling of foreign bases and a
ban this long to see the force of Mr Johnson's arguments.
total ban on the use of any nuclear weapons at any time.
No doubt the Russian generals who don't like the idea of
The Russians know from 20 years' experience of talks about
being put on a missile ration have been doing their sums
disarmament that the Americans are not going to agree to
all OVET again. They know that the number of attacking
this until Russia agrees to some sort of control over the size
misiles they possess has gradually been creeping closer to
of its conventional forces, above all in Europe. It is true that
the number the Americans have.- They have probably
the Russian list on Monday drew a distinction between the
it last that the "thin" anti-missile screen they are
dismanting of foreign bases, which it said the Geneva dis-
parting up around Moscow (see the next page) might just
armament conference ought to consider," and the much
ward off the sort of attack a minor nuclear power
more important missile proposal, on which the Rusian
France or China could launch against them, but that
government proposes to reach an agreement." It is a pretty
egainst a full-scale American attack it would be about as
piece of hint-dropping. But the length of the Russians
is a colunder in a thunderstorm. They also know
g-point agenda, in which any one point can be made con-
that it would cost them the earth-maybe as much as a
ditional on the other side's acceptance of one of the other
senth of a whole year's national production-to try to protect
points, makes it plain that there is going to be some tough
themselves against the Americans with a thick anti-
bargaining. Mr Kosygin will probably be asking, in
missile SCT on, which probably wouldn't work anyway. Yet
particular, for " parity' between the superpowers' missile
none of this wholly explains why Mr Kosygin should now
arsenals. This will not go down well with many member
have taken the plunge and accepted Mr Johnson's invitation
of the American Congress. They are used to having a clear
to negotiate. This is a major decision, and the creaking
cut numerical superiority in missiles, and they have not
condition that has been running Russia since (964 does not
accepted Mr McNamara's argument that numbers matte
like taking major decisions. Mr Biezhnev, who was banging
less than second-strike capability %; see page 10.
away at decaying America on Wednesday, probably
It is going to be a test of the negotiators' bottoms. ,Ve
mistrusts this decision. If Mr Kosygin has now decided to
it is reasonably clear that the past week's events have carrie
defy his nervous nellies it is because of the American election.
the relationship between, Russia and America, and
For the last few weeks the Russians have been dropping
relationship between the pair of them and the rest of 12
hints. in the United Nations and elsewhere, that they want
world, into a new stage. The non-proliferation treaty the
the next President of the United States to be a man who will
was signed on Monday by nearly 60 states has justified its
continue Mr Johnson's policy of co-operation with the Soviet
already. " Non-proliferation' is the most anaesthetisin
Union. They doubt whether Mr Nixon would run his foreign
word of the 1960s. The fog of confusion that has hung
policy that way, and they may be right. They have
the three years of haggling about the treaty of Geneva sin
probably written off Senator McCarthy's chances of getting
1965 has prevented many people from grasping its important
the Democratic nomination. So they have accepted Mr
It is not that the trenty itself will automatically prevent 0
Johnson's year-old invitation in the hope that this will
spread of nuclear weapons beyond the five countries
help Mr Johnson's chosen successor. Hubert Humphrey.
have them now. To that extent, its critics have quite fair
does not mean that President Humphrey, if that is
called it a scrap of paper. But, like other scraps of paper4
will have a treaty ready waiting for
importance lics in the fact that the people who have
THE ECONOMIST JULY 6
to be put into circulation-the Russians and the Americans
ready to contemplate imposing this discipline on themselves
now have a joint interest in making sure that it keeps its
Nothing quite like it has happened before: So far the main
face value, In making the non-proliferation treaty stick, the
nuclear agreements between Russia and America the Lest
United States and Russia face certain common problems, and
ban treaty of 1963, and the non-proliferation treaty
they will have to tackle them together.
on Monday-have essentially been measures designed to keep
One of these problems is India, which has said that it is
the nuclear club as small as possible. A Russian
not going to sign the treaty. But even if the superpowers
agreement to limit missile forces would mean that the main
get that one under control they will still face the problem of
members of the club were making rules for themselves as
preventing the other non-muclear powers from one day
well as for other people. It would be the first real measure
rebelling against Monday's treaty. The only way they
of nuclear self-denial the world has yet seen.
can do this is to demonstrate that they are willing to
It is curious how the facts of nuclear life are quietly
limit, and then to reduce, their own nuclear stockpiles. The
changing the pattern of power in the world. The United
novelty of the new round of talks to which Mr Kosygin has
States and Russia, those implacable enemies of the 1950s,
at long last given his consent is that the superpowers are now
have now been drawn together in two different ways. First
The missile balance
The United States is committed to in-
stalling the Sentinel system. It has two
functions:
If it ever comes to nuclear war, both
and 750 medium-range (1,100 miles)
(t) Area defence against limited
Russia and the United States possess
and intermediate-range (2,000 miles)
attack such as China will be capable of
a second-strike capability against the
missiles aimed at targets in western
launching in the mid-1y70s
(2) The defence of specific
other. This means that either could
Europe, Japan and, probably, China.
mainly the American missile against
absorb a surprise attack and still have
Through the use of reconnaissance
a full-scale attack by
enough missiles left over to inflict un-
satellites, both superpowers have a
In this system a highly developed
acceptable damage on the other. How
pretty accurate idea of the other's
form of radar tracks and predicts the
much is unacceptable ? The Americans
strength in missile-launchers.
path of incoming missiles. Then, in
estimate that 400 1-megaton weapons
In submarine-borne missiles, the
area defence, a long-range missile, the
could destroy a third of Russia's popu-
Americans have a big edge over the
Spartan, is launched to interrept and
lation and a half of its industry. Be-
Russians. They have 41 atomic-
destroy the incoming missile (using an
rause the population and industry of
powered submarines, each carrying 16
X-ray device) well above the atmos-
the United States are more densely
missiles 32 of the submarines are nor-
phere (with, the Americans claim, no
packed, the Russians probably need
mally on station. Their Polaris missiles
fall-out hazard.' The defence of
even fewer.
are being replaced by Poseidons (with
specific targets relies on a shorter-
This deadlock is at the heart of the
a range of 2,500 nautical miles):
ranger interce ptor missile, the Sprint,
present state of nuclear deterrence. It
At present the Russians can fire 30
which explodes the missiles within the
implies that a retaliatory second strike
missiles, with an extreme range of 650
atinosphere (where, the Americans
would be aimed at centres of popula-
miles, from ten atomic-powered sub-
again claim, the fall-out danger is
tion as well as at missile sites. In no,
marines another 30, with a range of
negligible.")
meaningful sense can either super-
400 miles, from 30 conventional sub-
This ABM umbrella is by no means
power be described as " inferior to
marines ; and 240 surface-launched
leak-proof. If it were used against, say,
the other so long as it has this second-
cruise missiles, with a range of 300
a limited Chinese attack, the death roll
strike capacity.
miles, from 20 atomic-powered and 24
could still be as high as a million tas
But ideas of superiority and parity
conventional submarines, The firing
against between 5 million and
are still bandied about. There are
of these missiles close to or on the
million if there were no ABM system
three main yardsticks megatonnage
surface adds to the risks of detection.
at all). In an all-out attack by the
megaton a million tons of TNT)
The range of the missiles is being im-
Russians enough missiles would pene-
the number of warheads ; and the num-
proved and it is estimated that by 1975
trate the Sentinel defences to produce
ber of missile-launchers.
Russia could have a fully-fiedged long-
unacceptable damage. Hence the
Russia has developed bigger war-
range Polaris-type force.
lobbying in America for a heavier, and
heads than the Americans, probably
Both in submarine-borne and land-
much more costly, ABM screen.
because it hopes that one big warhead
based missiles the Americans have
The Russian system is more primitive
will destroy a target that would need
established a lead over the Russians in
and more limited. The Tallinn line
three smaller ones. Some of its ICBMs
the development of MIRVs (multiple
(deployed across the north-western
(intercontinental ballistic missiles) are
independently targetable re-entry
approaches to Russia) is no longer
of 10 megatons, and it may possess
vehicles). This is a system by which
thought to have any significant ABM
some in the 30-megaton range. The
a number of warheads can be delivered
capability It is more in the nature,
biggest American ICBM warhead is
from one launcher on to separate tar-
of an early-warning system.
somewhere over 5 megatons.
gets. The Poseidon missile possibly
The Galosh ABM system is so far
In numbers of warheads, the Ameri-
has three such warheads. But it is esti-
deployed only around Moscow. It
is
cans claimed last September a 3-1 or
mated that by 1975 Russia could
said to be similiar to the Nike-Zeus
4-1 advantage (their forces, including
develop and deploy an MIRV system.
system developed earlier by the Ameri-
the obsolescent manned bombers, carry
Unlike the United States, it has devel-
cans but never deployed, in which the
more than 4,000 warheads). But
oped a FOBS (fractional orbital bom-
radar trackers and the intercepting
Russia's build-up means that this
bardment system). In this system
missiles were less sephisticated, less
advantage is gradually being whittled
warhead of high megatonnage is put
speedy and less reliable than in the
down. It may be down to 2-1 by 1970.
into low orbit around the earth and
Spartan-Sprint system. The Americans
The Russians have been fast increas-
ordered on to its target before the orbit
are certain that their missiles could
ICBM launchers.
is completed (giving the defending
penetrate the Galosh defence in suffi-
cient numbers to destroy Moscow
THENEW YORK TIMES, SUNDAY, JULY 14, 1960
HAYS SULZBERGER
Shairman of the Board
Humphrey and Nixon: The First Big Issue of the Campaign
STHUE GORS SULZERGER
verident and Publisher
By JAMES RESTON
of the continuing confrontation
sume the worst about Commu-
up. Any hard look at the United
The election campaign has
between Communist ambition
nist ambitions, to give top pri-
States Federal Budget, even
SANGROFT, Executive Vice President
been singularly free (so far) of
and Western resistance."
ority to military security, to
beyond the war in Vietnam,
28 CATLEDGE, Vice President
the political clichés of the past.
Humphrey, however, déspite
concentrate on Asia. He is not
convinces not only the Nixon
(ICIS A. COX, Vice President
None of the major candidates
periods of anti-Communism in
against "reconciliation," but
economists but Walter Heller,
NEW FISHER, Vice President
has promised us The Good Old
the past, is now saying that
the main thrust of his mind is
who is advising Nomphrey, that
AN VEIT, Vice President
Days or Instant Peace and Pros-
world conditions have changed
on "confrontation" and "con-
the problem and menace of
perity. Nixon hasn't accused
and demand new priorities in
tainment."
poverty at home and abroad
S RESTON, Executive Editor
Humphrey (so far) of being
American policy.
Humphrey's tendency in all
cannot be funded adequately
GARES, Editorial Page Editor
Soft on Communism, and Hum-
"They demand," he said this
relations-human relations, po-
unless there is a substantial
N DANIEL, Managing Editor
phrey hasn't accused Nixon (so
week, "a shift from policies of
litical relations and foreign
reduction in defense expendi-
SI SCHWARZ, Sunday Editor
far) of planning another Hoo-
confrontation and containment
relations-is to assume the best
tures, amounting to tens of
SR MARKEL, Associate Editor
ver Depression, and while
to policies of reconciliation and
in other people. His top priority
billions of dollars. And this
George Wallace is backing into
peaceful engagement. The most
in the world, as he sees it now,
obviously cannot be achieved
the future, nobody, praise the
important area of reconcilia-
is social reconstruction. He
without an accommodation, if
Lord. has dared to tell the
tion--and the top priority for
thinks first not about the
not a reconciliation, between
voters that they "never had it
American foreign policy in the
Cold War-Nixon's priority-
the two great arsenals of de-
age by giving the delegates and the
so good."
next decade-is that of East-
but about what he regards as
mocracy and Communism in
te this opportunity to make an inde-
Seldom in memory has there
West relations. This particu-
the new Class War in the world
Washington and Moscow
been SO much desperate longing
larly includes relations among
between the rich people and the
War and the Poor
for peace and quiet in America
the United States and the So-
poor people within our own
or so few election promises of
viet Union, Western Europe
country, and the rich nations
Both Humphrey and Nixon
the Redwoods
Immediate Salvation. Yet, while
and Eastern Europe."
and the poor nations elsewhere.
recognize this, but their per-
we are being spared the spec-
The Differences
These differing tendencies
sonalities, their assumptions
poised-literally-over California's
tacular silliness of the past,
between the two leading can-
and their priorities move them
the first major issue of the
The differences between
last year. Then they struck. Only
didates for the Presidency of
at different speeds and maybe
1963 election between Hum-
Humphrey and Nixon on this
the United States could be
in different directions. Nixon
mberers had chopped down scores
phrey and Nixon is beginning
point could easily be exagger-
fundamental. Leave aside the
thinks first about Chio was be
hey forced to suspend cutting in a
to appear.
ated. Nixon is not saying
question of who is right and
tween the East and the West,
ed for permanent preservation.
The Big Issue
nothing has changed and Hum-
who is wrong-that is a matter
Humphrey about the war be-
descended over the forests. The
phrey is not saying everything
of opinion-but their minds and
This issue is nothing less
has changed. Both recognize
priorities are facts, and these
tween the rich and the poor,
ture replaced the cacophony of
than how the United States is
the changes in the Communist
differences between them could
and honest men can differ
to approach the Communist
world and also the continuing
be decisive, not only in our
about who is right. But the
boised again. This time they are
world. Nixon is still talking
menace, but the tendencies of
election in November, but in
question is now obviously com-
Pressmen. They can save a frag-
as if Alger Hiss and Nikita
their thought are different and
world politics between now and
ing to the fore, and if Nixon
Khrushchev were household
ficent forests for the public or
this could be highly signifi-
the seventies.
and Humphrey are nominated,
words, and emphasizing what
cant for the future.
On such a question, domestic
it could be the decisive question
rd for the lumberers. They can
he calls 'the fundamental fact
Nixon's tendency is to as-
and world politics get all mixed
in the election.
National Park that is acceptable
write off a forest that will be
c symbol of what was once one
on the Pacific slope.
Committee shocked the nation
Foreign Affairs: Monsieur Cool
was
No.
fill
MEMORANDUM
To:
R. N.
Date: July 18, 1968
From: Glenn Olds
Subj: Pre-Convention Report - May 15 - July 15, 1968
General Strategy for Policy and Manpower Development:
Priorities
1. Cultivation of key "policy makers" with creative ideas and proven
experience for the development of "fresh perspective" on policy and
manpower in (a) Foreign Affairs, (b) Domestic Affairs, (c) Fiscal and
Economic Affairs, (d) Justice, Law and Order, (e) Health, Education
and Welfare, and (f) Administration.
2. Sifting and distilling appropriate policy and manpower recommenda-
tions to the candidate.
3. Representing and being briefed for the candidate regarding selected
and important persons and constituencies.
4. Developing substantive and strategic recommendations to the candi-
date regarding policy, manpower, and constituencies appropriate to the
needs and demands of the people, the conditions of the campaign, the
prospects of election, and the responsibilities and opportunities of
the presidency.
5. Developing liason, leadership, and strategy with key constituencies
in which it is generally believed the party and candidate are not
strong; i.e. (a) the Black, (b) Poor, (c) Minority, (d) Student, (e)
Intellectual, (f) Urban communities.
6. Developing liason with comprehensive components of R.N. campaign
for coordinating, integrating and strengthening inputs on policy and
manpower, with special reference to (a) Citizens, (b) Research, (c)
Issues, (d) Party and Platform, (e) Delegates and politics, (f) the
Convention and the Campaign.
Progress
1. In the two-month period, I have corresponded with over 500 key
individuals, called and conferred with over 100, developed briefing
papers from policy makers, and covered a comprehensive range of points
of view, regions, centers of power, and spheres of influence. A se-
lected sample of leaders seen in each field is appended as well as
illustrations of briefing papers - 1.e. Reischauer and Guillion.
2. Attended major international conference in Yugoslavia on behalf
of the candidate, developing a range of contacts and ideas to supple-
ment the American and domestic input.
- 2 -
3. Developed policy recommendations on (a) law and order, (b) extend-
ing the American revolution, (c) Peace-making and peace-keeping, (d)
the human helping professions, (e) foreign policy advisers, (f) seminars
for citizens on the politics of participation, (g) Black power and the
black community, (h) policy planning and governmental reorganization,
(1) policy and strategic priorities for the campaign.
4. Interpreted the philosophy and leadership of the candidate to key
individuals (Hatfield, et al), constituencies (Harlem, universities,
et al.) and crities (Stephen Wright, et al), with multiplier effect.
5. Cultivated leadership in critical constituencies (Puerto Rican,
Black, Urban, Intellectual, Poor and Student) looking toward major
campaign strategy and effort nationwide in these areas.
6. Worked to develop personal and professional relationships with
staff and services of the candidate and campaign.
Perspective
1. Critical concern of voters less with "issues", "solutions", "pro-
grams", and more with "contact", "credibility", "communications", and
the man.
2. The above symbolizes the problem, hunger, and hope of the people
for personal participation, connection, responsibility, a meaningful,
dignified role in "their" government and country. This is especially
strong with the Black, student, minority, poor, and urban communities.
It should dictate priorities, strategy, and program emphasis in the
campaign.
3. There is a "credibility backlash" evident among the leadership of
the nation. They are skeptical of "expert answers" to most of our
problems; wary of proposed "solutions" to enduring problems. They be-
lieve the poor, conflict, crime, bureaucracy, party promises, and
rivalries will be with us a long time. They respond more to the
leader who accepts these realities, and speaks to attitudes and
methods for making progress in changing them, than to the promised
"savior" or "solver" of them.
4. The Vietnamese situation is slowly focusing, within a wider per-
spective, on foreign policy generally. Recent events in Czechoslovakia
indicate the need and success of our broadly bi-partisan strategy over
20 years, and people are realizing that the measure of a president and
the magnitude of our role in the world cannot be reduced to a view on
Vietnam. Refinement and expansion of R.N.'s foreign affairs article
on S.E. Asia will be in order and in line with this trend. Emphasis
on a comprehensive fresh look at total foreign policy in order.
5. National preoccupation with Urban affairs, poverty, and minorities
in the inner city must be kept in balance with our total domestic scene,
and the balance of factors, governmental, voluntary, private, and in-
dustrial, must all be commissioned in dealing with them. Gimickry or
excessive reliance on projects or strategies of high visibility and
- 3 -
little testability must be avoided. The massive nature of these pro-
blems will no doubt require more, not less, input of all these factors.
Revision of this mix, mechanism, and role of each will be required.
6. The public generally wants more local responsibility and partici-
pation in government. The mechanisms of local and State government,
however, cannot bear the weight of enlarged responsibility without
major reform. Care must be taken not to encourage the belief that
advocating more local responsibility will automatically create better
government. Attention must be given the nature of this reform and
steps begun now to enlist State and local authorities in the process
of revision.
7. People generally are more interested in evidence of a changed atti-
tude and fresh perspective on foreign and domestic policy, than in de-
tailed proposals. Concentration on methods and mechanisms of reform
involving responsible participation of appropriate people seems more
honest and appealing than final solutions.
8. A range of specific suggestions, many worthy of special attention,
have been developed. They relate to the scope of presidential responsi-
bilities and the phasing of the campaign. All require a definition of
priorities; more comprehensive coordination of policy and manpower de-
velopment fully coordinated with all other phases of the campaign.
Problems
1. Access and feedback from candidate.
2. Organization, communication, and orchestration of total policy and
manpower development.
3. Credibility of Olds' function in the light of public interpreta-
tion of the role.
4. Priorities for policy and manpower development.
00: Messrs. Garment
Haldeman
Mitchell
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
Person
Position
Field
Director
Adebo, Chief S. O.
UNIZAR
U. N. Revision
Deputy Director
Africa-India & Corps
Ashabramner Brent
Peace Corps
of Nation Building
Dir. - Instit. of Policy
Studies-Maxwell
Inter. Develop. - Feder-
Bailey, Stephen
School-U, of Syracuse
alism
Former Foreign Mini Mainland China-India-
Bhutto, Zulfikar
ster-Pakistan
Pakistan
President
Bolling, Landrum
Earlham College
Int. Communication
President
Bundy, MacGeorge
Ford Foundation
Foreign Affairs
Adviser to Govt. of
Canada on Disarma-
Peacekeeping & Middle
Burns, General E. L. M.
ment
East
U.S. Permanent Re-
presentative to
NATO and the new
Cleveland, Harlan
NATO
Europe
Cordier, Andrew
Dean, Columbia U.
Int. Organization
Special Assistant,
Revolutions in the
Coulibaly, Sori
President - Mali
New Africa
President-Roberts
Everton, John Scott
College, Turkey
Southeast Africa
Director, Arms Con-
Arms Control & Dis-
Foster, William
trol & Disarm. Comm.
armament
Retired General
Gavin, James
Pres.-Arthur Little
National Defense
Development & Foreign
President
Policy Training
Geren, Paul
Stetson Univ.
North Africa
Exec. Sec'y-Inter-
national Affairs
Gonchoroff, Nicholas
National YMCA
U.S.-U.S.S.R.
Dean, Int'l Studies
Foreign Policy,
Griffith, Ernest
American University General-Vietnam
Dean, Fletcher
Foreign Policy
School of Diplomacy, Disarmament
Gullion, Edmund
Tufts Univ.
Training
Political Spokesman
of Social Democrat. The New Europe
Haekkerup, Per
Party-Danish Parlia.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS - 2
Person
Position
Field
Professor - Univ.
of Mexico-formerly
U.S.-U.S.S.R.
Hartman, Robert
M.I.T.
Peacekeeping
Professor - Univ.
Comparative
Jacobs, Philip
of Pennsylvania
Ideology
Director-World Law
Institute-
International Law &
Larson, Arthur
Duke University
Foreign Policy
U.S. Representative
Organization of
Linowitz, Sol M.
American States
Latin America
Ambassador of Ethi-
African Affairs
Makonnen, Lij Endalkachew
opia to U.N.
U.N. - Peace
Former Ambassador-
Thailand-now at
East Asia
Martin, Graham
State Dept., Wash.
Foreign Policy
Dir. Inst. for Int'l
Politics & Econom-
Yugoslavia &
Mates, Leo
ics-Belgrade
Eastern Europe
Minister of Mines
and Petroleum,
Latin American
Mayobre, Jose Antonio
Venezuela
Affairs
Director, Int'l Cen-
Millikan, Max
ter, M.I.T.
Foreign Aid & Train.
Political Psycholo-
Nathan, Reuben
gy and International
Psychological War-
Communication
fare
President of
Scandinavia and the
Nielsen, Sivert
Bergens Privatbank
New Europe
Ambassador of Iraq
The Middle East
Pachachi, Dr. Adnan
to U.N.
U.N.
Professor-Asian
Reischauer, Edwin
Studies-Harvard
East Asia
President-Univ.
Far East & Mainland
Romulo, Carlos P.
of Philippines
China
Ambassador of Cyp-
Cyprus and the Medi-
Rossides, Zenon
rus to U.N.
terranean
Professor
American Government
Rossiter, Clinton
Cornell Univ.
Abroad
Professor-Internat
East and Southeast
Scalapino, Robert
Affairs-U. of Calif.
Berkeley
Asia
U.S.S.R. Embassy
Smirnov, Konstantin
Belgrade
U.S.-U.S.S.R.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS - 3
Person
Position
Field
Chief Editor of
Review of Inter-
Freedom in Eastern
Stambuk, Zdenko
national Affairs
Europe
Former ambassador-
Ghana - now at
Williams, Franklin
Columbia Univ.
African Affairs
Senior Economist
U.S. Policy and the
Wolf, Charles Jr.
Rand Corp.
Third World
President of
Southeast Asia
Young, Kenneth
Asia Society
China
Council on Foreign
U.S.-U.S.S.R.
Yost, Charles
Relations
Middle East
DOMESTIC AFFAIRS
Person
Position
Field
Editor,
Cousins, Norman
Saturday Review
Foreign Policy
Professor, Harvard
Manpower Develop-
Education Center
ment and Urban
Davis, Russell
for Ed, Studies
Affairs
Mayor of
Puerto Rico
deGautier, Dona Felisa Rincon
San Juan
Community
Former Secretary,
Health, Education &
Folsom, Marion
H. E. W.
Welfare
Puerto Rican Community
President,
& Role of Puerto Rico
Ferre, Luis
Ferre Industries
in U.S.
Exec. Dir., Wash.
Metropolitan Area
Freeman, David
Jobs Council
Black capitalism
Lawyer
Chairman, Rochester
Harris, Ed
Community Council
Urban Affairs
Chairman, Harlem
Urban Affairs
Hendricks, Mrs. Rae
Parents Corp.
Ghetto Black
President, Inter-
Hoxeng, Dr. Raymond B.
American Univ.
Latin America
Professor-Brandeis
Consultant-State
Community Service
Kravits, Sandy
of Mass.
Corp.
Linford, Velma
VISTA
Rural poor
Sec'y, Board of
Educational Counsel-
Marie, Sister Thomas
Directors-ASPIRA
ing Agency
Private Industry in
President,
Urban Renewal and
McFarlane, Alexander
Corn Products
Poverty
Publisher,
Foreign and domestic
Moyers, Williams
Newsday
affairs
Center for Urban
Moynihan, Patrick
Affairs
Urban Affairs
President,
Newton, Quigg
Commonwealth Fund Urban Affairs
Executive Director Educational Counsel-
Negron, Frank
ASPIRA
ing Agency
Assistant Executive Educational Counsel-
Nunez, Louis
Director-ASPIRA
ing Agency
DOMESTIC AFFAIRS - 2
Person
Position
Field
Equal Employment
Economic Renewal and
Randolph, Robert
Opportunity Comm.
Human Resources
Member, Harlem
Urban Affairs
Robinson, Issiah
Parents Corp.
Black Ghetto
Columbia City
Rouse, James
Baltimore
City Planning
Black Capitalism
Russell, Fred
Gun Control
(New York)
Urban Renewal
President-Black So-
Black Capitalism
Silcott, George
cial Workers Assn.
Community Develop.
Urban Renewal
Spiegel, Hans
Professor-Columbia
Community Develop.
Executive Director,
Puerto Rican
Puerto Rican Forum
Community
Vazquez, Hector I.
Inc.
Development
Chairman of the
Board, Eastman
Urban Affairs
Vaughn, William
Kodak
Jobs
Puerto Rico Community
Vilella, Roberto Sanchez
Governor-Puerto Rico
Webber, Melvin
U. of California
City Planning
Director-Poverty
Welfare Reform &
Meetings - Action
Poverty
Wiley, George
Centers
Black Power
Owner of chain of
Wolf, Andrew
small newspapers,
New York State
Urban Affairs
President, United
Negro College
Wright, Stephen
Fund
Black community
FISCAL AND ECONOMIC
Person
Position
Field
President,
Budget - Economic
Bowen, Howard
University. of Iowa
Policy
Fiscal and Economic
Burns, Arthur E.
Columbia University
Affairs
JUSTICE, LAW AND ORDER
Person
Position
Field
Director,
Alexander, Myrl
U.S. Prisons
Justice, Law & Order
Criminal
Former Director
Punishment
Bennett, James V.
U.S. Prisons
Rehabilitation
Dave
Director,
Delinquency and
Wilkerson, Don
Teen Challenge
Cure
HEALTH, EDUCATION AND WELFARE
Person
Position
Field
Vice President
Emeritus, Univ.
Baldwin, Dr. Ira
of Wisconsin
Educational Reform
Chancellor, No.
Education and World
Caldwell, Dr. John T.
Carolina State U.
Affairs
President,
Everett, John
New School
Urban Education
Former Secretary,
Fleming, Arthur
H.E.W.
Education
Former Secretary,
H.E.W.
Folsom, Marion
H.E.W.
(health planning)
President,
Jacobs, Albert C.
Trinity College
Church-State
Former Commissioner
Keppel, Frank
Education
Education
Former President,
Educational
Kerr, Clark
U. of Calif.
Planning
President, Educa-
International Educa-
Marvel, William
tion & World Affairs
tion
Former President
Mays, Benjamin
Morehouse College
Negro education
College Dean,
Palm, Charles
Cornell
EWA
Vice President,
Education and Cultur-
Singletary, Otis
American Council
ally Deprived
Ex-Secretary
Land grant college
Thackery, Russell
NASULGC
adaptation
President, United
Wright, Stephen
Negro College Fund
Negro education
ADMINISTRATION
Person
Position
Field
President,
Reorganization of
Bundy, MacGeorge
Ford Foundation
Executive Branch
Editor,
Kiplinger, Austin
Kiplinger News
President, Lear
Reorganization of
Lear, William
Jet Corp.
Executive Branch-Defense
V.P. - G.E. - Mem-
ber of President's
Reorganization of
Ramo, Dr. Simon
Science Advisory Bd.
Defense Dept.
School of Advanced
Executive and legis-
Wilcox, Dr. Francis
Studies
lative power
MEMORANDUM
To:
R. N.
Date:
July 16, 1968
From:
Glenn Olds
Subj:
Briefing from Edwin 0. Reischauer
Sunday afternoon was spent with Reischauer in his home, in a wide rang-
ing discussion of major problems of foreign policy, with special re-
ference to the Far East which he knows intimately. (Reared in Japan,
Ambassador 5 years, Harvard professor in field) Though he is not pre-
pared to declare political commitment to any candidate, I believe he
can be won to R.N. support. He is writing the paper for Ford Founda-
tion - Brookings - "Agenda for the Nation" on the Far East, will send
us advance copy in two weeks, and would see R.N. if desirable. His
points and recommendations follow:
1. Policy in the Far East - Special reference to Japan and China
(a) Japan's attitude toward U.S. and role deteriorating
over past year, dramatically over past two months; fed
by Vietnam, U.S. China policy, Base structure, and
Okinawa.
(b) The next president will have not more than one (1)
year to reverse this trend, or 1970 will bring trouble
on the security treaty and its possible dissolution.
(c) Recommendations:*
(1) Vietnam - (His position developed in his book
Beyond Vietnam; see attached)
a. American presence must be maintained but
not through massive manpower.
b. Shift responsibility to South Vietnamese
and Asians
c. R.N. in strongest position to solve; 1.e.
(1) not soft - hence no fear of "sell out" -
even if we "get out" massive manpower
(2) Sees S.E. Asia in larger context
(3) Negotiations essential to be bringing
some boys home in 1969
(4) Resists temptation of feeling failure,
which could lead to a new isolationism;
R.N. appeals to conservative yet is a
committed internationalist.
(5) Utilize bi-partisan strategy in "ending
the war." The Democrats started and
bungled; a key negotiator to add is
Carl Kaysen.
(2) China Policy
a. Encourage Japanese trade and cultural exchange
b. Encourage Far East and U.N. fresh approach to
China - looking toward possibility of autono-
mous Taiwan within China with separate U.N.
representation as Ukraine.
*He indicated he saw R.N. 3 years ago and R.N. advocated all the right
things at that time! (on China)
- 2 -
C. No likelihood People's Republic would ac-
cept U.N. membership or trade with U.S. now-
but we should remove barrier of our oppo-
sition while insisting on conditions of
civilized participation in family of nations.
d. U.S.-U.S.S.R. hold in check any nuclear black-
mail from China.
e. Count on time, internal problems and demands,
change of leadership to slowly open China to
world-no early threat or prospect of major
China thrust East-West-or South. (Note:
Indonesia & Vietnam history!)
f. Play down polarization-encourage more pre-
sence there - Soviet Union - Japan - to diver-
sify power structure in Asian Theatre.
(3) U.S. Bases and Okinawa:
a. Get rid of little things which have low stra-
tegic significance, but high political visi-
bility.
b. Consider joint U.S.-Japanese development of
Naval bases.
c. Okinawa, with 960,000 Japanese, not possible
to keep, as of now, under U.S. military rule.
A settlement should be wrapped up by 1969.
(1) The Nuclear Weapons Treaty (direct use
without consulting Japan) should be
modified. Any major military action in
this arena will require Japanese under-
standing and support. The newer, mobile
strategic weapons more effective, but
great political and psychological lever-
age in "apparent" withdrawal of uni-
lateral nuclear capability from Okinawa.
d. Emphasis on larger military development of
Japan is counterproductive. Their 2% of
GNP for military is enough - and the 7th
fleet and nuclear shield our best presence
in the area.
(4) Economy
a. Much larger role for Japan in Economic Aid
in entire region.
b. Negotiation of wide range of economic irri-
tants vis a vis Japan - (salmon fishing,
tariffs, etc.)
2. Reorganization of Management of Foreign Policy:
(a) Critical need for unified management by country under
ambassador, by president through Sec'y of State.
(b) Critical need for policy planning - related to, but free
of, operational responsibility (Note: Kennan's testimony)
(Vietnam illustrates how a president can drift into
crisis without planning.)
(c) Recommends a Policy Planning Board of seven (7) - 4 gov't.
and 3 private - related to president and Sec'y of State -
charged with policy planning and development - with 10-12
part-time specialists drawn from private side - no regard
- 3 -
for protocol, functions, or bureaucracy - responsible
for contemporary, systematic policy planning for Presi-
dent and Sec'y of State.
(d) Greatly strengthened and modified USIA - with prospect
of quasi-public-private foundation for funding private
initiatives of groups like Asia Foundation, etc., most
effective overseas.
Summary:
1. Reischauer one of ablest men I have met - though politically
independent, close to R.N. in major emphasis, highly regarded
by State and intellectual community. A thinker and operator.
I believe he can play an important role in policy development
and implementation. Should program him to see R.N. briefly,
after review of his "Agenda to the Nation" paper, after the
Convention.
2. Follow his comprehensive list of persons, specialists and
generalists in foreign affairs for policy development and
administration; Olds will do.
00: Messrs. Mitchell
Garment
Price
Buchanan
Anderson
BEYOND VIETNAM: The United States and Asia
Edwin O. Reischauer
Main Aspects of Our Asian Problem
Appalling contrast between the concentration of world's popu-
lation in less developed countries and the world's wealth and power
in the advanced nations. In southern temperate zone, except for
Australia and New Zealand live two-thirds of the world's popula-
tion, unindustrialized, underdeveloped and poor while almost four-
fifths of wealth in northern zone.
Average per-capita income is more than ten times as great in
the advanced nations as a whole than in the less advanced nations
taken together, and discrepancies run higher than 50 to 1 between
the richest nation, the U.S., and the poorest ones. Contrast be-
tween rich and poor growing greater.
Poverty and backwardness -
low levels of literacy and basic skills
inefficient economics
outmoded societies
faltering political institutions
instability and disorder
This instability of conditions affect the whole. Tension is
heightened by all rich side except Japan are Occidental culture and
southern zone non-white, non-western.
South and East Asia contain:
three quarters of population, less developed world
40% of wealth of advanced nations in U.S. hands
R. thinks South and East Asia minus Japan do not have much eco-
nomic importance for U.S. under present conditions.
Asia's low level of per capita wealth - about 1/27 that of U.S. -
makes its people poor customers.
Asia cannot supply us with much that we need.
Synthetics have reduced U.S. need for rubber of Malaysia and In-
donesia.
Tin of Malaysia, oil of Indonesia, various minor mineral and agri-
cultural products (tungsten and hemp) have significance - not vital.
No comparable U.S. interest in Asia like the oil of the Middle
East and U.S. heavy investment in Latin America. Less than 3% of
U.S. foreign investments in Asia.
No Asian exports are crucial to us.
- 2 -
U.S. trade with Asia, after aid has been subtracted from it,
is much less than U.S. trade with Japan alone. Profits from it
amount to far less than our expenditures for the area's defense.
Trade profits will never compensate for even a tiny fraction of
the financial costs of the two wars we have fought in Asia in the
past two decades.
There is little immediate menace or direct threat from that
part of the world to our security of vital national interests.
Asia is just too weak. The total productive capacity of whole
areas is much less than half that of Western Europe and less than
two-thirds of the Soviet Union. With roughly five times the popu-
lation of Western Europe - and seven times that of the Soviet Union,
Asia uses almost all its meager production simply to keep its teem-
ing millions alive at subsistence levels. Very little wealth is
left over for purposes such as economic development, let alone
threatening the vital interests of distant parts of the world.
A united Asia is sheer fantasy. History of last decade has
disproved monolithic communist theory, particularly Sino-Soviet
purpose. More difficult for Communist countries to cooperate be-
cause of dogmatic beliefs and cultural diversity. Unity is diffi-
cult in Asia through Communism or any other means. Nationalism
too new for Asians to develop concert of actions.
Reischauer defines our interests in Asia as:
1. Asia is a major part of a now military world that
the U.S. is trying to help toward peace, stability, and
prosperity - Asia in terms of people is more than half
the world - Asia is most explosively unstable part of
world.
2. Asia's future - Someday Asian half of world will have
much more relative power than it does today. U.S. should
be less concerned over Asia tomorrow than Asia twenty or
fifty years from now. Must begin to influence its develop-
ment patterns towards cooperation rather than revenge.
3. U.S. moral imperative to help those who need help.
Share the best of our value system. Self-interested
efforts to build a healthier world environment for our-
selves now and the future.
R. believes the U.S. should move slowly and cautiously toward a
new Asian policy.
JAPAN
Fourth nation in the world in GNP.
Economy growing faster than any other major country in the
world.
Sunk from fifth to seventh place in population among world nations
due to population control programs.
- 3 -
100 million Japanese have produced more wealth than the 700
million Chinese.
Japanese GNP equals all of Latin American GNP put together;
double that for whole of Africa; twice that of India.
Japanese per capita income averages 8 times that of other coun-
tries of Asia.
Literacy almost as close to 100 per cent.
Has a very stable, entirely orderly, middle-class type of
society.
Steady political course through parliamentary democracy.
U.S. trade with Japan over 5 billion dollar mark - ranking
second only to our trade with Canada.
More cultural and intellectual contacts with U.S. than with any
other nation in the world.
Japan - a force for stability and an enricher of all those who
have contact with it.
Japan's successful industrialization was based on foundations
of a type that have not been fully laid in much of Asia. Prepara-
tory stages for economic modernization will be slow and difficult.
Future Asian governments are likely to be inefficient dictator-
ships, or incomplete, limping democracies, or a combination of the
two. Even partially modernized nations, like Russia after its
revolution - or China today - while able to operate totalitarian
systems, may not be capable of conducting their affairs through the
more complicated techniques of democracy.
Modernized nations face the choice between a full totalitarianism
and full democracy.
Japan's wavering between democracy and totalitarianism resulted
in militaristic adventurism.
Instability will continue in Asia for a long time.
Japan is the most culturally distinctive of the modernized nations
and did not become a rootless Asian outpost of Western civilization.
JAPAN'S ROLE IN THE WORLD
Japan is not playing a major role in world affairs.
Japanese lost confidence in themselves as a result of World War II.
Japan realized its responsibility to contribute to development of
other Asian countries but the resentments of Korea, Philippines, Singa-
- 4 -
pore, and Malaysia remained in varying degrees.
Japanese are in search of a role for themselves in the world
but will move slowly due to past failures, domestic political
divisions, and remaining animosities of neighbors.
R. takes position that Japan will continue to rely on U.S.
nuclear umbrella and presence of Seventh Fleet in Pacific. This
is debatable with threat of Chinese nuclear power in 20 years
and expanded Russian naval presence.
The major threat to less developed countries is internal in-
stability.
Remilitarized Japan would frighten its neighbors and reduce its
influence rather than increase it.
Remilitarization would cut into Japanese prosperty and diminish
economic aid resources for developing nations.
Japan should have no difficulty in reaching the figure of 1%
of GNP for aid purposes, set as target by advanced nations and
could exceed to 2%.
Japan's chief role should be as a supplier of economic aid and
technological know-how.
Japan shifting from phase out reparations to voluntary aid in
the form of commercial credits, "soft" loans, and even outright
grants.
Discuss failures in Indonesia talks for "soft" loans and grants.
Normalized relations with South Korea promising more than $300
million in grants, $300 million in soft loans, more millions in
commercial credits.
$200 million contribution matched U.S. to Asian Development
Bank in 1966.
Japan's experience in industrialization and institutional modern-
ization more relavant for Asia than U.S., Soviet Union, or Western
Europe.
Japan's experience achieved under geographic and cultural condi-
tions - a rice agriculture, heavy population densities, and a non-
Western cultural background - more like those of the rest of Asia
than has the experience in modernization of the countries of the
West.
Japanese bringing hundreds of South Asian students to Japan for
advanced technical training.
- 5 -
Launched small Peace Corps; same in Africa - difficult to place
in some defeated Asian countries where they have the most to offer.
Japanese face major language barrier to transmit technological
skills to others.
Japanese a difficult language, writing system most complicated
in world.
Japanese poor linguists - Other Asians competent in English
find Japanese difficult and less rewarding than languages with
wider internatioal currency.
Japanese will have to develop technological institutions in
Japan where language of instruction is English if they are to play
role in technological aid.
Should modernize their own methods of English instruction.
This would increase Japanese efficiency in international trade
and magnify Japan's somewhat inarticulate voice in world affairs.
Japan as a leader in Asia will be hard to provide. No Asian
countries are looking to others for leadership, and Japan, in a
present mood of self-doubt and caution are not likely to provide
it.
No country is likely to become the leader of Asia.
Unless Japanese try harder to develop better skills at sensi-
tive communication and understanding of neighbors, the term "ugly
Japanese" will compete with "ugly American.
Japan may have a uniquely useful role in world history over next
several decades, being an industrialized nation of the "North," on
the one side, but a non-Western, non-Caucasian nation on the other.
The role Japan decides to play will in the long run be far more
important for Asians and for Americans than the outcome in Vietnam.
MEMORANDUM
To:
R. N.
Date: July 18, 1968
From:
Glenn Olds
Subj:
Briefing from Ed Guillion, Former Ambassador to Congo,
Dean, Fletcher School of Diplomacy
Though a bi-partisan foreign service officer, with Democratic lean-
ings, he is one of the most perceptive and eloquent on R.N.'s role
and leadership. His points and recommendations follow:
I. Counsel to the candidate:
A. The nation and the world needs leadership of conciliation
and confidence. Accent "coalition" and "bipartisan"
foreign policy.
B. Continue posture on Vietnam, but speak to the world beyond
Vietnam. Emphasize the responsibility of the presidency
(the real issue in silence during negotiations), illustrat-
ing the irresponsibility and naivete of McCarthy and Rocke-
feller. He believes their (McCarthy-Rockefeller) irrespons-
ibility has already delivered a million lives to Ho Chi Minh
and that casualties have actually increased.
C. Avoid the "facade" of "academic task forces from the Ivy
League" - they are resented by the people, vulnerable to
the critic, and, from his view, relatively irrelevant to
the election - and to good government. (He considers this
a meaningless and expensive fad - basically phoney. The
people want to know what does the candidate think (shades
of Philadelphia, yesterday), not what his aides, brain
trust, or anyone else does. They respect him more the less
dependent he is on "the expert."
D. R.N. begin now, and carry over into administration, direct
"presidential confrontation" with the people on some syste-
matic basis. He alone must be the spokesman of public
policy - he must speak for the people as he speaks with
and to them. This is his central task - a key to being
elected and leading the people wisely and well.
II. Critical Comments:
A. The bipartisan foreign policy of the past 20 years is funda-
mentally sound. Substantial and strategic errors in Vietnam
should not blind the American people to its remarkable suc-
cess. "Containment" was not our choice - but necessity, and
was neither brinkmanship nor sentimentality. The tragedy
is, youth never knew the necessity and success of this period,
- 2 -
and liberals forget. R.N. should constantly refresh this
memory by recalling:
1. We remain the oldest democracy in the modern world;
2. Our history of self help to others eloquently
illustrated in the Philippines, Puerto Rico,
Alaska, Hawaii;
3. The humanization of technology in production of goods
and service unparalleled anywhere;
4. Widest personal, educational, and economic opportun-
ity provided anywhere in world.
5. All this has been achieved while engaging in three
critical wars - one to save the west from totali-
tarian tyranny, and two in the east; and at the
same time establishing major contribution to in-
struments of economic stability and peace: (a)
Marshall Plan, (b) U.N., (c) World Bank, (a) AID,
(e) Monetary Fund, etc.
6. This strategy has recreated Europe, the two defeated
powers - Germany and Japan, and encouraged the
strengthening of over 50 new and independent na-
tions. Is this an era of failure? He believes
our present problems center in the failure of sue-
cess.
B. Problems center in communication and the tools of foreign
policy:
1. Communications:
a. Administration failed to take generation gap
seriously. The youth does not know Hitler,
Stalin, concentration camps, hence find in-
credible the real threat of terror and
tyranny.
b. Vietnam couched in altruism for 5 years - de-
ceived public - unprepared for its full or
wider implications.
c. Absence of accountability - made no one respons-
ible - deepened frustration.
d. Need for something like a domestic ministry of
information - the people must be informed!
2. Improving tools of foreign policy!
a. The president makes foreign policy. He cannot
delegate. The problem of Rusk and Johnson.
R.N. take the reins and hold them!
b. The same must be true by country. The ambassa-
dor must articulate it there. (Note how
CIA and even F.B.I. exert a control - even
on the president through secrecy and power!)
c. AID - If falls below 2.9 billion - forget it.
If not, give it a new setting - aimed at,
at least, 1% of GNP.
- 3 -
d. USIA - should play a role in policy making,
but in practice be decentralized, topical,
local, full of bright, mobile and highly
paid creative people.
e. CIA - complete overhaul ⑉ see Stanton's ad-
visory council's 23rd annual report.
Finally: Maximize the first 100 days in fresh, tough, courageous, new
directions along these lines.
00: Messrs. Mitchell
Garment
Haldeman
Anderson
Price
Buchanan
Participants in the "Agenda for the Nation" Project
(as of May 31, 1968)
Urban Problems
Nature of the Urban Crisis
Housing and Public Services
Anthony Downs
Crime and Law Enforcement
James Q. Wilson
The Negro
Kenneth Clark
Welfare, Training and Jobs
James Sundquist
Education
Higher Education
Clark Kerr
Primary and Secondary Education
Ralph Tyler
Government Organization
The Federal Government
Stephen K. Bailey
States and Cities
Paul Ylvisaker
Economic Policy
The Dollar
Richard Cooper
Economic Stabilization
Herbert Stein
Budget Priorities
Charles Schultze
Poverty and Income Maintenance
James Tobin
Foreign Policy
Central Issues in Foreign Policy
Henry Kissinger (concidering)
East-West Relations
Marshall Shulman
Strategic Policy and Arms Control
Carl Kaysen
Europe and Atlantic Relations
Francis Bator
China and Asia
Edwin Reischauer
The Middle East
(still open)
Rich Countries and Poor Countries
Max Millikan
file
MEMO TO BOB HALDEMAN
From Buchanan
July 15. 1968
I mentioned to RN that Neal Freeman wanted to come aboard,
and would be available. RN wants him usedin the media area and
an advisory PR capacity- much as Bud Wilkinson is now being used.
He asked me to convey this to Len. but my own thinking is that
you would be a more "neutral" conveyance of the message. I will
be happy to make the contact etc. with Freeman- if you will pass
the word along to Len--am have len get in touch with me. Thanks,
and good luck,
Pat