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Schedules 1-9. Re: Committees: Advisory, Executive, Operations, Public Relations, Membership, Special Functions, Youth Activities, Legal, Professional, Letters to the Editor, and Speakers Bureau. 9 Pages. [Report], 11/29/1959
Nixon-Lodge Campaign Headquarters. Summary of Opinions in the News. 8 Pages. [Report], 10/1/1960
Nixon-Lodge Campaign Headquarters. Summary of Opinions in the News. Broadcast Report. Radio. 10 Pages. [Report], 10/6/1960
Excerpts of Remarks of the Vice President of The United States Prepared for Delivery at Cleveland, Ohio. 3 Pages. [Memo], 10/6/1960
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WHSF: Returned, 47-8
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This file contains:
Schedules 1-9. Re: Committees: Advisory, Executive, Operations, Public Relations, Membership, Special Functions, Youth Activities, Legal, Professional, Letters to the Editor, and Speakers Bureau. 9 Pages. [Report], 11/29/1959
Nixon-Lodge Campaign Headquarters. Summary of Opinions in the News. 8 Pages. [Report], 10/1/1960
Nixon-Lodge Campaign Headquarters. Summary of Opinions in the News. Broadcast Report. Radio. 10 Pages. [Report], 10/6/1960
Excerpts of Remarks of the Vice President of The United States Prepared for Delivery at Cleveland, Ohio. 3 Pages. [Memo], 10/6/1960
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Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection
Returned White House Special Files
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
White House Special Files Collection
Folder List
Box Number Folder Number Document Date Document Type
Document Description
47
8
11/29/1959
Report
Schedules 1-9. Re: Committees: Advisory,
Executive, Operations, Public Relations,
Membership, Special Functions, Youth
Activities, Legal, Professional, Letters to the
Editor, and Speakers Bureau. 9 Pages.
47
8
10/1/1960
Report
Nixon-Lodge Campaign Headquarters.
Summary of Opinions in the News. 8 Pages.
47
8
10/6/1960
Report
Nixon-Lodge Campaign Headquarters.
Summary of Opinions in the News.
Broadcast Report. Radio. 10 Pages.
47
8
10/6/1960
Memo
Excerpts of Remarks of the Vice President of
The United States Prepared for Delivery at
Cleveland, Ohio. 3 Pages.
Wednesday, June 20, 2007
Page 1 of 1
Confidential
Schedule I
11/29/59
ADVISORY COMMITTEE
Responsibility: The Advisory Committee is to be composed of the
senior and/or outstanding people who are willing to
lend their names to New Yorkers for Nixon but who are
not in a position to devote much time to its activities
This Committee will meet only occassionally for the
purpose of giving advice to the Chairman.
The Advisory Committee will be made up of certain
members of the Organizing Committee (which will be
dissolved) and of other outstanding people who join
New Yorkers for Nixon in the future. The names of the
members of the Advisory Committee and of the
Executive Committee (see Schedule III) will be listed
alphabetically on the masthead of New Yorkers for
Nixon.
Membership:
Mr. Barney Balaban
Mr. Frank Gifford
Mr. W. Alton Jones
Mr. Barry Leithead
Mr. Henry Loeb
Mr. Chalres S. Payson
Mr. William E. Robinson
Mrs. Adele Rogers St. John
Mr. Henry Sargent
Mrs. Carmel Snow
Mr. Joseph Binns
Mr. Lloyd Dalzell
Professor Peterson
Mr. Thomas Perkins
Mrs. Raymond Moley
Mrs. William Nichols
Confidential
Schedule II
11/29/59
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
Responsibility: The Executive Committee will be charged with the
planning, staffing, and operation of New Yorkers for
Nixon. This Committee will accept or reject program
ideas, make up a schedule of activities, and provide
for putting the program into effect. It will be
guided by suggestions from the Advisory Committee,
but will operate independently of this Committee and
on its own authority. This Committee will meet at
least every other week on a fixed date, and in
addition will meet whenever called by its Chairman.
Membership of the Executive Committee will be made
up of the chairmen and co-chairmen of the operating
committees, plus certain other members of New Yorkers
for Nixon.
Membership:
Mr. P. M. Flanigan, Chairman
Mrs. E. Hilson
Mr. G. M. Miller
Mr. J. Stewart
Mrs. R. Salant
Miss L. Gerli
Mr. D. O'Scannlain
Mr. C. Bradley
Mr. Jeremiah Milbank, Jr.
Mr. Robert Tardio
Mr. Charles E. Saltzman
Mr. H. R. Haldeman
Mr. George Vetter
Mr. F. Cliffton White
Mr. R. McCabe
Confidential
Schedule III
11/29/59
OPERATIONS COMMITTEE
Responsibility:
The Operations Committee will be the largest of the
several committees and consequently will be charged with
the responsibility for the actual day-to-day operation
of New Yorkers for Nixon. Such operation will include:
1. Volunteer activities, including:
(a) Organization and assignment of volunteer workers
for staffing the office to provide complete
coverage.
(b) Providing other Committees with appropriate
members, and with workers when their membership
is insufficient for an activity undertaken.
(c) Membership files, by master and by catagories and
the completeness and accuracy thereof.
2. Headquarters activities, including:
(a) Files, including:
(1) General files.
(11) Clipping files, both on New Yorkers for
Nixon and on Nixon in general.
(111) A file of documents, cards, etc. used by
New Yorkers for Nixon for its own organi-
zation to be available for use in organizing
other Nixon Clubs.
(b) Drafting and mailing to the membership requests
for contributions, questionaires, and notices.
(c) Correspondence, to the extent it exceeds the
capacity of the Executive Secretary.
(d) Window display and decorations.
(e) Bulletin board.
3. Program events, including:
(a) All mailings, whether national, state, city or
to specific groups.
(b) Continuity of "Tel-Ten" Program by
(1) Stimulating members.
(11) Making use of results.
- 2 -
(c) Putting into effect all programs not specific-
ally assigned to other Committees
4. Preparation and procurement of materials including:
(a) Membership cards.
(b) Contributors pins.
(c) Letterhead stationery.
(d) Buttons.
Table of Oeganization:
OPERATIONS COMMITTEE
Chrm.
VOLUNTEERS HEADQUARTERS ACTIVITIES PROGRAM ACTIVITIES
MATERIALS
Chrm.
Chrm. N. Delaport
Chrm.
Chrm.
Mrs. Ellinger
Mrs. Allen
Files
Membership mailings
Other
Confidential
Schedule IV
11/29/59
PUBLIC RELATIONS COMMITTEE
Responsibility: The public image and the public awareness of New
Yorkers for Nixon will be the responsibility of the
Public Relations Committee. New Yorkers for Nixon
must be thought of as a citizens movement, having re-
presentation from all New York groups and levels. The
public must realize that the Nixon movement is grow-
ing bigger and stronger, partly through the realization
of the parallel growth of New Yorkers for Nixon. Both
these public reactions are dependent on the proper
choice of activities, the success of those activities
and the publicity given to them. The Public Relations
Committee will be charged with the preparation of a
program of activities calculated to produce the above
effects, and with handling the publicity for such
programs. The Public Relations Committee will also be
responsible for the research behind and preparation of
brochures, speakers kits, throw-aways, and such other
materials as are necessary.
Membership:
Mr. G. M. Miller, Chairman
Miss L. Baldridge
Mr. W. Kent
Mr. Ed Nash
Confidential
Schedule V
11/29/59
MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE
Responsibility: The Membership Committee will be charged with
assuring an ever growing and varied membership of
New Yorkers for Nixon. The public reaction to and the
success of the entire effort will be largely deter-
mined by the quantity and quality of the membership.
While the only prerequisite for membership is
enthusiastic support for Nixon, a conscious effort
must be made to include a large number of leaders
from the business, social, artistic and professional
worlds, to have good representation from each major
ethnic group to include a substantial number of
active Democrats and Independents and to have the
membership weighted on the side of youth and energy.
Lists of additions to the membership will be released
from time to time, and each list should contain all
the elements noted above.
Membership:
Chairman
*
*A Vice-Chairman might be chosen from each of the major
groups from which members of New Yorkers for Nixon will be
drawn, such as each of the various industries, professions
and ethnic groups. There should also be a Democrat and an
Independent as a Vice-Chairman.
Confidential
Schedule VI
11/29/59
SPECIAL FUNCTIONS COMMITTEE
Responsibility: When the program of activities of New. Yorkers for
Nixon calls for a special function, the detailed
planning of, procurement for, and management of such
function will be the responsibility of the Special
Functions Committee. An example of this type of
activity is the recently held opening of the head-
quarters at 555 Madison Avenue.
Membership:
Mr. R. McCabe
Co-Chairmen
Miss L. Gerli
YOUTH ACTIVITIES COMMITTEE
Responsibility: The Youth Activities Committee will be responsible
for Nixon activity among various young groups through-
out New York City and State. Such activity might in-
clude the formation of Nixon Clubs on the campuses of
the various universities. After their formation, these
Clubs should be given direction and materials, and their
activities coordinated by this Committee. Work might
also be done with the Young Republican Clubs in an
effort to swing them to Nixon, or at least to keep them
neutral.
Membership:
Mr. D. O'Scannlain
Co-Chairmen
Mr. C. Bradley
Miss Christina Kingsfield
Confidential
Schedule VII
11/29/59
LEGAL COMMITTEE
Responsibility: The Legal Committee will provide answers to any
legal problems confronting New Yorkers for Nixon.
This Committee will make sure that all New York State
election laws are complied with, that all filings are
made in due course, and will consider problems with
regards to fiscal reporting. This Committee will do
such research as is necessary on the voting and
legislative records of the various candidates. The
Legal Committee will also compile a calendar of
primaries, with comments on the pertinent laws govern-
ing the various primaries.
Membership:
Mr. Pavenstedt, Chairman
PROFESSIONAL COMMITTEE
Responsibility: The Professional Committee will include a distin-
guished member of each major profession (doctor,
lawyer, architect, etc.). Each such member will
write a letter stating his preference for Nixon and his
reasons for that preference. Prior to a primary
these letters will be sent to all members of the
respective professions in the State holding the
primary over the signature of the author.
Membership:
Confidential
Schedule VIII
11/29/59
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR COMMITTEE
Responsibility: Opportunities to write a letter to the editor of a
paper or magazine will come to light through the
clipping file, the membership, and the gratuitous
suggestions of outsiders. The Letters to the Editor
Committee will take advantage of those opportunities,
as well as make their own opportunities through re-
search, to write letters to publications in support
of Nixon's candidacy. Such letters will be particularly
important when written to local publications just prior
to primaries in States in which primaries are held.
Membership:
Mr. Cyril Joly, Chairman
Miss Mimi O'Hagan
SPEAKERS BUREAU
Responsibility: As the only Nixon organization in New York State,
New Yorkers for Nixon will undertake to supply speakers
to plead the Nixon cause before meetings and in debates.
Prior to supplying such speakers or debaters, a research
file will have to be compiled and speakers of ability
chosen. If enough members so desire, a short course in
public and political speaking can be held.
In the weeks immediately prior to the primary in a
State near New York, the Speakers Bureau will send week-
end Speakers Teams to help in the campaign in such
State.
Membership:
NIXON-LODGE CAMPAIGN HEADQUARTERS
SUMMARY OF OPINIONS IN THE NEWS
SATURDAY, OCT. 1, 1960
RN
Chicago Daily News, Oct. 1: "There has been a great deal of misrepresenta-
tion of what President Eisenhower said
concerning Vice-President's Nixon's role
as a lieutenant and counselor. But whatever doubts the distorted versions might
have raised about the President's estimate of Mr. Nixon were washed away by Mr.
Eisenhower's glowing indorsement.
(The President's speech) leaves no question of
the President's admiration and respect for his junior officer. There can no longer
be any cavilling about the fact that the Vice-President, as a candidate, offers the
most complete and thorough advance training that any man ever possessed for the
job of being President. It may not be decisive, and it certainly will not be persua-
sive to Sen. Kennedy's partisans. But it is a fact, nonetheless, and it ought to
give a substantial boost to the Nixon campaign."
Phila. Inquirer, Oct. 1: "President Eisenhower's ringing indorsement of
Vice President Nixon
gives fresh impetus to the Republican nominee's campaign
and may have profound effect on its outcome. There is nothing new about the
President's desire to have Nixon succeed him, or about his high opinion of the
Vice President's capabilities
But the broad and unequivocal terms in which he
described the nominee's experience and understanding
can leave no one with any
doubt as to Eisenhower's deep conviction that the country needs Richard M. Nixon
to lead it
President Eisenhower is not given to hyperbole, nor to the back-slap-
ping exaggerations of the old-style campaign orator. The people of this country,
who hold him in such great affection, know him for an earnest and sincere patriot.
He would not describe the Republican nominee in such glowing terms, nor hold him
up to the Nation as its hope in the troubled era ahead, for mere partisan reasons
His message, and the convictions backing it up, were addressed to all Americans,
and to the solemn responsibility resting upon each of them."
Denver Post, Sept. 27: "Richard M. Nixon replaced the weak aid-to-education
plank in his personal platform with one of hardwood in the 'position paper' he released.
Nixon has pulled away from the generally-too-conservative Eisenhower adminis-
tration policies on aid-to education, and he has done it with some finesse
Nixon's
aid-to-education position now is far more solid than it was."
-2
Des Moines Register, Sept. 29: "An article in the Arizona Republic, of
Phoenix, says Vice-President Nixon 'has pledged support of proposed legislation to
modernize western land law so federally owned lands can be turned over to the
state in which they are located. 1 We hope Vice-President Nixon will promptly and
vigorously repudiate any agreement to support transfer of U.S. lands to the states.
This would be equivalent to turning over vast areas of public watershed, forest and
recreational land to private business exploitation
Certainly Vice-President Nixon
does not wish to upset the 25-year record of improvement in conserving the nation's
grass and forest resources
Conservationists have long regretted the reckless
land disposal policies of the federal government until about the beginning of this
century. Only a remnant- in quantity and in quality of the once vast public domain
remains. Most of it is in the Western states. It ought to be husbanded closely by
the national government, the or government which can give it uniform, consistent
management in the interests of all the people. Vice-President Nixon should make
his position clear on this issue without delay."
Memphis Commercial Appeal, Sept. 28: "It seemed to us Vice President
Nixon sccred on the contrast between what can be done better by states, local
governments and individuals than by the central Government. That is indeed a
difference in method. We were particularly glad to hear the Vice President assign
the fear of Federal control over schools as the principal reason for keeping Federal
tax collections from going into teacher salaries
In Memphis and West Memphis
yesterday, Mr. Nixon amplified this theme
He presented the nationwide ideals
and the need for American leadership in solving international difficulties. We all
want a better America and a better world and Mr. Nixon made a strong presentation
of his methods for attaining them."
Kennedy
Pittsburgh Press, Sept. 28: "The issue between Vice President Nixon and
Senator Kennedy on the independence of the Federal Reserve Board is even more
distinct than any they debated Monday night. In answer to questions about his
attitude toward the FRE, Senator Kennedy has made it plain he thinks the adminis-
tration his, if he were president should dominate the Federal Reserve Board's
-3-
policies
'I have no doubt, he said.
.'that any new Democratic president will find
a Federal Reserve Board pursuing a somewhat different policy.' This week, in
reply to a question submitted by Scripps-Howard Newspapers, Mr. Kennedy said
the Federal Reserve Board 'must bear in mind the economic objectives of the admin-
istration, and I am confident that it would respond to leadership by the administra-
tion. Mr. Kennedy does not indicate how he would enforce this idea. But his
statement tells a lot about the type of appointments he would make to the board
And it tells a lot about the pressures he would exert on the board. Vice President
Nixon replied that he is opposed to any interference with the Federal Reserve Board.
The Federal Reserve Board is our manager of the people's money. It doesn't
control so much as it influences. It follows a policy of restraint
The Federal
Reserve system is a stabilizer, and that purpose is not necessarily consonant with
the aims of a political administration. Usually not
In a word, the independence
of the Federal Reserve Board is a key weapon in the constant effort to maintain
the stability of our dollars. To take away the Reserve Board's independence would
be to take away our most effective safeguard for that stability--and the stability of
our money is the greatest assurance of our growth and prosperity."
Chicago Tribune, Oct. 1: "Sen. Kennedy promised at Charleston, W. Va.,
that if he were elected he would wipe out 'artificial Republican restrictions on the
supply of money. This is simply a pledge to let inflation run wild. In 21 years
inflation has cut the purchasing power of the dollar by 54 per cent, but 43 per cent
of the loss occurred in the Democratic administrations
It is to inflation that Mr.
Kennedy proposes to return--consciously, for he calls the Republican policies to keep
inflation in check 'artificial.' The related program he expounded at Charleston shows
that he intends to achieve this result by all of the familiar methods of government
spending. But he tries to delude the voters by saying that he can engage in this
spending without inviting deficits or inflation
Mr. Kennedy's speech was supposed
to express his idea of how to achieve and maintain prosperity. His program of
inflation would condemn the people to pay three times over, in prices today, in
taxes tomorrow, and in the loss of their savings the day after that. "
Bernard Nossiter, in an exclusive front page story in the Wash. Post, Oct. 1,
reports that Kennedy's advisers (Galbraith, Samuelson, Lester, Cox and Fowler)
-
"have drawn up plans to give the economy a quick booster shot if the Democrats
win the election
They agreed that business is too sluggish and the prospects of
a slump are strong. Their remedy is a speedy application of several familiar Demo-
cratic spending proposals and no offsetting increase in taxes. They would consciously
let the Federal budget run a deficit until the economy was moving in higher gear
again. They figure that extra Federal demand is needed to bolster private demand.
Their prescription appears to contradict Kennedy's pledge that he would pay for his
programs with a balanced budget at a higher level of output
The advisers differed
over whether a recession has already started. But they saw no sign of the upturn
forecast by Treasury Secretary.
Anderson.
They urged the highest priorities for
school aid; increased grants for non-military research; enlarged unemployment bene-
fits; loans and grants to depressed areas and expanded outlays for slum clearance.
They also called for stepped up defense spending, but some disliked putting this in
the context of an aid-the-economy plan. The advisers agreed that months would
pass before Congress approved any of these programs
But they reasoned that a
strong declaration of intentions would stimulate business to buy in anticipation of
future orders. They also agreed that a tax cut would act more quickly on an ailing
economy
They figured that a cut would increase a new President's problems with
Congress when business was booming again
However, if business did not respond
to the spending tonic, the economists proposed tax reductions as a reserve weapon.
They agreed that any slice should be made in the low-income brackets
Credit
curbs did not figure much in the advisers' talk. However, they decided that a new
administration should press for still more abundant credit. 11
Cleveland Plain Dealer, Sept. 29: "Overshadowing.
Kennedy's triumphal
sweep across northeastem Ohio was the fact that Sen. Frank J. Lausche joined
the Kennedy caravan.
Have Lausche's political antennae told him something? Of
course crowd reactions will not decide the election, although they may forecast the
outcome in specific sections of the country
With the election less than six weeks
in the offing, it is apparent that the voters are now getting stirred up about it.
Perhaps the
television debate brought the interest to a higher pitch. If so, with
three more debates to go, and both candidates on a tight schedule of barnstorming
and speechifying, campaign enthusiasm can be expected to intensify between now and
election day. "
-5-
Pittsburgh Press, Sept. 29: "Senator Kennedy frequently departs somewhat
from the written texts of his campaign speeches. Hence there are two versions of
what he said about the labor movement in his Labor Day speech in Detroit; three
if you count Vice President Nixon's version." Commenting on the dispute over what
Kennedy said and what RN said, the Press says The heat developed over this rela-
tively mild difference in interpretation illustrates the difficulty the two Presidential
candidates have encountered in finding anything really dramatic to argue about. H
Nashville Banner, Sept. 29: "When the masterminds at Los Angeles staged
Operation Disparagement--complete with that documentary film calculated to cast
Ame rica in a sackcloth and ashes role--they set the tempo of the leftwing's cam-
paign. Their nominee was spontaneously off and running
Their thought processes
concerning the much they found 'wrong' with the nation, he has espoused as his own--
and parroted from the stump. Not in witticism that could be excused in a spirit of
political clowning, nor in the pattern of harmless satire
but in the vein of doctrin-
aire seriousness adopted to connote 'stature,' Senator Kennedy has downgraded his
country
The people of the United States found that campaign line shocking for its
utter irresponsibility--even with due allowance for the immaturity of its spokesman,
and for its source. Even some of those adjusting their convictions to stay on this
bandwagon for the duration of the ride, found this apostrophe to nonsense hard to
swallow. For Blunderbuss, Jr., was blazing away--however naively--at a target
not properly within the party line of fire. Somebody close must now have told him
so, aware of the fact that his recklessness is showing
For Senator Kennedy now
is strenuously contending that what he has been saying in Operation Disparagement
wasn't (repeat, wasn't) said about the country, but about the Eisenhower administra-
tion and Vice President Nixon Facts eventually catch up, and the Senator's
squirming indicates the one has registered. There may be a brief pause while he
consults with advisers and reloads.
Los Angeles Times, Sept. 29: "Chester Bowles, as nearly everyone knows,
has written about the issues. His book is an expanded version of the Democratic
platform
Almost everybody must know what is in Mr. Bowles' book by now
The only good reason we can think of for bringing it up again is that the London
Economist has taken notice of it. The Economist is very sympathetic to many of
- -
-6-
the notions of American 'liberalism'.
But the Economist's review of Mr. Bowles'
book reads almost like a divorce complaint or a petition for separation. The
Economist notes
that 'Mr. Bowles is frequently mentioned as a possible Democratic
secretary of state. I It goes on: 'The naive sincerity and enthusiasm with which Mr.
Bowles presses his case serve only to win for him the reader's affection rather
than the assent of his judgment Those who enjoy seeing the past in terms of black
and white will no doubt be swayed by Mr. Bowles' imagery, but, as Bentham pointed
out long ago, poetry is no substitute for argument,' We had never thought of this
but we go along with the suggestion. We are content to hear Mr. Bowles called the
poet of the Kennedy team."
Roscoe Drummond sums up the central, controlling issue on which Kennedy
has built his campaign. and concludes that: "The Democratic nominee's single theme
and single thesis is: That the Eisenhower Administration is failing to meet the
challenge of communism abroad, is failing to give dynamic and appealing leadership
to the free and neutral world, because it has failed to meet the social, economic,
and humane needs at home--and that its failure is due primarily to the 'complacency'
and 'indifference' of the Republican Party."
Foreign Policy
Balt. Sun, Oct. 1: "The neutral leaders are undoubtedly sincere in their
request that Mr. Eisenhower and Mr. Khrushchev should get together. Yet what
good right now could a meeting do?
Divisions as wide and deep (as exist)
cannot
be bridged by putting each man in an armchair with an interpreter at his side and
asking them to talk. In the present state of things they would have nothing much to
talk about safely except the weather. When the General Assembly met, Mr. Eisen-
hower, was firm and studiously tactful. Mr. Khrushchev replied with speeches and
actions which can only be called vulgarly provocative
If Mr. Eisenhower and Mr.
Khrushchev now meet, without agenda, without careful preparation, with no specific
object in view except to humiliate each other the outcome can hardly be useful.
Better that the neutrals should work
at trying to bridge the gap themselves, and
trying to reconcile what little in the two positions is presently reconcilable. "
-7-
Wash. Post, Oct. 1: If renewed personal contact between President Eisenhower
and.
Khrushchev actually would help to insure peace, there would be much to
commend the resolution sponsored by five neutral leaders
But the resolution, it
seems to us, reflects a fundamental misconception that the great differences of
principle and objective between the United States and the Soviet Union can be bridged
with paper, that talk of peace is equivalent to the reality of peace. What this sort
of maneuver does, in effect, is reward outrageous behavior. It assumes that the
cold war, which Stalin initiated and which Khrushchev has turned on and off at will,
is equally the fault of both sides; it also implies that peace will somehow be
achieved in a compromise between freedom and totalitarianism. The more Mr.
Khrushchev rants, seemingly, the greater is the urge to pamper him. This, it
may be suspected, altogether suits his wishes. There is abundant evidence from
Mr. Khrushchev's own words that 'peaceful coexistence' is merely a mask for
Communist war by every means except military
There also is evidence from
Mr. Khrushchev's own words that he has no thought of negotiating seriously with
the United States until a new Administration is installed in January, if then. The
move by the neutrals lamentably injects the matter into the American political cam-
paign
thereby giving a free ride to Mr. Khrushchev, who has already made known
his intention to wait
The opinions of Messrs. Nehru, Nkrumah, Sukarno, Tito
and Nasser cannot be disregarded. The fact that they have endorsed a procedure
which has every prospect of being meaningless emphasizes the degree to which the
United States has failed in its diplomatic efforts to persuade the neutral nations,
Mr. Khrushchev's success in his appeals to neutral opinion indicates that his pro-
posal to overhaul the U.N. secretariat was a mere decoy. The result is to place
this country in an uncomfortable box
Some device must be found without apologies,
even though the prospects of useful discussion may appear hopeless. At least the
move may serve to get Mr. Eisenhower and Secretary Herter back to New York,
where the major problems lie. But none of this will be a substitute for believable
efforts to refurbish American strength and assert it in a more active diplomacy.
The danger in the procedure now proposed at the U.N. is that the illusion of peace
can camouflage divisions which are less perilous when they are frankly recognized. 11
-
-8-
C. L. Sulzberger, NY Times, Oct. 1: "The West has shown distressing lack
of teamwork in gaining or holding favor among U.N. neutrals
Although President
Eisenhower gave a sensible lead in his outline of African policy, insufficient advan-
tage has been taken of this. To begin with, the President himself might better have
served his cause had he allotted more time for conversations with African states-
men. One regrets, for example, that he could not spend last week-end in New York.
We cannot escape the fact that Mr. Khrushchev is here and is working very hard.
Nor do careless public statements help. Unfortunately, in this respect, Secretary
Herter made the saddest mistake
There is no agreed Western policy on Africa.
France, for example, will simply not accept U.N. or other interference in Algeria.
Britain won't be rushed into granting premature independence to some of its East
and Central frican possessions
There is need for the Western powers to agree
at least on where they disagree and to better coordinate their actions in areas of
concord. This process might have been facilitated were our relations with France
more intimate than is the case. But we have pigeonholed all de Gaulle's requests
for a tighter Big Three relationship. The United States has a tendency to view
others in terms of absolute moral right and wrong. This harms our cause whenever
we ascribe Left-Wing nationalist influences to insidious Communist direction. Not
only do we tend to drive such men as Castro and Nkrumah into closer relations
with our adversaries; we encourage an association in the minds of Africans and
Asians between their own nationalism and Moscow. We seem to confirm for them
that the Kremlin sponsors nationalism and we don't
Too frequently the West errs
by omission rather than commission. We do not repeat often enough the blazing
truth that while the imperial powers have voluntarily given liberty to millions, the
Soviet Union has expanded its empire
There is no harm in restating this every
day. And even if France is belabored over Algeria, let us not ignore that the
following free nations now here were once ruled from Paris: Cambodia, Cameroon,
Central frican Republic, Chad, Congo (Brazzaville), Dahomey, Gabon, Guinea,
Ivory Coast, Laos, Lebanon, Malagasy Republic, Mali, Senegal: Morocco, Togo,
Upper
Volta
and Tunisia We are foolish if when we become irked with some of
the muscle-flexing inevitable among fledgling lands, we attribute this always to
communism or Soviet subversion
Mr. Khrushchev is quite able enough as a
propagandist to handle his own affairs without any help from us."
- 0
NIXON-LODGE CAMPAIGN HEAD UARTERS
SUMMARY OF OPINIONS IN THE NEWS
THURSDAY, OCT. 6, 1960
Broadcast Report
Radio
General coverage RN statements on civil rights and need for independent vote;
Kennedy on unemployment in Indiana; LBJ predicting legislative stalemate. Some
stations mentioned new RN make-up expert. ABC quotes AP -- NYC crowds cool
to Nixon. McCaffrey OK's Ike on summit. Morgan cites Catholic laymen release.
NBC, Beatty -- GOP changes strategy, getting tough under pressure from conserva-
tives; both parties abandoning high road; Kennedy may be tired of jumpers. CBS
World Tonight says anti-Nixon demonstrators swelled Philadelphia crowds, Louisville
turnout bigger for Kennedy than RN. Tapes of RN saying Kennedy lacks guts and
recalls conversation with Negro sit-ins. Tapes of LBJ saying Nixon tactics low.
Frightening consumers.
TV
Howard K. Smith -- US missed chance to switch neutrals United Nations.
SOF Kennedy, cold crowd Indiana. SOF RN, the issue is survival. NBC, 6:45 PM,
Brinkley on Catholic laymen's statement, Vanocur on camera -- Kennedy re the
economy, crowds sparse Muncie, hints at recession this winter, good hand Truman-
Dewey comparisons. Vanocur says RN will win Indiana because religion. Brinkley
on camera says 7th Avenue crowds sizeable but not responsive. SOF on unemploy-
ment and power of Government. Brinkley also commented on make-up and lights.
11 PM, Mudd calls Louisville crowds tumultuous, Harkness says same about Phila.
8 AM, NEC, Garroway, Blair, Philadelphia crowds huge, 1/2 million. Kennedy,
Louisville crowds, 100,000. SOF RN garment district clips again. Viewer says
Pat with Garroway seemed exhausted, no animation, Ladybird did much better. AW
disagrees having seen both.
Coverage
Rn visibility in NY, Phila., Chicago press higher than that of Kennedy.
Wash. Post carried RN front page, Kennedy page 2. Most reporters called attention
to quote on LBJ and indicated quote not used in speech as delivered. Headlines for
RN: Balt. Sun - 'Nearly 1/2 Million in Philadelphia Give Nixon Huge Welcome.' In
a second story on the front page by Griffin, "Nixon Finds Crowds Cool in New York,
Chicago Tribune: "Nixon Slams Rival's Double Talk on Rights, 1/2 Million in New
-2-
York Hail Vice President.' NY Daily News: "Jack's Rights Stand Has No Guts-Nixon."
NYHT: Nixon Has 23,000 at Rally Here, Blasts Kennedy on Civil Rights. " The
Tribune also carried a picture of RN and Gov. Rockefeller and a front page story
on Jackie Robinson, described by labor leaders as anti-labor. Wash. Post: "Nixon
Asserts Kennedy Ducks Civil Rights Issue. " Phila. Inquirer: Nixon Cheered Here
by 500,000, Assails Rival on Rights Issue. 11 NY Times: "Nixon Campaigns in
Garment Area and Fordham. 11 Phila. story carried page 32: "Nixon Acclaimed by
Phila. Crowd Put at 400,000, Gives Him Tumultures Greeting."
Mennedy headlines: NY Times: "Throng in Louisville Shouts for Kennedy. "
Times story indicates 175,000 welcomed Jack but no other story bears this out.
NYHT: Economic Drift Hit by Kennedy. Asks Reforms Be Instituted. " Wash. Post:
"Kennedy Says US May Drift Into Recession." Balt. Sun: "Kennedy Gets Wildest
Reception of Campaign in Louisville, Democrat Denies GOP Charges on Rights. "
Other stories this AM -- statement by Catholic laymen received fairly prominent
play. Decision of British Labor Party front paged. Times reports U.S. will
expand aid to Indonesia. Fair amount of attention being given to the make-up issue
and preparations for second debate.
Editorials
RN
Arthur Krock, NY Times, Oct. 6: "By analyzing Senator Kennedy's proposed
farm program in terms of dollar-and-cents costs and unemployment consequences
that anyone can comprehend Nixon has switched his campaign tactics from the
polite abstract to the rough particular. That is a factual description--not by any
means a suggestion that Nixon's estimates are either accurate or fully persuasive.
But they do represent a tactic of offense in contrast to Nixon's issue-obliterating
statement in (the first TV debate). Krock refers to the "goals and means state-
ment and comments "This language oncouraged a general impression that the issue
between (JK & RN)
is not of political philosophies in total conflict, but merely a
dispute over whether Route 1 or Route L is the more likely to get the United States
to its destination on time. This for years has been the contention of conservatives
in both parties, and it tangibly helped the Democrats to win the Presidential election
of 1948
Eut if the Republican and Democratic platforms
and the commitments
of each candidate to his own, are not to be dismissed in toto as rhetorical frauds
Kennedy and Nixon are pledged to pursue flatly conflicting political philosophies
If and when the candidates get down to specifications on foreign policy, which
informed questioning at their next television show could elicit or prove evasion by
one or the other, their indicated differences on this most important of all the nation's
problems can also be clarified.
The word is now drifting in from the field that
Nixon's destructive analysis of Kennedy's farm program marks the beginning of his
shift from abstract discussion, and from a deferential attitude toward his opponent
that stimulated an impression of lack of confidence in his own case. According to
this report, he believes in principle that a campaign is won or lost in the final three
weeks, and that
heavy ammunition
(must be) reserved for
that period.
But,
after the first TV 'debate'
and Kennedy pressed his advantage by repudiating Nixon's
statement that their 'goals' are the same, the waiting strategy clearly became too
risky to prolong. 11
Wash. Post, Oct. 6: "Mr. Nixon does not know that Mr. Kennedy's farm
program would increase food prices by 25 per cent--or by 5 per cent or by any
other percentage. The Republican nominee's charge that the Democratic plan would
raise the cost of milk to consumers by 6 cents a quart and of beef by 15 cents a
pound is the sheerest demagogy. It may be effective demagogy in pitting the consumer
against the farmer, but it obscures altogether the real problem of farm income.
Neither of the candidates, to be sure, has been very specific about the measures he
advocates to improve farm income or about the cost of such measures. In fact, in
their appearances as farm experts both Mr. Nixon and Mr. Kennedy seem a bit like
Park Avenue debutantes in a boiler factory. Both, however, have competent advisers.
What is necessary to understand is that any plan to improve farm income is
likely either to increase food prices or to increase governmental subsidies paid
through general taxation. This dilemma is inescapable
There are two ways,
broadly, in which to approach the problem of sagging farm income. One is to
restrict marketings, an approach which Mr. Kennedy proposes and which Mr. Nixon
labels 'planned scarcity, simultaneously increasing food prices and supplementing
farm income through other means. The other is to continue basic price supports at
lower figures, to pay farmers for retiring land and to distribute Government-owned
surpluses to them. Either of these plans will cost money. Mr. Kennedy is perhaps
more reproachable for not talking more about the cost of what he advocates, not
-4-
only in respect of farm remedies, but also in respect of his other social and econ-
omic programs--though Mr. Nixon has not been overly precise about the cost of
measures on which he says he differs with Mr. Kennedy
Unquestionably Senator
Kennedy's farm plan would increase food prices
But what Mr. Nixon advocates
also would affect the consumer. If he were successful in working off surpluses,
prices would tend to rise
The cost of agricultural programs this year will be
nearly $6 billion
This money comes, in the form of taxes, from the same con-
sumers about whom Mr. Nixon is so solicitous. In short, there is no magic solu-
tion, and it is disingenuous to wave the red flag of increased food prices
without
mentioning the other ways in which the consumer now pays or would pay. 11
Balt. Sun, Oct. 6: "To take the word of the Presidential candidates, disaster
impends whichever one wins the election. To take their word again, the disaster
will come from the farms. If Mr. Nixon is elected, Mr. Kennedy foresees a
depression--not a recession, much less the tiny ghost of a readjustment that Secre-
tary Anderson
discerns, but a deep depression--starting on the farms. Mr. Nixon's
countercharge is that the Kennedy farm program
would set off a wild rise in the
cost of foods, starting, of course, from the farms. Both candidates support their
arguments with figures and statistics of a sort. Mr. Kennedy's statistics are
broader and grander. The farmers, he declares, are the No. 1 customers of the
automobile industry (etc.)
Question: With one out of eight mericans living on
farms, are the farmers in fact the No. 1 customers of the automobile industry?
Mr. Nixon's statistics are the more entrancing, because they are precise. That is,
they are presented as precise
By what magic, secret process are these cute
figures arrived at? And what about broccoli? It would be silly if it were not
serious. The farm question, unanswerable though it may now be, presents a real
national problem. Let the candidates discuss it as such, and eschew their frivolous
figures. 11
The WSJ carries a story on page 2 reporting that RN's figures on Kennedy's
farm plan were based on the research done by about 40 economists and technicians
in the Department of Agriculture. The story is a rundown as to how the figures
were arrived at.
St. Louis Post Dispatch, Oct. 3: "President Eisenhower coined a catchy
slogan when he told Illinois Republicans the country wants 'leadership from a trained
-5-
team'
But while he heaped praise on Vice President Nixon
he did not clear up
the question of just what specific ideas Mr. Nixon has contributed to the Administra-
tion
Mr. Eisenhower seemed careful to skirt the point in talking to party leaders
last Thursday. Although he said he 'wanted to set the record straight' he omitted
giving an answer to the Aug. 24 query
He has chosen to leave the matter just
about where it was before.' 11
Kennedy
St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Oct. 3: "Senator Kennedy's approach to the farm
problem poses questions that should be debated in detail in the campaign
The
Senator's discussion of his plan has been fragmentary so far. But his approach is
clear. It repudiates the free-market concept of Secretary
Benson and the less
rigid production-control proposals of Vice President Nixon and frankly proposes the
marketing controls that seem to be the only method likely to prevent the accumula-
tipn of costly surpluses. This system of control may not amount to a regimented
farm economy, but it surely has the attributes of a managed economy.
Economists
who have worked on the Kennedy program say that it will raise retail food prices
by 10 to 15 per cent. Here another matter of public policy enters. Food accounts
for about one-third of the average American's budgets. Any increase in food price
is borne equally by those least able to pay and those to whom the increase is
meaningless
To many persons it does not seem as equitable as the graduated
income tax, which theoretically reflects ability to pay
Further questions suggest
themselves. Would the program contribute to inflation? If it affects the cost-of-living
index it would be reflected in increased wages due to escalator clauses in many
labor-management contracts. Could it be confined to a few basic crops, or would
it be necessary to extend it to all food production?
It has not been explained as
yet how the programs for various commodities would be interrelated to prevent
farmers from shifting excess production into unmanaged commodities. Farmers can
be expected to increase their per-acre production and presumably would not have to
retire all acreage not used to produce their quotas
Mr. Kennedy may have here
the kernel of a plan that would work. At least it is an imaginative idea which bears
analysis and discussion. Since it is sharply opposed to Republican concepts the
Republicans should offer serious criticism. This does not mean ridicule
Senator
Kennedy for his part should fill in his outline in the course of later speeches. A.s
it is he has provided the basis for an important public discussion. 11
Cleveland Plain Dealer, Oct. 4: Cut through the wordage of the farm pro-
grams suggested by
Nixon and
Kennedy and what's the real difference? Kennedy's
program, says the Wall Street Journal--a view in which we concur starts out by
despairing of the enterprise principle'. And concludes the Journal, 'the only possible
end to that road is total regimentation.' The possibilities are frightening. The
example of many nations
where the government took over agriculture, lock stock
and bairel, and liquidated in one way or another all who opposed governmental
intrusion, remains a stark warning to all who fear too much government control in
anything
We do not question Sen. Kennedy's sincerity, doubt his desire to improve
conditions, or imply he has any sort of 'liquidation' in mind for opponents of his
plan, but when he talks about supply-management controls, marketing quotas, orders
and agreements, and other devices
it seems clear that the farmer would never
succeed in getting Uncle Sam off his back, and that the federal government, not the
weather, would become the prime factor in every farmer's government-prescribed
life. We prefer Mr. Nixon's approach to the farm headache
The chief difference,
when all has been said, ist this: Kennedy's program puts Uncle Sam in the farm
picture to stay; Nixon's gives hope that farmers, once the 'transition period' is over,
'can regain their freedom to grow what they wish for markets freed of the burden
of accumulated stocks of commodities.' We are far less concerned with the various
steps in Nixon's 'Operation Consume' and 'Operation Safeguard' than we are in this
one basic fact-that he envisages final freedom for the farmer, whereas Kennedy
would forge the links that would forever bind the farmer to the government. Ulti-
mate freedom for the farmer is, we believe, worth working and fighting for. 11
WSJ, Oct. 6: "As he travels around the country, Senator Kennedy frequently
notes that steel production is not much more than 50% of capacity. He would like,
he says, to see 'full' production. A good many people probably feel the same way;
at least the expression '50% of capacity' doesn't sound exactly wonderful
But we
would like to ask a couple of questions. Is 'excess' capacity necessarily a bad
thing? And in any case what do you do about it?
The expression itself is highly
deceptive. That 50% or 55% is more than half of a capacity that has been tremen-
dously expanded--by about 55%--since World War II. At 55% of current capacity,
the industry would produce slightly more than it could have at 100% of capacity in
-7-
1940
Measured in terms of actual production
55% of of capacity today is a huge
volume of steel. Moreover, the capacity not now in use includes a lot of older,
higher-cost, obsolescent equipment.
To that extent the economy is surely the
gainer, not the loser
A lot of the gloom surrounding excess capacity derives
from semantic confusion. To be sure, one can argue with the decisions of the
steelmakers and other industrialists which led to so much expansion of capacity.
But that is a wholly different argument from the contention that all capacity now
existing should be in use
Plainly, there is excess capacity in terms of 1960;
it may not be excess at all in terms of 1963. Not to mention what even a little
war would do to the excess
One can easily imagine the abuse Senator Kennedy
and others would be heaping on the steelmakers if they had not undertaken their
expansion programs. It seems to us that excess capacity of the type now existing
is not itself a harbinger of recession or depression
What brings a slump are
steep declines in demand and hence in production, not as measured against an ever-
growing capacity but against previously prevailing demand and production rates.
Anyway, Senator Kennedy thinks something should be done about this idle capacity.
Regardless of the quality of some of it, it should all be used, full blast. He hasn't
said exactly how he would go about it, but he is on record as favoring more Govern-
ment spending in general and artificially created cheap money. If that adds up to
anything, it adds up to a policy of inflation
Inflation cannot automatically create
unlimited demand. There is today no huge reservoir of pent-up demand (as there
was, say, in 1945) for inflation to work on
Nor, even if it were desirable, does
it seem realistic to suppose that expanded Government programs could put all the
excess capacity to use, at least short of war
It seems to us something of a
misnomer to call this capacity 'excess'; it could more properly be called a reserve
for future growth
If
we fall for the propaganda that the Government must try
to force the growth to an arbitrary percentage no matter what, we may or may not
get 'full' production. But the cost will be prohibitive, as it must be when people
indulge in an excess capacity for delusion. 11
In a second editorial, the Journal points out: "The 1960 pennant winners
provide a lesson in growthmanship.
Through 1959, the New York Yankees had
won 24 league championships while the Pittsburgh Pirates had won five. The Bronx
club, by copping the flag this year, increased its total number of league champion-
-8-
ships by 4. 1%. The Pittsburgh team, meanwhile, boosted its pennant record by a
whopping 20%, almost five times as much as the New Yorkers. The Yankees, it is
clear, had better start moving. "
NY Daily News, Oct. 6: "When Khrushchev wrecked the Paris summit
Kennedy
said President Eisenhower ought to have tried to save the summit by
sending regrets to the Red Czar
Tuesday evening (Kennedy)
said he thought Ike
showed 'good judgment' in turning down five big neutral nations' request that he meet
with Khrushchev now. Just what does the Senator think, anyway, about summits
and, Presidential duties concerning them?"
Ross Valentine, Richmond Times-Dispatch, Oct. 5: "The women are going
to vote for Kennedy.' 'The young people are going to vote for Kennedy. So my
liberal friends insist. When asked why, they tell me that 'Kennedy is such a good-
looking man'
Mr. Kennedy's friendship with Frank Sinatra and Hollywood cafe
society may influence a generation which listens rapturously to the fiddling of
glamorous guys-'n-dolls while Mr. Khrushchev does his best to bulldoze the globe
to the brink of nuclear fire. Like Mr. K., our 'liberals' have long been aware of
Mr. Nixon's 'toughness' in the face of Communist threats, and have done their
utmost to create a false 'image' of him in the public mind
As for youth, reared
in a New Deal-Fair Deal era of 'security first, can they be expected to realize that
the left-wing Democratic platform is not progressive, but reactionary? An approach
to the all-powerful state? Nikita is a man of infinite guile. He has said since his
arrival in this country, that he is against 'both Kennedy and Nixon.' That was
expedient. Mr. Kennedy is not pro-Communist, but there is nothing Mr. Khrushchev
would like better than to see Kennedy win, and appoint Mr. Stevenson Secretary of
State. The Kremlin has reason to believe that it could sweet-talk him into appease-
ment
Maybe my liberal friends are right in their prediction. Maybe youth so
long enamored of the TV shadow-world of make-believe, idolizing the glittering
success of those who eater to self-gratification, will, indeed, 'vote for Kennedy.'
But I hope with all my heart that at least the youth of Virginia will not allow itself
to be led by the pink pied Pipers into the depths of surrender from which there would
be no turning back.'
Detroit News, Oct. 3: "We are now wondering if Jack, in the White House,
would be a dull boy
The Democratic candidate quoted Oscar Wilde's remark, put
-9-
into the mouth of Dumby in Lady Windemere's Fan: Experience is the name every-
one gives to their mistakes. But he omitted the next exchange: Cecil Graham: One
shouldn't commit any. Dumby: Life would be very dull without them. We are
accepting, of course, Kennedy's seeming assumption he would never, never make
any mistakes. 11
Peoria Journal Star, Sept. 28: "It would appear that Sen. John Kennedy is
going to soft-pedal his labor policies and attitudes in TV appearances or any cam-
paigning before the country at large. In the first 'debate,' he said nothing about
organized labor except a remark complaining that Hoffa is not in jail yet! In short
his only reference to any union was derogatory. This was in his opening statement
and was certainly carefully planned that way. For what purpose? To give what
general impression?
All Americans are entitled to be told the honest truth, and to
know that before the 'debate' on 'domestic policy,' Mr. Kennedy made it clear by
his actions and flatly by his statements in Detroit that the real keystone of his
domestic policy will be that what is good for the union power groups is good for
America! Yet he went out of his way to give a different 'impression' on TV."
Polls
Field Poll, California, reports that Kennedy now leads RN by the slimmest
of margins. Results: Kennedy/Johnson - 47%; Nixon/Lodge - 46%; undecided - 7%.
"The trend of popularity of the Kennedy-Johnson ticket has been up since the weeks
immediately following the
conventions.' However, Field's survey shows further
that among RN's supporters, there is a higher degree of interest in the election and
likelihood that they will vote. For this reason Field says "If circumstances combine
to result in a lower than normal turnout for the election, Kennedy's chances of win-
ning could be seriously affected unless he managed to pile up a commanding lead. "
Lubell, Chicago Daily News, Oct. 5: "All the seesawing between the parties
has left
Kennedy and
Nixon virtually at a standoff on the 50-yard. line. Neither
has yet been able to break through with the electorate for a decisive touchdown
Nixon's No. 1 ground-gainer has been the fact that, as one New Jersey housewife
remarked, 'The world is in a mess and Nixon has been closer to the mess. I This
feeling that 'he had been trained for the job' was voiced in every city and farm
county I have visited so far. Still there is enough resentment that 'Eisenhower has
-10-
been wishy-washy with Russia' and 'we need a change' so that the advantage conceded
Nixon on foreign affairs is only a small one. In Kennedy's case his main vote-pullers
have been a reassertion of the old-time Democratic loyalty and economic discontent.
Still, as with Nixon's 'experience' issue, economic discontent is yielding Kennedy
only a limited yardage in votes. A decisive breakthrough on this issue is blocked
by the fact that across the country economic satisfaction still runs stronger than
dissatisfaction. Also, much of the public is not convinced that Kennedy's proposals
are what the economy needs. Generally, people have interpreted Kennedy's empha-
sis on economic growth' as proposing more government spending
Voters shy
from further spending proposals because they fear they will raise taxes
Other
workers, when asked what should be done to improve the economy, have replied,
'Lower taxes. They're crushing us.' If economic conditions darken, more voters
may be ready to agree with those who think 'the way to make jobs is to spend more
money. 1 But, as of now, the temper of the electorate remains basically conserva-
tive and tax-conscious--too much so to welcome any spending spree."
Miscellaneous
Nikita Khrushchev will appear on David Susskind's Open End Sunday evening.
The program will be live and the questioning impromptu. Both the Chicago Daily
News and the Chicago Sun-Times have endorsed Sam Witwer for the Senate.
- 0 -
Haldrumm- 303
Herbert G. Klein
RELEASE: IMMEDIATE
Press Secretary
to the Vice President
Nixon-Lodge Campaign Headquarters
1146 19th Street, N. W., Wash. 6, D. C.
EXCERPTS OF REMARKS OF THE VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES PREPARED FOR DELIVERY AT CLEVELAND, OHIO
OCTOBER 6, 1960
Sixteen million of our people aged 65 and over, and their children
as well, are rightly troubled over the heavy and growing costs of medical
care. The Federal Government has a responsibility to help meet this urgent
human problem. Three groupings of our citizens require our help.
First are the 2, 400, 000 people who receive old-age assistance.
The states need additional funds to improve the medical care that these
people receive. This year the Federal Government is making $142, 000, 000
additional available. The next Congress should provide additional supple-
mentary funds for the program.
Second are the several million people 65 and over who under the law
are not eligible for public assistance for income reasons but who nevertheless
lack the resources to pay heavy hospital and medical bills. A new law was
passed in the special session of the Congress, which, while far less than the
President and I requested, is a step forward for these citizens. It enables
the states to develop plans of their own that will cover the cost of this
hospital and medical care, with the Federal Government underwriting at
least half, and in some states up to 80 per cent, of the cost. The Federal
Government is ready and waiting to share in this effort. A state needs only
to develop a plan and put it into effect. Once again, in the interest of meeting
pressing need, the states should act.
Third are the approximately 13, 000, 000 persons aged 65 and over of
moderate means. It is wrong to wait until any of these people are struck
down by major illness, then force them upon their families or the Government
for critically-needed help. These are people who need and want to be able
to protect themselves in advance against the economic hazards of illness.
They should be provided this opportunity.
(more)
Cleveland, Ohio - 2
The voluntary plan that I support to meet the needs of these 13, 000, 000
people has a number of advantages over the plan that my opponent argues for:
(1) It would do a better job of meeting the costs of either
short-term or long-term illnesses.
(2) It would be voluntary, not forced on unwilling citizens.
(3) It would be operated, not by the Federal Government but
by the states, with Federal support.
(4) It would build on and not destroy the encouraging progress
being made by private health insurance.
I absolutely disagree with my opponent's position on these points.
He would provide none of these 13, 000, 000 people with as effective protection
against the costs of illnesses. For at least 3, 000, 000 of them, who are not
covered by Social Security, he would provide no help at all. He would help
the wealthy who have absolutely no need for it. He would force all Social
Security participants to be in his health care program whether they wanted it
or not. Moreover, he would blunt the growth of private health insurance.
The people need clearly to understand that, even if the way of com-
pulsion were the right way, all my opponent does about the subject is to talk.
This he proved a month ago when he completely failed to persuade the
Congress controlled by his own party to pass this or any other of the programs
he now promises for the people. What, exactly, is his performance on
medical care for the aged?
The program he talks of now was rejected earlier this year 17 to 8
by the Committee in the House of Representatives. This Committee was
controlled 15 to 10 by his own party. His plan was defeated 12 to 5 by the
Senate Committee. This Committee was controlled 11 to 6 by his own party.
His plan was then defeated in the Senate, in a struggle in which his
party had a two-to-one majority, but he couldn't deliver his own votes.
Now he is attempting to fix the responsibility for these failures on the
vastly outnumbered members of my party in the Senate. The fact is,
many of his own party members dislike compulsion too, and they opposed
him in his efforts to dictate to the American people. I remind my opponent
(more)
Cleveland, Ohio -3
that his predecessor, Adlai Stevenson, said in his campaign for the Presi-
dency four years ago, "I have emphasized that this program should be
voluntary and that it should be administrated on a state basis".
My conviction is that the American people don't want, and I don't
believe that they will allow, anyone to jam compulsory insurance down
their throats.
The people do want to help our 13, 000, 000 elderly citizens who
want a chance to protect themselves against the economic hazards of ill-
nesses.
My opponent offers only an empty promise three times rejected.
By contrast, I favor a voluntary program of medical care - one that, by
being voluntary, conforms to our free way of life, one that avoids the
absurdity of underwriting wealthy citizens, one that does not turn its back
on 3, 000, 000 citizens who need help.
I am confident I can translate this plan into action when the new
Congress convenes in January.
########