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This file contains:
Author unknown, report of a statement made at a dinner for Paul O'Dwyer, in which McCarthy declied to support HHH, and the 3 conditions that must be met before he would endorse him. Duplicate of copy in 36:5. 1 page. [Report], 10/8/1968
Rose Mary Woods to Haldeman re: Pat Hitt's concern that there is too much loose talk about "plants" on the HHH plane, etc. 1 page. [Memo], 10/7/1968
Rose Mary Woods to Haldeman re: letter from Leone Baxter to Herb Klein (attached) about building support for Nixon. 7 pages. [Memo], 10/3/1968
note from Peter Flanigan to Haldeman. 1 page. [Other Document], 9/14/1968
Buchanan to Haldeman re: Agnew's constant clarifications may mean he needs more or better staff working for him. 1 page. [Memo], 9/25/1968
Buchanan to Haldeman re: attached Harris poll summary by Bell. 3 pages. [Memo], n.d.
Shakespeare to Haldeman, re: not arranging the panelists on the Friday TV program. 2 pages. [Memo], 9/18/1968
Rose Mary Woods to Haldeman re: Adolph Rust request for Nixon assistance with son's campaign. 1 page. [Memo], 9/29/1968
Haldeman to Nixon re: concern among congressional leaders that Nixon called Mel Laird the "next majority leader". 1 page. [Memo], 10/3/1968
Haldeman to Answer Desk, Speaker's Bureau, Surrogate Candidates, Murray Chotiner re: Martin Anderson's memo delineating contradictory HHH statements (attached). 6 pages. [Memo], n.d.
Roger Ailes to Len Garment re: "Nixon In …" TV Programs. Evaluation of the programs already produced. 5 pages. [Memo], 9/27/1968
Ellsworth to Finch/Haldeman/Harlow re: Key Issues Committee report and John Tower's concern that information is not getting through to Nixon. 2 pages. [Memo], 10/4/1968
Handwritten note to add key individuals to guest list for travel from Flint to Minn and to Key Biscayne. 1 page. [Other Document], n.d.
Charles Rhyne to Haldeman re: letter to State chairmen with copies of weekly reports of status of United Citizens for Nixon-Agnew program. 5 pages. [Memo], 9/23/1968
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Landrum Bolling's suggestions for U.S. Policy toward Eastern Europe, and his commitment to help the campaign, with attachments, 3 pages. [Memo], 10/4/1968
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: conference with Frank Keppel about bringing in Weinberger and Richardson to help the Administration. 1 page. [Memo], 8/13/1968
"Rose" to DC re: Murray Chotiner's memo to Herb Klein listing action items for the campaign, with attached memo. 4 pages. [Memo], 8/30/1968
Ehrlichman to Cole re: telephone service in hotels during the campaign. 3 pages. [Memo], 8/27/1968
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26126959
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WHSF: Returned, 36-8
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26126959
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document
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WHSF: Returned, 36-8
description
This file contains:
Author unknown, report of a statement made at a dinner for Paul O'Dwyer, in which McCarthy declied to support HHH, and the 3 conditions that must be met before he would endorse him. Duplicate of copy in 36:5. 1 page. [Report], 10/8/1968
Rose Mary Woods to Haldeman re: Pat Hitt's concern that there is too much loose talk about "plants" on the HHH plane, etc. 1 page. [Memo], 10/7/1968
Rose Mary Woods to Haldeman re: letter from Leone Baxter to Herb Klein (attached) about building support for Nixon. 7 pages. [Memo], 10/3/1968
note from Peter Flanigan to Haldeman. 1 page. [Other Document], 9/14/1968
Buchanan to Haldeman re: Agnew's constant clarifications may mean he needs more or better staff working for him. 1 page. [Memo], 9/25/1968
Buchanan to Haldeman re: attached Harris poll summary by Bell. 3 pages. [Memo], n.d.
Shakespeare to Haldeman, re: not arranging the panelists on the Friday TV program. 2 pages. [Memo], 9/18/1968
Rose Mary Woods to Haldeman re: Adolph Rust request for Nixon assistance with son's campaign. 1 page. [Memo], 9/29/1968
Haldeman to Nixon re: concern among congressional leaders that Nixon called Mel Laird the "next majority leader". 1 page. [Memo], 10/3/1968
Haldeman to Answer Desk, Speaker's Bureau, Surrogate Candidates, Murray Chotiner re: Martin Anderson's memo delineating contradictory HHH statements (attached). 6 pages. [Memo], n.d.
Roger Ailes to Len Garment re: "Nixon In …" TV Programs. Evaluation of the programs already produced. 5 pages. [Memo], 9/27/1968
Ellsworth to Finch/Haldeman/Harlow re: Key Issues Committee report and John Tower's concern that information is not getting through to Nixon. 2 pages. [Memo], 10/4/1968
Handwritten note to add key individuals to guest list for travel from Flint to Minn and to Key Biscayne. 1 page. [Other Document], n.d.
Charles Rhyne to Haldeman re: letter to State chairmen with copies of weekly reports of status of United Citizens for Nixon-Agnew program. 5 pages. [Memo], 9/23/1968
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Landrum Bolling's suggestions for U.S. Policy toward Eastern Europe, and his commitment to help the campaign, with attachments, 3 pages. [Memo], 10/4/1968
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: conference with Frank Keppel about bringing in Weinberger and Richardson to help the Administration. 1 page. [Memo], 8/13/1968
"Rose" to DC re: Murray Chotiner's memo to Herb Klein listing action items for the campaign, with attached memo. 4 pages. [Memo], 8/30/1968
Ehrlichman to Cole re: telephone service in hotels during the campaign. 3 pages. [Memo], 8/27/1968
citationUrl
collections
Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection
Returned White House Special Files
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
White House Special Files Collection
Folder List
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
36
8
10/08/1968
Report
Author unknown, report of a statement made
at a dinner for Paul O'Dwyer, in which
McCarthy declied to support HHH, and the 3
conditions that must be met before he would
endorse him. Duplicate of copy in 36:5. 1
page.
36
8
10/07/1968
Memo
Rose Mary Woods to Haldeman re: Pat Hitt's
concern that there is too much loose talk
about "plants" on the HHH plane, etc. 1 page.
36
8
10/03/1968
Memo
Rose Mary Woods to Haldeman re: letter
from Leone Baxter to Herb Klein (attached)
about building support for Nixon. 7 pages.
36
8
09/14/1968
Other Document
note from Peter Flanigan to Haldeman. 1
page.
36
8
09/25/1968
Memo
Buchanan to Haldeman re: Agnew's constant
clarifications may mean he needs more or
better staff working for him. 1 page.
36
8
n.d.
Memo
Buchanan to Haldeman re: attached Harris
poll summary by Bell. 3 pages.
Wednesday, June 17, 2009
Page 1 of 3
Box Number Folder Number Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
36
8
09/18/1968
Memo
Shakespeare to Haldeman, re: not arranging
the panelists on the Friday TV program. 2
pages.
36
8
09/29/1968
Memo
Rose Mary Woods to Haldeman re: Adolph
Rust request for Nixon assistance with son's
campaign. 1 page.
36
8
10/03/1968
Memo
Haldeman to Nixon re: concern among
congressional leaders that Nixon called Mel
Laird the "next majority leader". 1 page.
36
8
n.d.
Memo
Haldeman to Answer Desk, Speaker's
Bureau, Surrogate Candidates, Murray
Chotiner re: Martin Anderson's memo
delineating contradictory HHH statements
(attached). 6 pages.
36
8
09/27/1968
Memo
Roger Ailes to Len Garment re: "Nixon In
" TV Programs. Evaluation of the programs
already produced. 5 pages.
36
8
10/04/1968
Memo
Ellsworth to Finch/Haldeman/Harlow re:
Key Issues Committee report and John
Tower's concern that information is not
getting through to Nixon. 2 pages.
36
8
n.d.
Other Document
Handwritten note to add key individuals to
guest list for travel from Flint to Minn and to
Key Biscayne. 1 page.
Wednesday, June 17, 2009
Page 2 of 3
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
36
8
09/23/1968
Memo
Charles Rhyne to Haldeman re: letter to State
chairmen with copies of weekly reports of
status of United Citizens for Nixon-Agnew
program. 5 pages.
36
8
10/04/1968
Memo
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: Landrum Bolling's
suggestions for U.S. Policy toward Eastern
Europe, and his commitment to help the
campaign, with attachments, 3 pages.
36
8
08/13/1968
Memo
Glenn Olds to Nixon re: conference with
Frank Keppel about bringing in Weinberger
and Richardson to help the Administration. 1
page.
36
8
08/30/1968
Memo
"Rose" to DC re: Murray Chotiner's memo to
Herb Klein listing action items for the
campaign, with attached memo. 4 pages.
36
8
08/27/1968
Memo
Ehrlichman to Cole re: telephone service in
hotels during the campaign. 3 pages.
Wednesday, June 17, 2009
Page 3 of 3
October 8, 1968
This statement was made tonight at a $100 a plate
dinner for Democratic Senatorial candidate, Paul O'Dwyer in
New York.
Paul O'Dwyer has also refused to endorse the
Democratic presidential candidate.
McCarthy once again declined to endorse Hubert Humphrey.
"A call goes out for party unity just as it did a
year ago. It was not acceptable then and it is not any more
acceptable today."
McCarthy said his efforts to change the direction of
the Democratic Party were not aimed at getting anybody
elected.
"There is no reason why the direction of the Party could
not be changed with a presidential candidate this year. "
(That is the exact quote though it does not track) .
There are three conditions which McCarthy set forth
which would have to be fulfilled before he endorsed Hubert
Humphrey.
1. A change in the Vietnam policy.
2. Restructuring the draft.
3. Restructuring the Democratic Party Machinery.
DETERMINED
ADMINISTRATIVE
E.O. RJP 12356,
Khot
By
TO:
Bob Haldeman
October File 7, 1968
FROM:
Rose Mary Woods
Pat Hitt also mentioned in her telephone
call that she feels there is too much loose talk in our
own camp about "plants" on the HHH plane, etc.
She feels that only two or three people (need-
to-know-basis) should have this information. Apparently
when Bob was in New York at 445 last week one of the secretaries
mentioned it (Murray's) and also Jean Croft and Pat Hillings
knew all about it.
She knows that it was probably perfectly natural
for the girls to tell Bob - knowing he is secure -- but if this
is told to anyone else it might be bad. Also - even to Bob --
she thinks we need to tighten up the ship -- that this is the
sort of knowledge that should not be bandied about.
October 3, 1968
XK
MEMORANDUM
TO:
FROM:
Rose Bob Haldeman Mary Woods Rose
You may be interested in seeing a copy
of the memorandum Leone Baxter sent to Herb on September 21st.
(In fact, if you think well of the idea I would
suggest you start a fire somewhere SO it can be done).
qp
The Plaza
FIFTH AVENUE AT FIFTY-NINTH STREET
NEW YORK
Memorandum to Herbert Klein
from Leone Baxter
Herb, as will be obvious shortly, I have no secretary here.
Hence will keep this short, but inclusive enough to supply
basis for a decision.
In view of your budget problems and time limitations, as
promised I have thought through what could be done on a more
limited basis than first planned and discussed with you,
Mr. Mitchell, Bob Finch and others. Concentrating in 8. few
places where the need may be greatest and the work most
effective, I've reduced the action to New York, Illinois,
California, Pennsylvania and Ohio, possibly Florida and
elsewhere where we have specailly good avenues of the kind
that can assure some self-genorating support for Nixon.
These notes will indicate what could be accomplished on such
a basis, how the work would be done and what it would cost.
To recap:
.1. Purpose. As discussed, the plan is to congeal warm and
articulate public support sportaneously in Nixon's behalf;
to build public evidence in the face of bitter attack on his
integrity, that people increasingly trust his judgment
politically and have confidence in him personally; to call
to public attention from outside, non-political sources, that
Nixon has warnfy enthusia stic, vocal backing as a statesman
and as a. many that he doesn't stand in a vacuum. Since he
cannot do this for himself, his friends must initiate it,
even if we have to build a fire under them.
2. Basis of Operation. The objective would be approached
first directly with leaders whose interests are in a dozen
major areas-industry, education, women's affairs, interracial
matters, crime prevention, government, labor, taxes, safety,
health, church, youth, the arts and many others.
Several score of such leaders with whom we've talked since
last April, before writing to Dick and to Rose Mary Wood,
have indicated they would react warmly and well if they felt
Nixon Dants them and they are called one Many say they are
inclined toward Nixon but haven't been asked for anything but
money. (And who can fight with that!)
2.
Among such potential "spokesmen" for Nixon are men and women
who
a. have their own access to media, press; radio, television
interview
b. have speaking engagements before election day
C. have public relations departments
These P.R. men and the facilities they command canbe
enormously helpful. We have talked tentatively with many, if
not most, of the men who actually sit with their Boards and
help make policy, particularly as it concerns participation
in public affairs. Most are lukewarm. None has been
unwilling to help. All see clearly the advantages to their
chiefs in participating in any reasonable program set up for
Nixon. They most particularly want to be asked to do
something. Their lukewarm attitude is simply because they
have not been asked to participate and don't feel part of the
action. They will react well to Nixon making them a party to
this rather than going separately over their heads.
3. Mechanics.
We would sift all Nixon position
statements in order to match the m appropriately with
potential "spokesmen".
We would sift Nixon support lists on the same basis, matching
the two in terms of
a. subject that is, crime, youth, war, women's
interests, education, taxation,
moral issues interracial affairs, etc.
b. interests of the potential "spokesman", his
access to media, podium, press conference,
leadership in what groups
geography
Good groundwok has been laid in the past four months. Scores
of conversations indicate that putting this together in the
short time available won't be horrendous.
L.
Procedure. If the decision is to proceed, here are the
steps we would take at once:
A. I would call over now, for a meeting before I leave New
York, the Vice Presidents in charge of P.R. for a dozen or
so major corporations and associations in this area. Included
magistimina would be only the men whose politics I know, and who
do sit with their boards on policy matters and their chiefs on
politics. I. would include the men representing the National
City Bank, Insurance Information Institute, Stock E: change,
DuPont, Monsanto; and also Bert Goss of Hill & Knowlton, George
Hammond of Carl Byoir, whose advice to their many weighty clients
can be considerably helpful; also Bill McGougheythe
P.R. light behind N.A.M. 's resusgitation, whose facilities
are enormous. I might ask in several past presidents of
PRSA who happen to be in this area, since some/are very
ef fective in their fields They would be told specifically
how their people can help.
B. I would have the San Francisco office simultaneously
begin talks in California with opinion leaders who should be
speaking out publicly in Nexon' behalf, and preparing them
to do so. They would begin with business leaders like Bob
Hornby, Hornsby Wasson, Rudy Peterson, Gwin Follis, and
othersin the arts field such as Mgestro Kurt Herbert Adler,
women leaders outside of politics, some youth leaders, und
some Negroes
and perhaps 50 others in assorted leadership
situations.
B. Before leaving New York I would talk as well with 8
number of leaders in other fields than business, such as
Kenneth Twitchell, head of MRA, whose interest is in youth,
morals, patriotism, education; with Mary Roebling, Chairman
of Trenton Trust who has great ceess to media, platforms and
a strong following across the country both among
much finance leaders and women. 4 heady combination.
I'd
call Mary McGinn Taylor, Editor of the Federation of Women's
Clubs magazine, who has similar media entree and a broad
following among women nationwide; the head of the National
Council of Negro Women and Millie Robbins president of the
National and International Council ofWomen; George Alan
Smith, who brought out the Rockefeller Report on the
Performing Arts, but who's for Nixon. He can give strong
help here if we can get a position statement such as discussed.
I will ask George's suggestion on this, and if we can take
even a part of it, it will insure his help in an important and
yet untapped area, the arts. (Roebling is already in,as you know, )
D. In Chicago and Washington and possibly Phisadelphia we
would have similarly strong PR meetings, as in N8w York.
In California this probably would be done better by phoning
or lunching with the very few who actually occupy strong
advisory positions with their companies and clients.
E. With the way cleardd both with potential "spokesmen" for
Nixon and with the PR people where such exist, we would send
along to each, properly keyed quotes, with a special request
for vocal support, for reaction and for clips where appropriate.
5. Aegis. As discussed with Mr. Mitchell and I beléève
with you Herb, it's possible some continuing informal
grass roots help might grow out of this work which
could be of inveluable Eminuma future support to Richard
Nixon as President.
At this point, however since a designation of some kind is needed
for the work, or an aegis to work under, it might be
suitable for the present to call it simply
NATIONAL ADVISORY COUNCIL
for Richard Nixon
which seems to say enough without saying 600 much.
We
could easily set up a committee with a few telephone calls
explaining exactly what its function is-to build outspoken
public needed. support for Nixon right now, backing his positions as
"Council" is Mr. Mitchell's word--or perhaps he was
thinking of "Counsel" in a slightly different sense.
Perhaps he would wish to act as Chairman. If not
we can set it up in a day or two at most, with
aither your ideas or ours or a combination as to 1
representatives say, of industry, church, law, education,
health, arts, women, interracial affairs, labor, crime
prevention, etc. Rudy Peterson would be a solid chairman, and
easy to work with.
If Mr. Mitchell doesn't wish to Chair it even nominally,
perhaps somebody like Louis Lundborg, who has a foot in
both the business world as Board Chairman of Bank of
America and in the P.R. world,
having come up by that route, would be excellent. I'm
confident I can get him. Louis would understand exactly
whistox what we're trying to do and would be greatly
helpful.
Such a nominal Committee could be dissolved or reactivated
later as warranted.
The Plaza
FIFTH AVENUE AT FIFTY-NINTH STREET
NEW YORK
Since the reaction we 've run into often is the feeling that
Nixon is a natural "loner" and would rather do it alone than
ask for help, perhaps a good strategy would be to start
this off with a warm signal from him. I'm convinced think
after conversations with various people who ought to be
involved and sren't, that nothing would enhance their
enthusiasm so certainly as feeling that Dick wants their
outspoken public support.
I would suggest a note from him to the potential "spokesmen"
whose help we want-g model of propriety that won't commit
him in any way, but will be warm, and will get the supporting
action needed. It could be somewhat along this order:
Dear Mr. Smith:
This is to tell you how very greatly I appreciate your support.
particularly at this time. I'm going to need it now and after
the election as well.
I understand a volunteer group, the "National Advisory Councily
is going to ask you to help back my position on
various matters of vital importance to the country, and will
ask, if you feel. my views merit support, to say so at every
public opportunity.
Frankly, the public needs to know the thinking of legders on
all major matters and equally frankly, so do I, if we're going
to be able to offer the best possible programs to solve our
country 's problems.
I understand the Advisory Council will send you from time to
time memoranda of direct quotes taken from my position papers.
If you feel these are correct and are able to use them, with =
word indicating your confidence, in any of your speeches,
comments, press conferences or writings between now and Election
Day, it certainly vill help strengthen us all in their
accomplishment, and will be much appreciated.
Thank you very much.
Richard M. Nixon
6.
6. Cost. The limited operation suggested here/ brings
the cost down from around $40,000 as originally planned
to $26,418.
You may wish to expand this in some way Herb, or to limit
it further, which I hope for effectiveness, won't be the
case. Call, and we 'll get the wheels moving.
I'll be here at the Plaza for the weekend, until Monday
afternoon.
GOOD LUCK!
(I didn it realize I was such a good typist;
my secretary is going to be proud of me.)
Beone
Leone Baxter
PETER M. FLANIGAN
14:5068
To: Bob Haldyman
FROM: Peter Flanigan.
to
Seen
B75
MEMO TO BOB HALDEMAN
FROM BUCHANAN
September 25, 1968
The Time boys are really hot on this Agnew thing.
They seem to think it is something of a disaster the way
he is conducing his campaign, the foot-in-mouth disease,
they think he has contracted.
What I am wondering is if perhaps we may be giving too
little attention to this probelm. It has not bothered me
a great deal, but the variety of different "clarifications"
he has issued is bound to be making some impact with the
general public.
Agnew ought to be on the offensive, and I would think
that all these negative stories are the direct result of
uncontrolled *********** situations, press conferences and
the like, interviews. What he could use I think is a first
rate writer to hammer theAdministration and Humphrey twice
a day and not be giving all these reporters others stories to
write He need not be as responsible as we are, thus his
attacks can be made th enws out of the Agnew camp each day
rather than having it be some clarification. I wonder if
they don't need some mores and better staff people skk over
there working for this guy. Seriously, there must be some first=
raters on the Hill who could do an effective job for him with
the two a day attacks. The apparent feeling of the Time guys
that Agnew is a genuine disaster makes me think that this may
have become a middling problem for us. For what its worth.
bile
MEMO TO BoB HALDEMAN
From Buchanan
Read this first and see if you think RN needs to see it.
It is a good memo.
Buchanan
Memo to Buchanan
Sept. 23
From: Bell
Re: Harris Poll
The trend evident in the Harris Poll published today scares me half to death.
The poll, based on interviews in mid-September, gives RN a 39-31-22 lead over
Humphrey and Wallace. The Gallup Poll, taken in early September, showed 43-31-19.
Note that in both polls the "conservative" (Nixon-Wallace) majority is virtually
identical (62-31 Gallup, 61-31 Harris); but that the later poll shows Wallace
with a larger share of the conservative vote.
Since Harris is interviewing the same sample voters he polled in July, he is able
to give an idea of how the Rockefeller-over-Humphrey and McCarthy-over-Nixon
voters are going. Not surprisingly, RN has the bulk of the Rockefeller voters
and Humphrey has an even larger bulk of the McCarthyites. My suspicion is that
this is mostly a function of party allegiance and will not change substantially
for the rest of the campaign.
The frightening thing is the wide acceptance George Wallace is winning as a serious
candidate for the Presidency. The Harris survey indicates that nearly one in four
of all decided voters are for Wallace. He even has one in ten of the July
McCarthy voters. By any measure, he is the strongest protest-party candidate
in history and is far closer to winning the Presidency than was the Republican
nominee at this time four years ago.
Furthermore, the pat formulation that Wallace "hurts the Republicans in the South,
and the Democrats in the North" no longer stands up. With Wallace out of the race,
Note
according to Harris, RN's lead over Humphrey nearly doubles (39-31 to 50-36).
Wallace voters say RN is their second choice by better than 2-to-1. The idea
that Wallace is hurting RN not only in the South tends to be confirmed by the
Oliver Quayle polls effowing narrow Humphrey leads in Michigan (38-36-15) and
Missouri (38-33-22) two states in which the Wallace showing is especially strong.
The electoral-vote projection of the Harris vote indicates Wallace victories in
most of the South, and Humphrey victories in the more marginal Northern and Border
states most affected by the Wallace tide. This would probably result in a "hung"
election as of now.
The misconception we should avoid falling into is the idea (widely heard) that
the Northern Wallace voters have some kind of phobia against pulling a Republican
lever, and would simply return to Humphrey if they decided against Wallace.
This is certainly not true of the huge bloc of Wallace independents-- and I don't
think it's true of the union-oriented Wallace Democrats. There is no doubt that
in states like Michigan, Eisenhower won a huge bulk of this milieu in 1952 and
1956. They were dissatisfied with the Democratic candidate, and didn't hesitate
to break. In 1966-running against the impeccable unionist Soapy Williams
the author of the Landrum-Griffin Law got 56% of the vote, cutting heavily into
unionist precincts. Can there be any doubt that a lot of the Griffin Democrats
are for George Wallace today?
There is no doubt that the Northern Wallace voters are mad, and that most of them
will vote for RN if they are convinced that he represents a significant change.
This is doubly true in view of Humphrey's new liberal line. There is also no
doubt that until we are able to check and reverse the Wallace inroads in the North,
we will not be assured of an electoral majority.
September 18, 1968
TO:
ROBERT HALDEMAN
FROM: FRANK SHAKESPEARE
The TV production staff flew to Philadelphia today
and must start booking the panel tomorrow for the Friday
program. I was told last night that minority group rep-
resentation was to be eliminated and "hostile" questioners
avoided where possible. I must phone Ailes tonight with
guidelines. What is the final decision?
The basic premise of the program is that the com-
munity is represented in microcosm by the panel Democrats,
Independents, Republicans, minority groups, press; the
research shows the programs to be highly successful in
reaching, holding and favorably influencing an audience
with about 50% of the viewers classifying themselves as
Democrats or Independents; the print press and television
news (in particular) have been giving surprisingly good
exposure to the programs, in part because they are convinced
of the integrity and fair cross-sectional representation of
the panels. In my view, it would be unwise to unduly alter
panel make-up. The audience appeal of these programs
12%
average rating; 18% unduplicated rating
has been exception-
ally high for "politicals," reflecting the inherent excite-
ment in a live "strong" situation. The positive effect on
voters is evidenced by a 7 to 1 ratio of "more favorably
- 2 -
impressed" in the Cleveland research. To move toward a
safer, more Republican, more White Anglo-Saxon panel will
reduce both audience and effectiveness, and will doubtless
not go unnoticed by the press.
I am disinclined to personally discuss this matter
with RN. The panel can be made up any way he wishes and
I simply wish to know promptly what his desires are.
FS
Bors 833-2523 832-9701
Saturday 9/29/68
ADOLPH RUST called --
RN -- as you know his son is running for Congress against
Rogers.
You promised him that you would campaign for his son -- back
when he came to your apartment with Bebe and Bob Lee and another
man for lunch - last November.
He (Rust) says he is still working for us -- still raising money
and while he knows how bad the schedule is, etc. he says they have
taken a poll and they are running about 50-50 - that Rogers has
had help from LBJ in the way of government contracts.
He said WE NEED RN in WEST PALM BEACH for a meeting --
will you see what you can do.
-
RN DID PROMISE THIS -- and this man has worked hard -- long before
lots of people were willing to put up any money and/or work.
rmw
OK. done 13/3/68
to Miami rally Oct15 for pic
Can you handle - sugg. he come
with RN - and explain we
Cant get tow Palm Beach. H.
October 3, 1968
MEMORANDUM
MEMO TO RN
FROM: HRH
Bryce Harlow advises there is some concern among
our Congressional leaders re: your reference in Orlando
to Mel Laird as the "next Majority Leader."
Bryce suggests you not use this reference in the
future. He has stilled the concerns of Arends, et al, for
now.
10/2
To: Answer Desk. - Washington DC.
Speaken Bwean - As
Murrary Chotiner. -
Harry Plemmy Warly D.C.
The attached memorand Um by Martain
anderson contains some valuable information
that may he uneful to the above.
Please water before that it is properly ^ reproduced and
destributed to there listed above
From:
Bd. Haldeman
2121
September 25, 1968
MEMORANDUM
TO:
DC
FROM:
Anderson
RE:
The Humphrey VS. Humphrey Debates -- Contradictory
quotes by HHH.
"...I must say, if I have any quality
which can commend itself, I do believe
in what I say. I just cannot get up
before an qudience and sell them some-
thing I don't believe in."
Philadelphia Inquirer, June 2, 1968
CRIME
March 22, 1968
July 7, 1968
" ...America is not embarked on
"The American people are
a downward spiral of violence and
confronted with what is often
counter-violence
"
times almost what appears to be
a revolutionary situation. "
(Democratic Rally, Milwaukee, Wisc.)
(Issues and Answers)
October 29, 1964
July 31, 1968
"Don't let anybody kid you that
" our nation is in
this country is rotten, or degenerate,
trouble, serious trouble
...
or swept with crime."
we face nothing less than a
grave national crisis."
(Remarks, Committee for Johnson-
Humphrey, New York City)
(National League of Cities,
Boston, Mass.)
- 2 -
CRIME
(Continued)
September 12, 1964
July 7, 1968
"I think that this constant
"Lawlessness is the number
charge of disorder and lawlessness
one issue that troubles the
which has been made, which has not
American people today.
just been referred to certain
specific instances, but a general
(Issues and Answers)
charge, is an insult and an unfair
comment."
(Remarks, Denver Club)
RESPECT FOR LAW AND ORDER
September 11, 1964
July 18, 1966
"A Presidential candidate
Humphrey said that if he were
should be saying and doing things
forced to live in a slum area,
to promote respect for law."
"I think you'd have more trouble
than you have had already because
(Press Conference, Huron, S. D.)
I've got enough spark left in
me to lead a mighty good revolt
under those conditions."
(National Association of Counties
New Orleans, Louisiana
- 3 -
SPENDING
August 19, 1960
April 16, 1958
"
One cannot solve the
"I have always said that
problems of the world with money.
between the platforms of
One cannot do it by writing checks
Santa Claus and Scrooge, I
in every emergency If the charge
will stick with Jolly Santa.
of 'spender' is to be made, let it
I have never made a fetish to
be applied to those who have sought
see how many dollars can be
the most. Let it be applied to those
saved;
11
who have exercised fiscal irresponsi-
bility."
(Congressional Record)
(Congressional Record)
INTERNATIONALISM V. ISOLATIONISM
October 18, 1967
June 30, 1968
"What kind of world do you think
"I must caution the American
it would be if the U.S. didn't stand
people, we don't want to get in
guard around the world?"
the position of being the world's
policeman
"
(N.E.T.)
(Face the Nation)
LBJ - HHH
April 10, 1965
April 10, 1966
"There's no Humphrey program,
"I have my own views. I
just the Johnson program, and there
have my own conscience. I wear
are no Humphrey people, just Johnson
no man's collar."
people, and I'm one of them."
(Quoted by AP)
(Quoted in Saturday Evening Post)
- 4 -
VIETNAM -- (Why We're There)
February 18, 1965
October 15, 1967
"Our goal is peace and
"Our own American security
freedom for the people of
is at stake. That's why we're
South Vietnam."
there."
(Washington News)
(Doylestown, Pa.)
VIETNAM -- (U. S. Role)
November 3, 1967
August 25, 1968
"I think the future of mankind
"...I happen to believe
will be settled in this part of the
that the peace of the world
world. I think we ought to be part
does not depend ultimately
of it."
on what happens in Vietnam,
even though this is serious
"
(Baltimore Sun)
(New York Times Magazine
"Report on the Candidate Named
Humphrey" (Victor S. Navasky))
VIETNAM -- (Military V. Political Settlement)
January 1, 1967
July 7, 1968
"I think they ve lost the war
"This has been the
militarily. I believe, in other
objective of political settle-
words, that militarily we have won
ment -- the negotiated settle-
the war. "
ment of the President. It has
always been my objective. I
(Washington Post)
have never felt that Vietnam
was subject to a military
solution. This is essentially
a political struggle."
(Issues and Answers)
- 5 -
VIETNAM -- (Peace Negotiations)
February 21, 1966
May 15, 1968
"Including the Viet Cong in
"The United States is now
a South Vietnamese Government
prepared to accept a role for
would be like putting a fox in a
the Communists in the political
chicken coop: Soon there wouldn't
life of South Vietnam
II
be any chickens left."
(Washington Evening Star)
(New York Times)
VIETNAM -- (Escalation)
September 12, 1964
"This Administration has no plans
of accelerating the war and extending
it to the north."
(Question and Answer Session,
Denver, Colorado)
DETERMINED TO BE AN
ADMINISTRATIVE MARKING
E.O. 12356, Section 1.1
By
RJP
NARS, Date
4/6/87
Cill
CONFIDENTIAL MEMORANDUM
TO: Len Garment
SUBJ: "Nixon In " TV Programs
Frank Shakespeare
FROM: Roger E. Ailes
DATE: September 27, 1968
We have now completed four "Nixon In programs and I thought I'd
put down a few general comments so we can constantly improve them up to the time
Mr. Nixon becomes President.
This is not really a critique but some random thoughts. Critiques, in
general, are not that helpful since we all do the best job we can every time at
bat, but even (maybe especially) after he becomes President, his use of television
will determine to a large extent how the people will respond to him. Television
will not simply record a President for history, but the people's confidence in a
President will be somewhat proportionate to his use of television.
If there is a "credibility gap" it will be spotted first and pointed
out most widely by television. Once this exists and 40 million people know it,
regaining confidence is incredibly difficult.
To quote from Nixon's speech on the Presidency, "The President has a
duty to decide, but the people have a right to know why. Only through an open,
candid dialogue with the people can a President maintain his trust and leadership."
Mr. Nixon is strong now on television and has good control of the situ-
ation.
I. The Look:
A. He looks good on his feet and shooting "in the round" gives
dimension to him.
B. Standing adds to his "feel" of confidence and the viewers
"feel" of his confidence.
C. He still uses his arms a little too "predictably" and a
little too often, but at this point it is better not to
inhibit him.
D. He seems to be comfortable on his feet and even' appears
graceful and relaxed, i.e. hands on his hips or arms folded
occasionally.
E. His eye contact is good with the panelists, but he should
play a little more to the home audience via the head-on
camera. I would like to talk to him about this and how to
make it work. This is important,
F. We have solved the problem of lightening up his eyes a bit
by dropping the front two key spots slightly and lowering
the platform four inches.
G. The "arena" effect is excellent and he plays to all areas
well. The look has guts. The subliminal message of the
"arena" works, Even if a viewer is not in favor of Richard
Nixon, by 15 minutes into the program he almost subcon-
sciously begins to root for him because of the odds:
1. he's alone.
2. he's standing while all others are
comfortably seated.
-2-
3. he has no place for notes -- the panelists do.
4. he is surrounded by people looking into the pit
at him and most people would think of that as a
nightmare, i.e. all eyes focused on you in the
center,
5. we've dispelled the feeling that he must be shot
only from a certain angle. The "over the shoulder"
shots show him to be an attractive man.
6. the occasional flare of lights add to the drama.
7. the feeling is that anyone who can do that on
"live" television, keep his cool, and not be
stuck for an answer, must certainly be admired.
(Secondary comparison is that people really believe
Humphrey could not do it.)
H. Color lights are hot and he has a tendency to perspire, especially
along the upper lip.
1. he now is using the handkerchief well.
2. whenever he is going to tape a show, the studio air
conditioning should be turned up full at least four
hours prior to broadcast and camera rehearsal should
be limited as much as possible in this time period
to keep the lights off and the heat down. If camera
rehearsal is necessary, the air conditioner should be
turned on sooner and the studio sealed off. Keep all
studio doors (especially the large loading doors)
closed.
I. An effort should be made to keep him in the sun occasionally to
maintain a fairly constant level of healthy tan.
J. Generally, he has a very "Presidential" look and style - he
smiles easily (and looks good doing it). He should continue
to make lighter comments once in a while for pacing.
II. The Questions and Answers:
A. First, his opening remarks are good. He should, perhaps, be
prepared with an optional cut in his closing remarks in case we
get into time trouble getting off the air. I don't want to take
a chance of missing the shots of the audience crowding around
him at the end. Bud can specifically tell him exactly how much
time he has to close,
B. In the panel briefing we should tell the panelists not to ask
two-part questions. This slows the overall pace of the show
down and makes it difficult for the viewer to remember and thus
follow. Instead, the panelists should be instructed that they
can continue a dialogue with Mr. Nixon -- ask two questions in
a row to get the answers.
C. Mr. Nixon has done very well in keeping the answers fairly
short. With Hubert Humphrey getting more of a reputation for
lengthy speeches at the slightest provocation, this is a plus.
For your information and comparison:
Nixon in Illinois answers:
1. Approximately 3:00
2. 1:45
3. 1:30
4. 2:33 - agriculture
5. 1:30. - education
6. 2:37 - European question, Dr. Ripa
--Question was longer than answer.
-3-
7. 2:09 - law & order
8. 3:22 - Justice Earl Warren
9. 2:15 - foreign aid
10. 3:00 - NATO aid
11. 2:23 - police in Chicago
-- (What he really said was that he had no comment).
12. 2:30 - urban renewal
13. :25 - detention camps
-- (Excellent answer -- He didn't know but he was
honest and the audience was with him completely.)
14. :53
15. 2:45 - income tax
16. 2:15 - priority of spending
17. 1:47 - money
18. 125 - Vietnam POWs
19. :49 - David & Julie
20. Wrap-up - perfect at :58.
Nixon in Ohio answers:
1. 1:15 - ending Vietnam war
2. 1:20 - law enforcement
3. 1:34 - foreign aid
4. 1:03 - non-violent demonstrations
5. 1:12 - Electoral College System
6. 1:20 - Strom Thurmond-Abe Fortis
7. 1:05 - Pueblo incident
8. :45 - Oil Depletion Allowance
9. 1:36 - Negroes as Americans
10. 2:55 - lessons learned from Vietnam war
11. 3:13 - Middle East situation
12. :27 - helping Israelites
13. :55 - deal with Strom Thurmond re V.P. candidate
14. 1:15 - collecting money lent to foreign countries
15. 1:40 - helping France
16. 1:46 - federal aid to education
17. 1:15 - spreading of power in administration
18. 2:33 - inflation
19. :41 - short talk about Negroes
20. 2:33 - law & order in regard to Negroes
21. 1:34 - postal system
22. 2:20 - funds for new systems without more taxation
23. :41 - cut down on foreign aid
24. 1:17 - agricultural program
25. 2:57 - Bud's question--Person who had influence on life
Nixon in California answers:
1. :55 - priority spending
2. 2:20 - crime & police
3. 1:00 - lowering voting age to 18
4. 2:41 - American prestige in foreign countries
5. 2:14 - Republicans appealing to Negro vote
6. 1:48 - summit meeting with Soviets
7. 1:38 - cultural relations with Soviet Union
8. 1:26 - fair share-world markets, agriculture
9. 1:26 - unemployment & under employment
10. 1:41 - anti-Semitic
11. 1:40 - government--minority situation
12. 3:44 - Communism
13. 1:43 - industrial military complex
-4-
14. 1:20 - labor-management-consumer
15. 1:11 - Chicago situation-Democratic campaign
16. 1:22 - Pueblo incident
17. 1:46 - inflation-aged-pensions
18. 1:20 - George Wallace
19. :37 - debates
20. 2:34 - law & order
21, 1:57 - (didn't get question)
22. 1:42 - funding of new programs
23. 3:14 - Bud's question--Keeping up with campaign
D. Whenever possible, it is important he give an unqualified yes
or no answer.
E. He is averaging seven "Let me be very clear about that point"
in every program. It is beginning to seem like an evasive
tactic. Perhaps a few new "time to think" phrases could be
prepared.
F. He still needs some memorable phrases to use in wrapping up
certain points. I feel that I might be able to help in this
area, but don't know if you want me to or if he would take
suggestions from me on this. Maybe I could have a session
with Price and Buchanan.
III. General Comments:
A. Whenever possible, Mrs. Nixon, Julie, David, Tricia, and any
VIPs should be in the audience. These are extremely important
for reaction shots. Also, Mr. Nixon handles the introductions
well and it gives him time to get the "feel" of the studio.
B. I have added extenders to the zoom lens on all cameras to
allow closer shooting for reactions.
C. The panels have worked out well and Mr. Nixon is in complete
control. I viewed the Philadelphia tape the morning after the
show. Mr. Nixon came off the undisputed winner in the McKinney
questioning. He knew the facts, the audience sympathy was with
him (McKinney was not likeable), Mr. Nixon did not lose his
cool but showed his emotion in firmness. and when he "turned it
over to the television audience" to decide the semantics of
"call for" or "welcome" victory by the Vietcong. it showed the
strongest use of and confidence in television I've ever seen.
This had a great, subtle, positive effect on the viewer.
D. I feel that the briefing sessions before these shows have been
too hurried. Mr. Nixon should arrive a little earlier at the
studio and have extra minutes to absorb the briefing. If he
has just had a successful motorcade, his emotional level is
different than if he hasn't done much that day and, thus, must
get himself "up" for the show. When you figure the number of
people reached and possible effect of one of these shows. a
little extra time here seems pretty important. The briefings
should not be rushed, too intense and hurried, or confusing.
Sometimes I get the feeling with both Frank and me trying to
brief him, it must be confusing. Also. he must have a few
minutes alone before these shows, and by starting earlier on
the briefing, this will be insured.
E. I sense a slight shift in the Humphrey TV strategy. Humphrey
has been over exposed he's talked too much. too long, and
too negatively about Richard Nixon. He can't get elected
doing only this. With the resignation of George Ball from
-5-
the U.N. to advise Humphrey, and the recent support of Arthur
Goldberg, I feel this is the beginning of a trend. Ball flew
from Washington to New York to do the Today Show with Frank
McGee and have a longer interview than if he had taped it in
Washington with a lesser known newsman.
It seems that Humphrey will continue his "give "em hell" bit-
ter attack on Nixon, To counter balance this, they will book
more and more Democratic VIPs on television to talk positively
about Humphrey. The attempt is to:
1. build Humphrey as a man of character.
2. allude to the fact that Humphrey has been in on the
sensitive Vietnam classified material and thus knows
more about an "end in sight" than he can say.
3. couch all statements about him with "when Humphrey
becomes President".
4. separate the question of Humphrey's ties to Johnson,
which Humphrey cannot do himself.
5. cast doubt on Nixon's ability to excite the electorate
and thus lead the country forward after January.
F. I am gathering a complete report on our VIP and Family bookings
to see if we are covering the most ground most effectively.
Is anyone coaching these VIPs for TV or talking with the show
writers or producers to set a line of questioning? This could
be helpful.
G. In general, now that we know how to do these shows and that
they work, I feel I can be of more help to you and Mr. Nixon.
Don't feel I'm too swamped to handle anything. We've done
four shows and have five left. We'll have nine out of nine
winners.
REA/lam
October 4, 1968
L
Holder's
MEMORANDUM
W Che
TO:
Finch
Haldeman
Town-wife
Harlow
one comm. member
FROM:
Ellsworth
T. Jurich
Bryce Harlow reports that John Tower is miffed/
concerned that he has been stiff-armed by Nixon in connection
with his efforts to report to Nixon on his work on the Key
Issues Committee. He was stiff-arming Nixon back and saying
that if Nixon would prefer he could designate another indi-
vidual to report on KIC work or he could disband the KIC or
whatever.
Harlow has disabused Tower of the idea that Nixon
was stiff-arming him and so Tower has now relaxed his stiff
arm.
However, Harlow is now conveying to us (I will have
this tonight at JFK) the full report of the most recent KIC
meeting. RN should familiarize himself with this so that
when he sees Tower in Dallas, he can satisfy Tower that the
work of the KIC is getting through to RN. Tower will be
testing to see if it has, and both Harlow and Ellsworth are
the ones who are being tested.
-2-
Moreover, Tower points out the next meeting of
the Key Issues Committee, set for October 16, is the
biggest and the last. Everybody will be there -- all the
Governors, Hatfield, etc., etc. Harlow and Ellsworth think
Nixon ought to see both Tower and Brad Morse after the meeting
and receive a final report from the Key Issues Committee.
Otherwise, unnecessary hard feelings will be generated that
will plague the White House after January for months to come.
1- Pla handle -
- add Congressment mae Huga, Jangle,
Nelson, Quie plus mr. Polk J Gan .
plus & a long land (total 6) to
Tricia -a Julie if sched off.
can swing it - fn Fluit to mmn.
-add John Tower + wife, plus T.Jurich
plus one Key Issues member to plasses Tricie
for Dallas to Miamin - and add
Them for overnite overnite Fir nite atk. Bisc.
Done.
UNITED CITIZENS
CHARLES S. RHYNE
FOR NIXON-AGNEW
National Chairman
HEADQUARTERS
WILLARD HOTEL, WASHINGTON, D.C. 20004
PHONE (202) 783-1560
FYI
MEMORANDUM
Fele
TO:
Bob Haldeman
W
FROM:
Charles S. Rhyne
DATE:
September 23, 1968
Here is a "Confidential" letter I sent our State
Chairmen. It is based upon your memo re RN's wishes, but
rephrased so I take responsibility for the suggestions in case
the memo goes astray and any comment is engendered.
I enclose copies of some of our weekly reports.
Dick may wish to look these over. We are geared up, carefully
planned, and are really rolling for maximum impact.
CSR:p
Encl.
LU VII ILLINO
CHARLES S. RHYNE
National Chairman
FOR NIXON-AGNEW
THOMAS W. EVANS
National Director
HEADQUARTERS WILLARD HOTEL, WASHINGTON, D.C. 20004 c PHONE (202) 783-1560
September 19, 1968
CONFIDENTIAL MEMORANDUM
To:
State Chairmen
From:
Charles S. Rhyne
I here summarize some thoughts regarding the campaign--and
transmit them to you in this form with the request that you make every
effort to implement them within your areas of contact and responsi-
bility.
As we begin the campaign, it is essential that we maintain
the initiative. This will be primarily the role of the candidates,
but now is the time for everyone in our organization who talks to
the press, State and County Chairmen across the country to have the
line and put it out as effectively as possible. Among the points that
should be made are the following:
1. The Come-Back Theme: This has an immense appeal and it
has not been adequately covered in columns or in the press. Find ways
to get it out--pointing up the obvious--that Nixon accomplished this
despite the overwhelming opposition of the financial establishment and
the press establishment and without huge financial resources, PR gim-
micks, etc.
2. The Calibre of the Nixon Team: This gives us the oppor-
tunity to point up the superb pre-Convention organization, that it has
high intellectual quality, great morale and great loyalty. It will be
recalled that one of Johnson's weaknesses is that very few people on
his staff are really loyal to him. Apparently HHH has real staff pro-
blems too.
3. The Youth of the Nixon Organization: Because we have such
an outstanding group of young staff members in very key positions- this
story should be easily and effectively promoted, perhaps by emphasizing
average age of Nixon staff or the number of key men under 30, under 40--
or whatever such statistics might be most telling. Also, you can point
out individual or group features on the young stars of the team, i.e.,
Buchanan, Price, Anderson, Bell, Gavin, Hart in research and writing;
Chapin, Ziegler, Higby, Allan Woods, etc., in tour operations; the
young crew working with Mitchell and Flanigan, such as Len Garment and
Frank Shakespeare, et.al.; and in our United Citizens operation here at
-2-
the Willard such stars of the team as Louise Gore, Ben Cotten, Craig
Truax, Jay Wilkinson, Lamar Alexander, Jay Parker, J. J. Wuerthner,
Mort Allin, Jack Padrick, Mike Gill, Lew Helm, Dick Wiley, Sam Williams,
John Campbell, Bundy Clarke, Jim Berger and others we will mention
from time to time. State-by-state we also have other young leaders
who are just as much a part of the Nixon Team as we have at the Willard.
4. The Immense Effect of the Nixon Acceptance Speech: Dick
Nixon prepared this speech on his own, and did not "try it out" or
reveal any of the content to anyone except his Secretary. This story
simply hasn't gotten across. This is a very impressive story to the
average person who suspects that all politicians are simply parrotting
the lines their ghosts have written for them. This story should be
gotten out broadly. Although many will say that we shouldn't build
on events of the past, let us not forget that Kennedy made mountains
of yardage during the first two years of his Presidency by referring
to his Inaugural Address and having the press do likewise. Our people
have not yet done an adequate job in this respect as far as this speech
is concerned.
5. Nixon as Party Unifier: Even several of the less favorable
press men pointed out that the week when we were at Mission Bay plus
the swing to the major states was probably one of the major political
stories of our time and would have been covered as such has the Czech
Revolution not occurred in the same period. This story should be re-
peated over and over again--properly embellished--pointing out that
Dick Nixon fights hard but then is able to unify and bring the best
men into the final organization. This will also give a good impression
as to how Nixon will handle the Presidency and unify the Nation once
the battle is over.
6. Nixon--"The Man for the Times": Perhaps most important
of all--there should be emphasis on Nixon, "the man for the times.
The Churchill analogy is probably appropriate. Churchill was "in the
wilderness" as he put it during the '30's but was called back to lead
his country in a period of crisis. What we must do is to knock down
the idea that, by manipulation and because of political debts that
were due Nixon, he was able to get the nomination. We've got to point
out that he won the nomination because of his own strength and not just
because of the weakness and confusion of his opponents.
In summary, one weakness of our campaign in the past has been
the tendency of our entire staff, and most of our supporters, simply
to rely on Dick Nixon's speeches and activities for our campaign suc-
cess. We are doing better this time than we have previously, but we
can take a leaf out of the Kennedy book and recognize that at least
50% of the credit for his win in 1960, and also for his immensely good
press after the 1960 election, was due to the fact that his staff and
-3-
friends were constantly running their own campaigns in his behalf,
and not just waiting for him to carry the ball. This must be done
at all levels- our headquarters in Washington- as well as by
all of our state and local leaders.
Of vital importance is the point that we must play the con-
fident line from now until November, regardless of what developments
occur. We are on the offensive and we must stay on the offensive.
The Democrats are demoralized, and we must keep them demoralized. We
should exude confidence, not cockiness, indicating that we're going
to run an all-out campaign and pour it on, but that we do so knowing
that we are ahead and that we plan to stay ahead and extend our lead
so that we can elect a Republican House and a lot of Republican
Senators as well. It is important that you and I and all of our leaders
and speakers take this line, and particularly important, that those
who talk with the press, exude it. We must not become over confident
due to the fact that the polls are so favorable, and the well-established
fact that Dick Nixon has always run ahead of the polls. We of the
Nixon-Agnew "Army" must take as our "theme" the campaign slogan, varied
slightly and say to our workers: "This time, work like your whole
world depended upon it."
C.S.R.
P.S. Under separate cover we have sent you the back copies of "The
Answer Desk," a publication which is extremely informative and
helpful. Arrangements have been made for these to be sent to
you on a daily basis. I suggest that you start a notebook for
them so that you keep it up to date.
One additional request -- Please forward copies of favorable
letters to editors to Miss Carol Harford, Information Depart-
ment, Fourth Floor, Nixon-Agnew Campaign Headquarters, 450 Park
Avenue, New York, New York. Communications Manager Herb Klein
has asked for our assitance in this effort.
United Citizens for NIXON-AGNEW
918 16TH STREET. N.W. / WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
TELEPHONE (202) 783-1560
CHARLES S. RHYNE
National Chairman
THOMAS W. EVANS
National Director
YOUTH FOR NIXON-AGNEW - August 30, 1968
1. 3 Fieldmen attended Circle K Convention in Philadelphia with 1200 college
participants. Lambda Chi Alpha, Delta Tau Delta and Beta Theta Pi national
conventions were all attended by Youth fieldmen and Phi Gamma Delta was handled by
Vic Kamber. Outstanding student leaders were enlisted as well as at least 50 solid
contacts for campus Nixon organizational use this fall.
2. Met with Sam Williams and John Campbell, top directors of Rockefeller's youth
campaign (New Majority). Both will be playing important roles in our operations with
2 major responsibilities for Student Coalition; a means to involve top student leaders
in developing youth participation in the urban problems. They will also be handling
field operations and state youth organizations in New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey,
Ohio and Michigan. Requested David Eisenhower to talk with Richard Nixon on proposal.
3. Materials: second and probably last order of Victory Keys finalized.
Work on youth-oriented poster begun through National Student Marketing
Board in New York City.
Discussed with new staff writer, Dick Williams, youth brochure which
will be issue and endorsement oriented.
4. Additions to staff besides Williams and Campbell: secretary to replace Jane
Alexander; field man/publicity man Bill Grier, past student body president of Ball State U.
Plans for Next Week:
1. Direct mailings to a) Reagan students, b) Rocky students, c) 500 student leaders (2nd
half of initial list from major schools), d) 5,000 relatives and friends of Nixon
contributors
2. Firm up contacts on key campuses who will set up sign-up booths during registration
week and early days of school.
3. Goal of 25 appointed state youth directors and leads on remaining states.
4. Hiring of 2 additional fieldmen to give total of 4.
5. Printing of youth brochure (500,000), and RN speeches, New Republic , "Why I Am
for Nixon", organizational manuals and Victory Progress Report #6.
6. Mailing of Keys with sample press release announcing individual's participation.
Addition to # 3: Prepared state chairman's guidelines, supplement to YFN organizational
manual listing 25 projects for local youth groups and Mock Election Manual
Matallin
N
NIXON FOR PRESIDENT COMMITTEE,
P.O. BOX 1968, TIMES SQUARE STATION,
NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10036
PHONE (212) 661-6400
MEMORANDUM
October 4, 1968
TO:
RN
FROM:
Glenn Olds
SUBJECT:
President Bolling's Suggestions, RE: Mood of Eastern
European Peoples Following Czechoslovakian Crisis from
De-briefing Numbers of Quakers Working with Refugees and
Returning Staff
The enclosed statement is brief and useful as a general, non-strategic
assessment of mood and its consequences.
Of greater immediate significance to the campaign is the fact that
President Bolling, who only a few weeks ago was uncertain about what
he could do to help, came in yesterday to say he was ready to take
leave to help us full time these next four weeks if we desired it.
He explains that the swell of Wallace support has quickened the
necessity for men like himself to do more than write papers and
vote! I am seeking to find ways to mobilize others like him for a
more direct and major impact among the independent-liberal-dissident
democrat constituencies.
attachment: U. S. Policy Toward Eastern Europe
CC: Mr. Mitchell
Mr. Garment
Mr. Haldeman
Mr. Keogh
Landrum Bolling
President, Earlham College
Richmond, Indiana
U. S. POLICY TOWARD EASTERN EUROPE
The crushing of the Czechoslovak liberalization movement by Soviet military power
may in the end turn out to be the gravest mistake that the Kremlin leaders have made
since the end of World War II. Certainly, United States policy toward Eastern Europe
must be designed to take into account the widespread hostility and, among great
masses of the people, total disillusionment with the Soviet Union and with Soviet-
style socialism which have resulted.
A realistic assessment of the popular mood in Eastern Europe, including specifically
Poland and East Germany, will show:
a) overwhelming contempt for the Soviet Union and its current leaders;
b) virtually total disbelief in the propaganda line of the Soviet Union and its
echoing puppets;
c) enormous desire for freedom of thought and speech and for freedom for the mass
media, (even though operated through socialist ownership), with perhaps the
greatest passion for freedom to travel, including freedom to emigrate;
d) no expectation that armed revolt internally can succeed in breaking Soviet in-
fluence or that the Western powers will come to their aid in any circumstance
other than a third world war, and they don't want that;
e) great desire for the widest possible expansion of human and cultural contacts
with the West, including the United States;
f) widespread desire for substantial modification in the economic system: to reduce
the powers of the central planners and to enhance the freedom of enterprise for
the local managers; to allow greater freedom for individually owned and operated
small businesses and farms; to encourage greater production, better quality, and
lower prices for consumer goods;
g) little evidence of desire to abolish the socialist economy as such-they only
want it to have a more human face, to become more flexible, and to become more
productive;
h) great desire for expansion of trade with the West, including the United States,
in order to curtail dependence upon the Soviet Union and to provide a general
enrichment of their physical lives.
The implications for U. S. policy toward Eastern Europe are, I suggest, as follows:
1) The U. S. should continue to expand its cultural exchange programs with all
countries of Eastern Europe--those contacts can only help further to subvert
the old rigid communist ideas.
2) The U. S. should make travel to the United States much easier than heretofore
for students, teachers, artists, religious leaders, scientists, and managers;
we should even give consideration to special exchange arrangements and travel and
entertainment subsidies, if these things can be done in an inconspicuous way.
- 2 -
3) The United States should grant most-favored nation treatment to goods imported
from Eastern Europe, with the exception of East Germany; this we already do in
the case of Yugoslavia and Poland.
4) The United States should agree to negotiate credits for the expansion of East
European non-strategic purchases in the U. S.
5) The U. S. should provide guarantees to American firms wishing to invest and
assist in the development of non-strategic industries in Eastern Europe.
6) The U. S., through the Office of Education, the Foundation for the Humanities,
the National Science Foundation, and the State Department's Cultural Exchange
Program, should give substantial encouragement for American scholars, students,
and scientists to make study visits to Eastern Europe and to expand research,
language and other study programs related to Eastern Europe on American campuses.
All of these efforts can encourage progressive liberalization of ideas in Eastern
Europe and the enhancement of U. S. prestige, influence and ultimate security--but
only if there is a President whom the mass of the American people can trust and who
has the skill to explain these policies to the Congress and the public convincingly.
Landrum Bolling was a war correspondent attached to Allied Force Headquarters in the
Mediterranean during World War II, was one of the first U. S. reporters in Yugoslavia
as the Germans were being driven out during the winter of 1944-45, and has visited
Eastern European countries many times and studied their problems extensively since then.
He has been in Eastern Europe twice during 1968 and was in Czechoslovakia during the
last two weeks in July.
file
Tip
CF
MEMORANDUM
olas
To:
R. N.
Date: August 13, 1968
From:
Glenn Olds
Subj:
Conference with Frank Keppel, former U.S. Commissioner of
Education, and President of General Learning Corporation
In conference with Frank Keppel, one of the brightest and most frustrated
"quasi-republicans" of JFK's early team, he identified from that period
in Washington two crucially related themes close to your own thinking
for fresh attention:
1. The endless complication, red tape, and irrationality of federal-
state-local relations. (The Republican coordinating committee's task
force in this area has many publications, but none very decisive in pro-
posing a new mechanism judged by effectiveness of the final local de-
livery of services)
2. The reconstruction of a modern federalism.
He proposed two people who might provide helpful insight in
developing your own constructive policy in this area:
(a) Caspar W. Weinberger, Director of Finance for Reagan, and
(b) Elliott Richardson, former undersecretary of H.E.W., and
Lt. Governor of Massachusetts. - now
This is an area requiring critical attention, as a matter of
policy, and I do not know whether you would wish to push it further at
this time. It strikes me it would be a good thing to have someone close
to Reagan involved in a fundamental way now that the convention is passed,
and Elliott is someone you may want to look at for a major assignment.
agner set up a task force
mil LG mini
mich etc
cc: Messrs. Allen
Anderson
Buchanan
Garment
also Francis Darget
Mitchell
Price
now can
Nixon and Agnew in '68
August 30, 1968
DC
A quick look at the attached
memorandum of conversation will,
I am sure, make you as glad as I
am to have a real PIRO back in the
outfit.
call Rose chotona
N
Chot
file.
NIXON FOR PRESIDENT COMMITTEE,
P.O. BOX 1968, TIMES SQUARE STATION,
NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10036
PHONE (212) 661-6400
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Herb Klein
August 27, 1968
From: Murray Chotiner
PERSONAL
This is a follow-up of our conversation of Monday, August 26.
You probably have all of the following items in mind, but I
am passing them on to you for whatever value they may be.
Please feel free to call on me for any assistance you may
need in taking care of them.
1. "City-Desk" type of operation with definite responsibility
for each of your personnel to take care of these specific
assignments. One person may handle more than one assignment.
a. Press servicing for Mrs. Nixon, Tricia, Julie and David.
It may be that they prefer not to have a press person
travel with them, and I can see the logic in such a
decision if that be the situation.
However, someone at headquarters should be servicing
the press in connection with their trips, etc. There is
a great opportunity for feature stories on the women's
pages, and a qualified person to do this should be
available at the earliest possible moment.
b. Handling of schedules of the Nominee.
C. Minority newspapers.
d. Women's activities.
e. Special groups such as veterans, sports figures, etc., etc.
f. Answering questions from the press in the absence of your-
self and Ron.
Herb Klein
-2-
August 27, 1968
g. Someone to take care of press clippings of opposition
stories.
h. Writer to prepare answers to opposition stories and
coordinate with one of our political personnel to get
the right person on whom to hang the answer.
i. Someone to handle TV monitoring of opposition speeches
with answers to be prepared as indicated above.
j. Someone to plant and develop stories and feature
articles for magazines.
k. Development of form stories for use by state and local
committees.
2. Provide the key personnel of the campaign with a list of
your entire personnel and their duties so we may know to
whom matters should be routed.
3. Provide us and the Nominee with a list of key political
editors, editorial writers and columnists so that the
Nominee and our political people will have their names
when they are in the individual states.
4. Provide us and the Nominee with a list of the Washington
Bureau Chiefs for use when the occasion requires it.
5. Several advance runs of the news mailing envelopes should
be available at headquarters for emergencies and weekends.
6. Coordination should be developed with the publicity depart-
ments of the Republican National Committee and Citizens
for Nixon to avoid possible conflicts or duplications in
key stories.
7. Modern equipment for producing stories at headquarters so
we are not dependent on outside production.
8. Special news release paper to cover the releases from this
headquarters, as distinguished from Citizens for Nixon and
the Republican National Committee.
9. Personnel to service the traveling press with their require-
ments.
10. Keep the campaign personnel advised with news releases, etc.,
Herb Klein
-3-
August 27, 1968
so that everyone is cognizent of what is happening in
the campaign. It's tough to feel one isliving in a
vacuum, and this may help remove that feeling.
11. A department to handle telegrams and messages from the
Nominee to various types of meetings that he cannot
attend. Requests of this nature should be channeled to
a particular person to make certain they are filled; that
individual will need the assistance of your department in
formulating the proper message.
As you know, things move at a breakneck speed in a campaign,
and hopefully this can be set up in its entirety before the
end of the week. Again, please feel free to call on me for
whatever assistance I can be to you.
With best personal regards.
MMC/jsz
bcc: Richard M. Nixon
ONLIX
Cheel
Davile
August 27, 1968
MEMORANDUM
(dictated from Key Biscayne via telephone)
TO:
Ken Cole
cc: Bob Passwaters
FROM:
John Ehrlichman
RE:
Telephones
The following is standard procedure for the installation of telephones
in all hotel stops:
CANDIDATE'S SUITE
LIVING ROOM:
One telephone instrument with buttons for 3 private lines in rotation,
and 1 dial intercom line (station 7). No telephone bell. 50 foot cord.
3
only in teream buffer.
BEDROOM:
Two instruments precisely duplicating the living room instrument.
DWIGHT CHAPIN'S ROOM:
One instrument with buttons for the candidate's 3 private rotating lines,
1 private line to the outside, i dial intercom line (station 23. All
lines ring. On a 50 foot cord.
ROSE MARY WOODS
SLEEPING ROOM:
One instrument with dial intercom station (station 4). One outside
private line.
OFFICE:
Four instruments each duplicating the following:
4 private outside lines in rotation
1 dial intercom station (station 4)
TOUR OFFICE:
Two instruments with buttons for 2 private outside lines, and 1 dial
intercom station (station n.o
The cord should be long enough so that either instrument may be placed
on the "Page Boy" table in this office.
PHONES
ONEIX
ONLIX
- 2 -
H. R. HALDEMAN'S ROOM:
One instrument with 2 outside lines in rotation, and 1 dial intercom
station (station 3) on a 50 foot cord.
LARRY HIGBY'S ROOM:
9
One instrument with button for 1 dial intercom station (station
and duplication of Haldeman's private outside line (extension of
Haldeman's numbers). 50 foot cord.
JOHN EHRLICHMAN'S ROOM:
One instrument with 2 private outside lines.
VERN OLSON'S ROOM:
One instrument with extension "duplicate" of Ehrlichman's outside
lines.
ADVANCE MAN'S ROOM
One instrument with private outside line which should be installed as
early as possible for the continuing use of the advance man.
The following listed staff members should have 1 private outside line
installed in each room:
James Keogh
Pat Buchanan
Martin Anderson
Lt. Governor Finch
Singher
Ron Ziegler
Charles McWhorter
Bob Ellsworth
Richard Moore
John Dames,
In every case telephones should be installed on ample long cords so
that they can be used throughout the room or suite.
John Ehrlichman
JE:lec
cc: Sent to John Ehrlichman's home
9838
ONLIX
ou.ix
ST. FRANCIS
HILTON INN
433 - 4652
3-Line Rotary (RN)
871-8027
4 - 0949
Chapin
588-0466
" - 1289
Woods
871-7927
1, - 1981
Haldeman (2/mes) Rotary
871 - 8021
11
- 0945
RN Office (4 lines)
871 - 8023
"
- 3683
Davies
871 - 7988
"
- 1274
n
n
Enolichme
589 - 0109
"
- 1329
589-0254
11 - 3055
Wilsworth
871 - 7989
11 - 3245
M=Whater
" - 7990
01 - 3420
Funch
" - 7991
11 - 3567
Anderson
Keogh
" - 7992
C
" - 3572
"
- 7922
" - 2269
Buchanan
"1 - 7923
11 - 2887
Moore
" - 7924
"1 - 3065
Ziegler
" - 1925
" - 1679 2
Tous office
4 - 8030 (2-tary)
" - 1826
-
11 - 4520
Press Office (nimes) " - 6737
810-372-7414 =
Tulx
910