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This file contains:
To Daniel Hofgren, from Christine O'Polka, secretary to Haldeman. RE: adding Haldeman's name to list of Advance Men. 1 pg [Letter], 10/7/1960
To Daniel Hofgren, from Christine O'Polka. RE: Names and addresses of Advance Men. Attached to previous. 2 pgs [Letter], 10/6/1960
To Lou Guylay, from Bob Haldeman. RE: Publicity Directors Convention. 1 pg [Letter], 8/25/1960
To Robert Haldeman, from L. Richard Guylay. RE: Invitation for Haldeman to speak at and attend the State Publicity Directors Convention. Attached to previous. 1 pg [Letter], 8/17/1960
Tentative Program: GOP Public Relations Conference For State Publicity Directors. Attached to previous. 5 pgs [Brochure], n.d.
To Edmund S. Power, from H.R. Haldeman. RE: Not seeing each other at the convention and work possibilities for Power. 1 pg [Letter], 8/25/1960
To Bob Haldeman, from Edmond S. Power. RE: Not seeing each other during the convention and security work for the vice-presidential candidate. Attached to previous. 1 pg [Letter], 8/10/1960
The Truth About Nixon by William V. Shannon. A reprint from The Progressive. 2 pgs [Newsletter], 1960
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26127642
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WHSF: Returned, 53-4
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WHSF: Returned, 53-4
description
This file contains:
To Daniel Hofgren, from Christine O'Polka, secretary to Haldeman. RE: adding Haldeman's name to list of Advance Men. 1 pg [Letter], 10/7/1960
To Daniel Hofgren, from Christine O'Polka. RE: Names and addresses of Advance Men. Attached to previous. 2 pgs [Letter], 10/6/1960
To Lou Guylay, from Bob Haldeman. RE: Publicity Directors Convention. 1 pg [Letter], 8/25/1960
To Robert Haldeman, from L. Richard Guylay. RE: Invitation for Haldeman to speak at and attend the State Publicity Directors Convention. Attached to previous. 1 pg [Letter], 8/17/1960
Tentative Program: GOP Public Relations Conference For State Publicity Directors. Attached to previous. 5 pgs [Brochure], n.d.
To Edmund S. Power, from H.R. Haldeman. RE: Not seeing each other at the convention and work possibilities for Power. 1 pg [Letter], 8/25/1960
To Bob Haldeman, from Edmond S. Power. RE: Not seeing each other during the convention and security work for the vice-presidential candidate. Attached to previous. 1 pg [Letter], 8/10/1960
The Truth About Nixon by William V. Shannon. A reprint from The Progressive. 2 pgs [Newsletter], 1960
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Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection
Returned White House Special Files
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
White House Special Files Collection
Folder List
Box Number Folder Number Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
53
4
10/07/1960
Letter
To Daniel Hofgren, from Christine O'Polka,
secretary to Haldeman. RE: adding
Haldeman's name to list of Advance Men. 1
pg
53
4
10/06/1960
Letter
To Daniel Hofgren, from Christine O'Polka.
RE: Names and addresses of Advance Men.
Attached to previous. 2 pgs
53
4
08/25/1960
Letter
To Lou Guylay, from Bob Haldeman. RE:
Publicity Directors Convention. 1 pg
53
4
08/17/1960
Letter
To Robert Haldeman, from L. Richard
Guylay. RE: Invitation for Haldeman to
speak at and attend the State Publicity
Directors Convention. Attached to previous.
1 pg
53
4
n.d.
Brochure
Tentative Program: GOP Public Relations
Conference For State Publicity Directors.
Attached to previous. 5 pgs
53
4
08/25/1960
Letter
To Edmund S. Power, from H.R. Haldeman.
RE: Not seeing each other at the convention
and work possibilities for Power. 1 pg
Monday, July 23, 2007
Page 1 of 2
Box Number Folder Number Document Date
Document Type
Document Description
53
4
08/10/1960
Letter
To Bob Haldeman, from Edmond S. Power.
RE: Not seeing each other during the
convention and security work for the vice-
presidential candidate. Attached to previous.
1 pg
53
4
1960
Newsletter
The Truth About Nixon by William V.
Shannon. A reprint from The Progressive. 2
pgs
Monday, July 23, 2007
Page 2 of 2
October 7, 1960
Mr. Daniel Hofgren
Pan American World Airways
135 East 42nd Street
55th Floor
New York, New York
Dear Dan:
In addition to the names sent you in our letter of October 6th, would
you please add Bob's name:
H. R. Haldeman
43 Bramble Lane
Riverside, Connecticut
Thanks a lot.
Sinc erely,
Christine F. O'Polka
Secretary to H. R. Haldeman
October 6, 1960
Mr. Daniel Hofgren
Pan American World Airways
135 East 42nd Street
55th Floor
New York, New York
Dear Dan:
Per our phone conversation of this afternoon, following are the names
and home addresses of our Advance Men:
1.
John Ehrlichman
3820 Hunts Point Road
Bellevue, Washington
2.
Stanley Lothridge
815 Virginia Terrace
Santa Paula, California
3.
Robert G. McCune
1521 Elliott Place, N. W.,
Washington, D. C.
4.
Richard Miller
4505 West Fifth Street
Los Angeles 5, California
5.
Thomas G. Pownall
10815 Burbank Drive
Potomac, Maryland
6.
Edward O. Sullivan
63 Rockland Avenue
Yonkers, New York
7.
John Whitaker
106 Thicket Road
Baltimore 12, Maryland
Mr. Daniel Hofgren
- 2 -
October 6, 1960
8.
James Murphy
34 Dorchester Road
Rockville Centre, L.I., New York
9.
Robert Ogden
1320 East 20th Avenue
Spokane 35, Washington
10.
J. Paull Marshall
7721 Curtis Street
Chevy Chase, Maryland
11.
Sherman Unger
3418 Ault View Avenue
Cincinnati 8, Ohio
12.
William Black
9527 LaJolla Farms Road
LaJolla, California
13.
John W. Warner
2816 R Street, N. W.,
Washington, D. C.
14.
Robert Krill
1620 Belmont Street, N. W.,
Washington, D. C.
15.
Renouf Russell
Sea Street
Manchester, Massachusetts
16.
George Aldrich
Meyer Road
Hamilton, Massachusetts
17.
Paul O'Brien
109 Summerfield Road
Chevy Chase, Maryland
18.
William Bumpus
5805 Dawes Avenue
Alexandria, Virginia
It was good talking with you. Don and his wife were down about a week ago
and Don was inquiring about you. He is now Minister of Christian Educa-
tion in Wilkinsburg, Pennsylvania, a suburb of Pittsburgh and he is enjoying
his work very much.
Sincerely,
Christine O'Polls
August 25, 1960
TO: Lou Guylay
FROM: Bob Haldeman
RE: PUBLICITY DIRECTORS CONVENTION
Thank you very much for your letter of August 17 and the
enclosed copy of the tentative aganda for your Publicity
Directors Convention.
I will, of course, be very happy to accept your invitation
to speak to this group on Wednesday morning, August 31.
Thank you very much for including me.
Republican National Committee
1625 EYE STREET. NORTHWEST
WASHINGTON 6, D. C.
NATIONAL 8-6800
L. RICHARD GUYLAY
THRUSTON B. MORTON
DIRECTOR OF PUBLIC RELATIONS
CHAIRMAN
August 17, 1960
Mr. Robert Haldemann
Nixon for President Headquarters
1146 19 Street, N. W.
Washington 6, D. C.
Dear Bob:
I am enclosing a copy of our tentative agenda for the State Publicity
Directors Convention, which will be held on Tuesday and Wednesday,
August 30 and 31.
This conference will be sponsored by the Republican National
Committee, the Senatorial Campaign Committee, and the Congressional
Committee. All state publicity directors will be present, as well as the
publicity men for the incumbent Senators. We held a similar conference
in 1956, and it proved to be very helpful in coordinating the publicity,
TV and advertising functions in the several states with the national effort.
In consultation with Chairman Morton, Len Hall, Bob Finch,
Senator Goldwater and Congressman Miller, we have worked out the
attached agenda. You will note that we have scheduled you for the
Wednesday morning session, and I hope that you will accept.
Sincerely yours,
hou
L. Richard Guylay
LRG: MN
Enclosure
TENTATIVE PROGRAM
GOP PUBLIC RELATIONS CONFERENCE
FOR STATE PUBLICITY DIRECTORS
HOTEL WASHINGTON
15th and Pennsylvania Avenue, N. W.,
Washington, D. C.
Tuesday, August 30, 1960
Wednesday, August 31, 1960
UNLESS OTHERWISE INDICATED, ALL SESSIONS
WILL BE HELD IN THE NORTH ROOM OF HOTEL WASHINGTON
MONDAY EVENING, August 29
Arrivals and check-ins during afternoon
8:30 p.m. - REGISTRATION
Washington Room
Get-acquainted reception - cocktails
TUESDAY, AUGUST 30
"WASHINGTON CAN HELP YOU - HERE'S HOW"
9:00 a.m. - WELCOME - L. Richard Guylay, Director of Public Relations
Republican National Committee
Importance of a unified public relations drive.
Brief remarks by Jack McDonald, Vera Glaser
9:20 a.m. -
Hal Short, Executive Assistant to Chairman Morton.
Operation and setup of Chairman's office.
9:30 a.m. -
Mrs. Clare B Williams, Asst. Chairman, Republican
National Committee and Women's Division
9:40 a.m. -
Mrs. Catherine Gibson, National President,
Natl. Federation of Republican Women
9:45 a.m. -
Tom Van Sickle, Chairman, Young Republican
National Federation
9:55 a.m. -
AB Hermann, Campaign Director
Nationalities - John Hvasta
Minorities
- Val Washington
Labor
- Robert Gormley
Farm
- Rollis Nelson
Veterans
- Curtis Jewell
Arts & Sciences
- Arthur Peterson
Senior Republicans
- Bernard Van Rensselaer
10:25 a.m.
COFFEE BREAK
10:40 a.m.
The Speakers Bureau - Mrs. Vera C. Ash, Director
10:50 a.m.
Research - Dr. William Prendergast
11:05 a.m.
Presentation- Precinct Organization - J. J. Wuerthner
12:00 noon - LUNCHEON - Chairman Thruston Morton presiding
Mrs. Clare Williams "Fat for First Lady"
James Hagerty
...
"The President's Role in the
I
Campaign"
TUESDAY, AUG. 30 - Contd.
2:00 p.m. - Mr. Guylay presiding.
"OPERATION DIXIE" - Lee Potter, Spec. Asst. to Chairman,
RNC
2:15 p.m. - REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE
Hon. William Miller of New York, Chairman
"The Case for a Republican Congress"
Organization and Operations - William Warner, Executive Director
Field Operations - Chauncey Robbins
Radio, TV & Publicity - Paul Theis
Congressional & Campaign Aido - Lee Wade, Director
3:15 p.m.
COFFEE BREAK
3:30 p.m. - REPUBLICAN SENATORIAL COMMITTEE
Hon. Barry Goldwater of Arizona, Chairman
"Elect Republican Senators"
Organization, Operations and Publicity - Victor Johnson
Watching the Record - Irv Swanson
QUESTION AND ANSWER PERIOD
4:30 p.m. - SERVICES OF THE PUBLIC RELATIONS DIVISION OF THE
REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE
Gus Miller - Buttons, Decoration Kits, Graphic Campaign materials,
etc.
Jim Ellis - Radio and Television
Don Baldwin - Literature
Bernard Esters - Clip Sheet
Vera Glaser - Women's Division Literature
QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS
7:00 p.m.
Cocktails and buffet supper (Ballroom, Washington Hotel)
Showing of several/films after dinner.
campaign
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 31
"THE NIXON-LODGE TICKET"
9:00 a.m. - Honorable Leonard Hall
(Importance of state activities to national effort. Outlines difficulty
of task ahead. A few reflections on '52 and '56. How this campaign
differs).
9:20 a.m. - Robert Finch
(Which areas require the most work. Specifies on what should be done)
9:35 a.m. - Peter Flanagan, Volunteers for Nixon
Pat Gorman, Dick Nixon Clubs
(Explain setups, how public relations people can tie in)
9:50 a.m. - James Bassett
"Scheduling the Candidates" - Preview of travel plans, if possible
- scheduling problems and how state public relations people can help.
10:10 a.m. - Robert Haldemann
"Advance Planning" - how state public relations people can help
advance preparations for Nixon-Lodge appearances
10:25
COFFEE BREAK
10:40 a.m. - James Shepley
"Issues and General Strategy, 1960"
Followed by questions and answers
11:20 a.m. - Herbert Klein, Press Secretary to the Vice President
Specifics on how publicity chiefs can help the Nixon press effort
Ambassador Lodge's Activity
Vincent O'Brien, Press Secretary, Cam Newberry, Campaign
Director
Questions and answers
12:00 noon - ADJOURN
WEDNESDAY, AUG. 31, (Contd)
12:30 - LUNCHEON (To Be Announced)
2:00 p.m. - SPECIAL CAMPAIGN ACTIVITIES - Mr. Guylay presiding
2:10 p.m. - "Answer Desk" - Oliver Gale, Director
2:20 p.m. - "Departmental Team Play" - Hon. Robert Merriam, Deputy Asst.
to the President for Interdepartmental Affairs.
2:30 p.m. - "GOP TRUTH SQUAD" - Sen. Hugh Scott of Pennsylvania
SPECIAL CAMPAIGN TECHNIQUES - Mr. Guylay presiding
2:50 p.m. - "Radio and Television" - Carroll Newton, Vice President, BBD&O
3;00 p.m. - "Tips for TV Appearances" - Ted Rogers, Consultant to
Vice President Nixon
3:10 p.m. - "Public Opinion Polling" - Dr. Claude Robinson
3:25 p.m. - "Newspaper Advertising in Politics" - John Holzapfel, ANPA
3:40 p.m. - "Speech Writing" - John Franklin Carter
3:55 p.m. - "Direct Mail" - Walter Wentz, Direct Mail specialist
4:00 p.m. - "Posters and Materials" - Lee Greenhouse
8/25/60
C/S
August 25, 1960
Mr. Edmund S. Power
Suite 1505
53 West Jackson Boulevard
Chicago 4, Illinois
Dear Ed:
Thanks so much for your letter. I too, was sorry to have
missed you during the Convention. Some time I hope I can
have the details on your trip around the world.
There was some discussion of your name in connection with
security work with the Vice Presidential candidate prior to
Convention and I had intended to recommend strongly that
you be approached regarding this assignment.
However, after Ambassador Lodge was nominated, it developed
that he had some thoughts in this regard and he and his staff
worked out an arrangement with another man to take over this
area of his campaign and of course I was not able at that point
to interfere.
We certainly appreciate your interest and sorry it didn't work
out that we could get together. When we get to Chicago during
the campaign 1 trust there will be an opportunity to at least say
hello and perhaps to work together.
Sincerely,
H. R. Haldeman
HRH:cfo
TELEPHONE WEBSTER 9-2578
THE EDMOND POWER AGENCY
FORMER MEMBER U.S. SECRET SERVICE
INDUSTRIAL AND MARITIME INVESTIGATIONS
SUITE 1505
WATCHMEN - GUARDS - PATROLS FOR INDUSTRIAL
53 WEST JACKSON BOULEVARD
PLANTS, MARINE DOCKS AND WAREHOUSES
CHICAGO 4, ILLINOIS
August 10, 1960
Dear Bob,
I am sorry to have missed you during the convention; however,
I too was engaged in activity mildly exciting at that time.
Briefly I was on an Investigation that took me around the
world.
Recently I learned that I had been recommended, or at least
my name mentioned in connection with advance work or security
matters for the Republican Vice Presidential candidate. Since
there is a chance someone attempted to contact me while I was
away, I was wondering if you know anything about it or if
you have any suggestions. I am interested enough: to want to
discuss it with someone. I would appreciate any thoughts you
might have on the matter.
Gratefully,
ld Power
Edmond S. Power
The Truth About Nixon
by WILLIAM V. SHANNON
THERE A ARE five tests by which we
President of the United States, but
Innocence until proved guilty is an
measure a man seeking
measured against the standard of the
adequate position in criminal court
the Presidency in the 1960's.
ideal candidate, Nixon falls so far
but it is no persuasive plea for mak-
First, the Presidency is a place of
short he is demonstrably unfit.
ing a man President of the United
moral leadership. A President should
Nixon's strongest qualities are in-
States, the grandest, most honored,
be an educator and a spokesman of a
telligence and industriousness. He is
most powerful public office to which
people whose destiny is greatness.
neither brilliant nor notably talented,
an American can aspire. What is
Second, a President must be a saga-
but he is somewhat above average in
wrong with Nixon is his negative,
cious politician. The best of inten-
intelligence; his mind seems quick,
empty record, the absence of his ac-
tions are vain if the man in the White
alert, orderly, and logical. His
complishments, the paucity of his tal-
House is not practiced in the arts of
speeches and arguments, if dully
ents, the very ordinariness of the man.
political leadership and astute in par-
phrased and often disingenuous, are
ty management.
invariably lucid and well-organized.
Third, the Chief Executive must
He has roughly the same order of
be just that: an effective executive.
mental competence as the usual run
He is at the apex of a vast govern-
of lawyers and business managers.
This emptiness and these glaring
mental structure employing millions
His industry is perhaps more than
deficiencies are more significant than
of persons and spending billions of
average. He has always been fiercely
the intermittent squalor of his meth-
dollars.
ambitious. As a student in high
ods or whether he is conservative or
Fourth, a President in the 1960's
school, at Whittier College, and in
liberal. Every politician has enemies
governs under the shadow of nuclear
Duke University Law School, he had
and is the object of controversy. He
danger. He must have sound judg-
to carry outside jobs, but he pushed
uses practical means that may some-
ment and steady nerves in a time of
himself to find time for extra-cur-
times be impugned. Nixon is prob-
recurring crises.
ricular activities and maintain schol-
ably the most hated major politician
Fifth, a President should have sym-
arship grades. These accomplishments
in American life today, but this would
pathy for and comprehension of the
are no different from those of thous-
not matter if he had substantial
needs and emotional drives of the
ands of other students, but they are
achievements and a positive record.
colored and the impoverished and
nonetheless praiseworthy and, in
Nixon, however, has no visible claims
the restless peoples of Asia, Africa,
Nixon's case, particularly important
to the office of President. A specious
and Latin America, whose national
because hard work, tenacity, and sin-
availability caused him to be placed
and social revolutions may transform
gleminded ambition are still his out-
on the ticket as a makeweight with
the world scene in the last forty
standing positive character traits.
General Eisenhower in 1952, and for
years of this century. America should
Having cited his intelligence and
eight years he has managed to retain
have a leader who can communicate
industriousness, one has about ex-
that post. For five of those eight years,
and collaborate with the leaders of
hausted the list of Nixon's strong
the President's fragile health has giv-
the underdeveloped countries.
points. An additional factor often
en Nixon an unusual leverage on the
By each of these five standards,
mentioned by his advocates is a cer-
party machinery; there has been wide-
Richard Milhous Nixon, the certain
tain inner toughness, but this is, in
spread awareness that he might,
Republican candidate for President,
Nixon, a considerably more ambigu-
at any moment, become President
fails.
ous and complex strain than is usual-
through an act of fate. Nixon has
The truth about Nixon is that he
ly described. The self-confident and
been the man on the scene. He has
is not big enough for the biggest job
the cruel are both tough, but if self-
blocked off potential competitors on
in the world. No man, in the full
confidence is a strength, cruelty is a
the avenues to the throne by his
sense of the term, is qualified to be
weakness.
presence and his manipulations.
Reprinted from The Progressive
Madison, Wisconsin
1960
Nixon Stirs Doubt,
"Consider a few of these debating
"Nixon didn't say that Dean G.
Antagonism, and Anxiety
tricks. There is the juxtaposition of
Acheson and George Marshall were
words, as when Nixon, in 1952, in the
'taken in by the Communists.' But
Throughout the 1956 campaign,
course of accusing Truman and
he very clearly implied it, and the
Richard Nixon told audiences: "Now
Stevenson of tolerating Communists
implication is grossly misleading. To
at last we have a President we can
in the government, called them 'trai-
make his implication, Nixon made
hold up to our children as an ex-
tors to the high principles of the
use of both an essentially specious
ample." If Nixon himself occupies
Democratic Party.' In the context of
'Communist issue' and a sleazy de-
the White House, will we be able to
those days when McCarthy rode high,
bater's trick, the rhetorical question.
make that statement? It is in this
the words 'traitor' and 'Democratic
He asked his rhetorical question,
context that Nixon's shabby record
Party' were the words that remained
moreover, not when he was a young
in his hearers' minds.
as a campaigner counts heavily
Congressman
but when he had
against him. Our best and greatest
"There is the use of the undeniable
already been Vice-President of the
Presidents were men of character and
statement with a false implication.
United States for two years
That
moral worth which enabled them to
An example from the fund speech:
rhetorical question explains why, to
serve as exemplars for their own and
'Every penny of it was used to pay
some reasonable and fair-minded peo-
later times; one has only to think of
for political expenses that I did not
ple, the case against Nixon is a con-
Washington and Lincoln and Wilson,
think should be charged to the tax-
vincing case."
each so different from the other but
payers of the United States.' In fact,
Having quoted Alsop at such
alike in their fierce integrity. The
the purpose of the fund was to meet
length, I must in fairness add that he
weight of the charge against Nixon is
expenses which could not be charged
deprecates the importance of this evi-
that he has not given any hint that
to the taxpayers of the United States.
dence in making his over-all assess-
he could provide this kind of high
"There is the trick of the coupling
ment of the man, but the evidence he
example; on the contrary, he
of categories, as in the 1954 campaign
cites is nevertheless incontrovertible;
has stirred doubt, antagonism, and
statement: 'We have driven the Com-
each of us is entitled to make his own
anxiety.
munists, the fellow travelers, and the
assessment of its significance.
The campaigns on which these mis-
security risks out of government by
givings are founded were his first, in
thousands.' It is true that several
1946, when he defeated incum-
thousand so-called 'security risks'
Nixon Tries to Tidy Up
bent Democratic Representative Jer-
were dropped in the early Eisenhow-
For the Eastern King-Makers
ry Voorhis, now the president of the
er years to appease McCarthy. But
Cooperative League of America; then
Nixon failed to point out that the
One counter-argument adduced in
in 1950, when he defeated for the
vast majority of these people were
Nixon's favor is that these "sleazy
Senate Mrs. Helen Gahagan Douglas,
fired for reasons having nothing to
debating tricks" are only words and,
the famous actress and wife of actor
do with subversion, that many of
after all, are not most politicians
Melvyn Douglas; in 1952 when, as
them were hired initially by the Eisen-
heated or somewhat careless in their
General Eisenhower's running mate,
hower Administration itself, and that
use of words? The fact is, however,
he made several reckless speeches, and
the total included not a single known
that a politician's words are his
again in 1954 when he tried to keep
Communist. Thus again, the implica-
deeds. Unless a man has a record in
alive McCarthyism and Communists-
tion of what he said was false."
executive office-which Nixon does
in-government as profitable issues but
In discussing these and other ex-
not-his words, next to his votes in
with no success. These four cam-
amples of Nixon's political techniques
Congress, are the most important ma-
paigns, one local, one statewide, and
of smear and innuendo, Alsop notes
terials we have on which to base a
two nationwide, are the basis of the
that 1954 was a year of particularly
judgment. Moreover, political men
picture of the "old Nixon." During
flagrant behavior. "In that year," he
do not habitually use words lightly,
those eight years he established the
writes, "Nixon came closest to justi-
or regard them as of no lasting im-
pattern of behavior from which the
fying Walter Lippmann's description
portance. A reporter has only to mis-
more recent "new Nixon" is said to
of him as a 'ruthless partisan
quote a politician slightly or criticize
depart.
[who] does not have within his con-
him mildly to arouse an extraordinar-
Stewart Alsop, the former member
science those scruples which the
ily outraged reaction. Most politicians
of the team of brothers who wrote the
country has the right to expect in the
most of the time value, or overvalue,
President of the United States."
famous syndicated column and now
what they say, choose their words
an editor of the Saturday Evening
Alsop cites a classic example of
with care, and have fairly clearly in
Post, is favorably disposed toward
Nixon's technique which occurred in
mind what effects they hope to
Nixon as a potential President and
the spring of 1954 when in the course
achieve by their words. Nixon's re-
makes an almost plausible case in his
of a telecast defending the Admin-
peated use of reckless, inflammatory,
istration's foreign policies, he made a
and defaming language is not a series
defense. For this reason, it is worth
famous aside. "Nixon looked up from
of momentary indiscretions; it is a
quoting from Alsop's recent book,
his script and asked, as though on
considered procedure for which he
Nixon and Rockefeller, on this phase
the spur of the moment: 'And in-
must be held responsible.
of Nixon's career. The motif of the
cidentally, in mentioning Secretary
A different argument often ad-
old Nixon's career, in Alsop's words,
Dulles, isn't it wonderful finally to
vanced in recent years in Nixon's be-
was the use of "specious and sleazy
have a Secretary of State who isn't
half is that he has "matured." The
debating tricks."
taken in by the Communists?'
"new Nixon," it is contended, is great-
ly changed from the "old Nixon."
The result of Nixon's courting of
However, we cannot allow the matter
the New York financiers and poli-
to rest there. The question arises:
ticians and their extended period of
why did he change? The change-over
"looking him over" was the emer-
would be persuasive if his defenders
gence of the "new Nixon." The am-
could point to some single event or
bitious Vice President dropped his
series of events that caused this bene-
hatchet and began to impersonate a
ficial transformation. They never do.
statesman. This is why he abruptly
The change is simply dated from the
shifted in the 1956 campaign to a
end of the 1954 campaign when his
steady diet of bland, platitudinous
"white collar McCarthyism" failed to
speeches. This is why there was a new
hold Congress for the Republicans.
note of nebulous liberalism such as
Or it is blandly suggested that with
his rosy prediction of the early arrival
the passage of the years he has
of a four-day week and his announce-
grown.
ment that he was a card-carrying
If anything would properly account
member of the National Association
for a dramatic change in a man's
for the Advancement of Colored
character and outlook, it would be a
People.
traumatic experience of some kind.
In Nixon's case, the near-catastrophe
of the "secret fund" disclosures lead-
Eisenhower. At that very time, these
The New Nixon, Like the Old,
ing up to his Checkers speech called
same men of power decided to "take
Is a Man Ever on the Make
in doubt his political methods and
up" Nixon as a protege and give him
put his career in jeopardy. Yet
a close inspection. They were moti-
It was all reminiscent of Dewey's
patently it had no reforming effect.
vated principally by the consideration
own soporific 1948 campaign. This is
Two years later, he was back on the
that their faction had no suitable
also why Nixon in 1956 and 1957 be-
stump using the same tricks and
candidate to replace Mr. Eisenhower.
came such an articulate missionary
techniques he had used before the
If Governor Nelson Rockefeller had
on behalf of foreign aid. He had vot-
trauma of the fund fight. Here cer-
captured the governorship of New
ed for the Marshall Plan as a member
tainly was no great divide in Nixon's
York four years earlier, subsequent
of the House, but he had previously
career.
national political history might have
not been averse to making the stand-
Another explanation is more logi-
been much different. But as it was
ard Republican speech about "waste
cal. The new, smoother, more unc-
in the winter of 1955-56, Nixon, if
and extravagance" in foreign aid.
tuous, more careful Nixon began to
he proved satisfactory, was about the
Now he dropped all negative refer-
emerge only in the winter of 1955-56,
best available.
ences. Nixon likes to point to these
after President Eisenhower's heart at-
Nixon proved quite satisfactory.
speeches as proof of the authenticity
tack. Up until that time, Nixon had
He had early begun to cultivate for-
of his conviction because "there are
simply carried out the job for which
mer Governor Thomas E. Dewey,
no votes to be won defending for-
he was chosen by the party managers
who had been instrumental in select-
eign aid." There may be few votes
in 1952: the job of hatchetman and
ing him as Eisenhower's running mate
to be won from ordinary voters, but
handshaker for an Administration
in 1952. Now he began to be drawn
Nixon was building credit with the
headed by a politically inexperienced
more fully into the inner circle of
people who counted if he was to get
general. Nixon's hope of future re-
the "Dewey crowd" in New York.
the Presidential nomination-the in-
ward depended upon his doing that
He attended several skull sessions ar-
fluential bankers, politicians, and
job well, and he did it the only way
ranged by Dewey to exchange views
publishers. If Paris was worth a Mass
he knew. He was a slugger in what
and hear expert briefings, particular-
to Henry IV, the White House was
he himself called "rocking, socking
ly on foreign affairs. A close associate
worth a few unpopular speeches to
campaigns" and, alternatively, he cut
of Nixon in this development was
Richard Nixon.
up his opponents by fast debating
William Rogers, later to become
The truth is that the new Nixon,
methods.
President Eisenhower's Attorney Gen-
like the old Nixon, has never sacri-
After Eisenhower's heart attack,
eral in the second Administration.
ficed his interests to his convictions.
Nixon, for the first time, realized
Rogers began his Washington career
He has kept his positions on issues
in a palpable way that the Presiden-
back in the 80th Congress of 1947-48
sufficiently flexible to make them
cy might be within his own grasp.
when he served as a Dewey contact
accord with his political needs. He
The one great danger was that he
man with the "wrong side" of the Re-
would have been glad to be Taft's
would be vetoed by the Eastern, in-
publican Party, the isolationists and
Vice President in 1952 if Taft had
ternationalist faction which controls
Midwestern conservatives. His formal
looked like a winner. He could de-
the Republican Party. This group
job was as legal counsel for Senators
fend doing nothing on civil rights
repeatedly blocked the late Senator
Owen Brewster and Homer Ferguson,
in 1956 and defend the use of troops
Robert A. Taft because it suspected
the fumble-and-stumble twins. Rog-
in Little Rock in 1957. He could be
his isolationist views. Nixon deter-
ers was a talent spotter with an eye
the cut-throat debater of 1954 and
mined to pay court to the financiers
for bright young men. He soon met
the sleepytime sandman of politics
and politicians who had successively
Nixon, introduced him to Dewey,
in 1956. The new Nixon, like the
nominated Willkie, Dewey, and
and laid the basis of later events.
old Nixon, is fundamentally a man
on the make. His commitment is to
ers were his campaign speeches using
worked tirelessly to weaken Warren's
nothing larger or more impersonal
the "softness on Communism" argu-
hold and spread support for Eisen-
than his own ambition. He is on fire
ment against Jerry Voorhis in 1946
hower. What is often overlooked in
with no ideal, dedicated to no great
and Mrs. Douglas in 1950. In both
accounting this little tale of inside
cause, champion of no enduring
those years, the Democrats lost every-
politics is that it was, in terms of Nix-
philosophy or consistent viewpoint.
where, and worst of all in California.
on's own interests, extremely dan-
Earl Warren, William Knowland,
gerous and wholly unnecessary. It
and many less well-known California
was needless because the Eisenhower
Republicans won easy victories with-
managers chose him as the Vice Presi-
out using the so-called Communist
dential candidate for reasons having
issue. Nixon would have defeated
There are numerous pieces of evi-
nothing to do with his power or lack
dence that might be cited other than
Mrs. Douglas if he had not done
of power to deliver the California
his disreputable campaign techniques
much more than praise California's
delegation. It was dangerous conduct
and debating tricks. There are his
oranges and sunny climate. Even as a
because it transformed Warren from
years as a go-between for and ac-
crass opportunistic device there was
an unsympathetic colleague into a
complice of the McCarthyites when
no need to smear her by dishonestly
sworn enemy. If Warren had wished,
they rode high in the early Fifties.
linking her with the late Representa-
he could have kept Nixon off the
tive Vito Marcantonio of New York,
But let us limit ourselves to a single
Eisenhower ticket in 1952 by inter-
item: Nixon's lack of eloquence and
who fairly consistently followed the
posing his veto when the party man-
literary skill. Nixon, commendably,
Communist Party line.
agers "cleared" Nixon's name with
drafts his own speeches in longhand.
In 1951-52, Nixon collected a fund
him. Nixon is lucky that Warren is
These speeches are never graced with
from his business backers to finance
a magnanimous loser.
a felicitous phrase, never illustrated
various political activities. This
Another incident that raises ques-
with an interesting quotation or apt
meant taking an enormous risk for a
tions about Nixon's political judg-
literary allusion, never charged with
nominal gain. When the fund became
ment occurred in the 1952 campaign
strong, passionate conviction. Noth-
widely known in the 1952 campaign,
when he made his famous speech mag-
ing lifts them above the common-
the uproar nearly knocked Nixon off
nifying Adlai Stevenson's remote, un-
place. They are invariably cagey,
the ticket. Was it worth risking the
important connection with the Alger
routine, and dull. One is reminded
loss of the Vice Presidency to gain
Hiss case. Eisenhower's 6,600,000-vote
of the late MacKenzie King, the
a few free trips to California and the
majority showed Nixon's gratuitous
platitudinous prime minister of
cost of a few thousand Christmas
assault on Stevenson's character was
Canada, who once remonstrated with
cards?
not necessary. The only purpose it
a speechwriter over some colorful
Nixon's enemies have often stig-
served was to blacken Nixon's reputa-
line: "I cannot say that. It would be
matized him for his duplicity within
tion with a great many independent
remembered."
the California delegation at the 1952
voters.
Here is a random sample of phrases
convention. Warren, then governor,
During the first two years of the
from Nixon speeches and interviews:
was making his last bid for the Presi-
Eisenhower Administration, Nixon
"All we need is a win complex
dency. Although nominally pledged
busied himself as "the bridge" be-
Lip-service Americans
Jefferson
to support the governor, Nixon
tween Joe McCarthy and the Ad-
and Jackson would turn over in their
ministration-a self-assigned mission.
graves
The same old Socialist
Nixon did not seem to realize any
baloney any way you slice it
You
more than did the politically inex-
hear some yakkity-yakking that cam-
perienced Eisenhower that McCarthy
paigns should be limited to ivory-
could not be appeased or tamed
tower, philosophical discussions of is-
or made a docile member of the
FOLKS
sues
A rocking, socking cam-
N
team. From first to last, he misread
paign
If that is the way the ball
ALL-AMERKN
McCarthy's character. The only re-
bounces."
sult of Nixon's two years of futile and
These are not the words and
devious maneuverings was to get him-
phrases of a man fit to stand in Lin-
self identified in the public mind
coln's place and bear witness to the
with various ignominious deals and
American dream. This tired, banal
surrenders such as the "chicken
language reflects the banal, shallow
lunch" between Army Secretary Stev-
mind that produces it.
ens and McCarthy which Nixon
arranged.
If Nixon's credentials as a moral
leader and an eloquent spokesman
In the 1954 campaign, Nixon
toured the mountain states where
are below the standard we have a
several Senate seats were at stake. He
right to expect Presidents to attain,
charged James Murray in Montana
his talents as a politician are rarely
and Joseph O'Mahoney in Wyoming
called in question. Yet here his na-
with being soft on Communism. Such
tive sagacity has been much overrated.
an attack was patently ridiculous
Two of the darkest marks on his
Herblock in the Washington Post
against men who are old-fashioned,
record in the view of independent vot-
"Let's See-What'll I Wear Today"
Roman Catholic politicians with long
public records. Not surprisingly,
epitomized them when he told Re-
Nixon's tactics failed and both Dem-
THE
publican candidates for the House
ocrats won. Nixon did even worse
PRESIDENT
to answer every criticism with an at-
with his speeches in the next off-year
tack: "If he asks you where you stand
campaign, in 1958, when he charged
on Dulles, ask him where he stands
a Democratic victory would mean
on Acheson."
socialism and regimentation. One
Nixon's practice of this negative
wag, after that campaign ended in
theory that a candidate should at-
Republican catastrophe, toted up the
tack rather than defend or advocate
number of miles Nixon had traveled
new programs has produced an im-
and the states he had visited and
portant incidental benefit for him. He
proved statistically that the more Nix-
has managed to retain the appearance
on traveled the worse his party did
of a middle-of-the-road Republican
and that the Republicans fared bet-
when, in fact, his voting record on
ter in the areas he did not visit than
major domestic issues in his six years
in those he did.
in Congress was indistinguishable
From time to time there have been
from that of such celebrated Tories
other incidents that make one doubt
as John Bricker and William Jenner.
Nixon's much-vaunted prowess. The
The Nashville Tennessean
most famous of these was in Febru-
Nixon voted for the Taft-Hartley
law, for the McCarran-Walter Immi-
ary, 1956, when he foolishly dragged
We Have to Face the Possibility
Earl Warren's nonpartisan office in-
gration Act, against public power,
to a political speech, calling him "a
up for the lack of any coherent phil-
and in favor of exempting railroads
great Republican Chief Justice." The
osophy or considered judgment.
from anti-trust legislation. He was
roof practically fell in on Nixon as
The truth about Nixon is that he
notably hostile to the Rural Elec-
Republican newspapers joined in de-
is a manufactured politician. He is
trification program. Although he vot-
ploring this lapse of taste.
not a natural political animal. Ob-
ed for rural telephones in 1949, he
servers always comment upon the
voted to cut REA funds in 1947 and
coldness, the reserve, the controlled
again in 1948, voted against funds for
air. "I do have this aversion to going
power development and transmission
up to a stranger, or someone I don't
lines in the Missouri Valley and at
It was clever and it was dirty for
know well, and asking for political
Bonneville in 1947, for limiting the
Nixon to link Voorhis and Mrs.
support or a contribution," Nixon
growth of the Southwest Power Ad-
Douglas with the Communists, to dis-
told one interviewer.
ministration in 1951, and against
tort Stevenson's connection with Hiss,
Nixon learned politics under the
TVA expansion.
to knife Warren at the convention, to
tutelage of Murray Chotiner, a Los
play both ends against the middle on
Angeles lawyer and professional cam-
the McCarthy issue, and to claim par-
paign manager. Chotiner outlined his
Nixon More Reactionary Than
tisan credit for the unanimous school
techniques in September, 1955, to a
Senator Taft On Housing
desegregation decision of the Supreme
private workshop for GOP state
Court by attributing it to a Repub-
chairmen. The transcript of this
On housing, his record is extreme-
lican Chief Justice. But leaving aside
speech quotes Chotiner as saying:
ly conservative. He cast one vote for
the cleverness which his friends ad-
"Like it or not, the American people
renewal of rent control in 1951 dur-
mire and his enemies distrust, and
in many instances vote against a can-
ing the Korean War and that one
leaving aside the dirtiness of these
didate, against a party, or against an
vote is repeatedly cited to show his
tactics which his friends rationalize
issue rather than for
"independence" from the real estate
and his enemies dwell upon, what
Chotiner advised his audience to
lobby. But in the years before and
about their practical political wis-
remember that "an attack is always a
after 1951, he opposed rent control,
dom? Did they serve any useful pur-
smear when it is directed against our
voting for weakening amendments in
pose for Nixon? The answer is that
own candidates."
1949 and against extension of it in
they did not. He could have attained
He urged candidates to introduce
1950 and 1952. These other votes
any of his immediate aims without us-
the principal subject they wished to
are usually glossed over or not men-
ing these methods and he would be
discuss by first informing their audi-
tioned by those depicting him as a
surer of his own ultimate goal, the
ences they had been warned not to
liberal or middle-of-the-roader. He
Presidency, if he had never used
talk about it.
voted against the Taft-Ellender-Wag-
them. He demonstrated only that he
"You will be amazed at the popu-
ner housing bill in 1948 and again in
is one of those individuals who is too
lar response to such a method. In case
1949, when it passed. As a Senator,
clever by half to be wise. He demon-
after case [in his 1950 campaign]
he was for cutting public housing
strated also that he does not have a
Dick Nixon told audiences, 'I have
units from 50,000 annually down to
moral governor controlling his politi-
been advised not to talk about Com-
5,000 in 1951 and against any public
cal tactics and no large conception of
munism, but I am going to tell the
housing authorization at all in 1952.
his own interests. He is a mediocre
people of California the truth,"
Nixon is usually depioted as a newer,
politician playing it by ear and rely-
Chotiner declared.
more progressive Republican, but on
ing upon lack of scruple, quickness
Nixon has followed Chotiner's pre-
all housing issues he was much more
of mind, and ruthlessness to make
cepts throughout his career. He
reactionary than was Senator Taft.
This explains why he is sometimes
against federal aid to education came
Richard H. Rovere, writing in
called a "young fogey."
less than a week after Nixon told a
Harper's:
On social welfare legislation such
Republican dinner in Chicago that
"What stands out in any considera-
as social security, minimum wages,
"inadequate classrooms, underpaid
tion of the whole record is the flex-
and the school lunch program, Nixon
teachers, and flabby standards are
ibility that suggests an almost total
occasionally voted for such measures
weaknesses we must constantly strive
indifference to policy. Nixon appears
on final passage because the battle
to eliminate."
to be a politician with an advertising
is usually over when the final roll
Nixon's tendency to swing back
man's approach to his work. Policies
call comes. But on the votes on the
and forth on major issues shows up
are products to be sold the public-
crucial amendments, he repeatedly
vividly in the field of foreign affairs.
this one today, that one tomorrow,
sided with the enemies of these wel-
As a Senator, for example, he en-
depending on the discounts and the
fare programs. In 1947, as a freshman
dorsed the old Bricker Amendment
state of the market. He moves from
in the 80th Congress, he supported
which would have undermined the
intervention to anti-intervention with
the House Republican leadership in
President's constitutional authority
the same ease and lack of anguish
favoring a cut in the school lunch
on foreign policy, but as Vice-Presi-
with which a copywriter might trans-
program of $30,000,000. The next
dent he supported the Administration
fer his loyalties from Camels to
year he voted against adding 750,000
when President Eisenhower opposed
Chesterfields."
workers to the social security pro-
the amendment.
gram. In 1949, he voted for a particu-
He supported the Marshall Plan,
Nixon Is Concerned With
larly unfair amendment that success-
but ducked a vote on Point Four ap-
fully deprived 1,000,000 low-paid
propriations. He seemed to favor the
Techniques More Than Issues
workers the protection of a 75-cent
liberalized tariff program of recipro-
minimum wage. As a Congressman,
cal trade, but voted for crippling
Nixon's voting record as a legisla-
Nixon at Congressional hearings and
amendments. He seemed to be on
tor ended, of course, when he became
at Labor Department hearings in
both sides of American policy regard-
Vice President, but he has had seven
California participated actively on
ing Korea and Indo-China.
opportunities to break ties during his
behalf of the big corporate farms that
Thus, on August 31, 1953, speaking
incumbency as presiding officer of
employ migratory Mexican laborers
before the American Legion Conven-
the Senate. The issues at stake in-
at low wages and sometimes under
tion in St. Louis, Nixon said that in
volved major conflicts between the
frightful conditions.
his decision to halt Communist ag-
liberal and conservative blocs and
gression in Korea, former President
dealt with significant controversies
Truman was right and "deserves the
on federal aid to education, agricul-
credit for it. Let's recognize right now
ture, veterans and organized labor.
that the decision to go into Korea
"In each case," the New York Times
Nixon voted several times during
was right because the Communists
reported recently, Nixon "has reflect-
his four years in the House and his
had to be stopped." But a year later,
ed the Eisenhower Administration's
two years in the Senate in favor of
in his 1954 election eve speech, he
policy against more liberal proposals
the tidelands oil giveaway, for aboli-
charged that the Truman Administra-
sponsored by the Democrats."
tion of federal regulation of natural
tion's "wrong policy" had "resulted in
Since he never talks about his own
gas prices, and against reduction of
a war, a war in Korea that cost us
voting record, Nixon can easily offer
the 27.5 per cent oil depletion
140,000 American boys as casualties."
a verbal commitment to Eisenhower
allowance.
Similarly, on April 16, 1954 speak-
Republicanism or any other kind of
On civil rights for Negroes and
ing to the American Society of News-
Republicanism that may be fashion-
other minorities, Nixon has a mixed
paper Editors in Washington, Nixon
able. He can link hands with liberal
record. He voted for an anti-poll tax
said: "If, to avoid further Commu-
Senator Jacob Javits of New York and
bill in 1949. In 1952, he joined with
nist expansion in Asia and Indo-
reactionary Senator Everett Dirksen
Taft in signing a minority report op-
China, we must take the risk now by
of Illinois. He could campaign for
posing a Fair Employment Practices
putting our boys in, I think the
the disreputable Senator Joseph Mc-
Act with enforcement powers. But as
executive branch has to take the
Carthy in Wisconsin and for respect-
Vice-President, he has used his au-
politically unpopular decision and do
ed Senator Clifford Case in New
thority as presiding officer of the Sen-
it, and I personally support such a
Jersey.
ate to assist in bringing liberal civil
position." A fortnight later, Nixon
Beyond the negativism and evasive-
rights bills to a vote.
was quoted by the New York Herald
ness, however, Nixon's hallmark as a
On some matters, Nixon's position
Tribune as saying that the Admin-
politician is his preoccupation with
has shifted with the pressures. He was
istration must avoid sending Ameri-
the techniques and artifices of his
vaguely for federal aid for school
can troops to fight in Indo-China or
craft. Having learned much from
construction when the Eisenhower
anywhere else "if we can." In later
Chotiner, he has still the fascinated
Administration was sponsoring such
speeches, he praised the Administra-
interest of a sorcerer's apprentice.
a bill but subsequently he went on
tion for avoiding hostilities in Indo-
On September 14, 1955, the same
record against federal aid to educa-
China although he had told the news-
month in which Chotiner was ad-
tion when the President's interest in
paper editors that he personally sup-
dressing the GOP campaign school,
the matter waned. It was Nixon's vote
ported intervention with American
Nixon spoke to a meeting of the
that broke the tie and killed a major
boys.
Radio and Television Executives So-
school aid bill early in the present
Perhaps the crispest analysis of this
ciety in New York. The report in
session of Congress. And that vote
curious political behavior came from
Variety was headed-"MEMO TO
VEEPEE NIXON: WANT AN AGENCY
down an opponent and not in rally-
Record Shows Nixon Achieved
JOB?''
ing support for positive programs.
Nixon had been such a success in
He is such a partisan, such a divisive
Nothing On Inflation Problem
his talk that one advertising agency
figure that he would find it diffi-
representative had jocularly offered
cult to organize national unity and
Having verbally attacked inflation,
him a vice-presidency.
enlist the cooperation of the Demo-
Nixon began his list of remedies by
Variety's account said: "Nixon
crats. He has political skills, but they
telling what he would not recom-
showed the over 300 attending experts
are not those of a national leader in
mend. He would not urge wage and
that he's as hep to the realities of
times of recurring crises.
price controls. But, Galbraith point-
good drama and to the theories
Nixon's record as an executive is a
ed out, "if wages and prices are un-
of successful time-buying as any of
blank page. This tends to be true of
touchable, then nothing directly can
them. He gave about 30 minutes
any national politician who made his
be done about the wage-price spiral
worth of advice on 'what a candidate
which both the President and Mr.
principal reputation in Congress. The
difference is that Nixon has assiduous-
Nixon hold to be a cause of infla-
should do to use this medium [tele-
tion. And unless some substitute ac-
vision] effectively.'
ly attempted to create the impression
"The disparity was taken to be
that he has acquired some useful
tion can be effective, then inflation
won't be controlled.
slight between the way the No. 1
executive experience during the eight
veep would have the advertising pro-
years of the Eisenhower Administra-
Moreover, if prices reflect the
fession handle political candidates on
tion. His apologists lay heavy stress
power of the unions and the com-
video and the way advertising men al-
on the fact that he has attended Cabi-
pensating action of the corporations,
ready conduct campaigns for admit-
net and National Security Council
then government intervention does
tedly more commercial products
meetings, but Vice-Presidents have
not have the damaging consequences
He advised use of saturation selling
been attending Cabinet meetings for
that Mr. Nixon and his colleagues
of candidates through one- and five-
forty years. Such attendance keeps a
condemn. For then such intervention
minute 'spots' as he called them be-
Vice-President informed, but by it-
doesn't interfere with the reading of
cause, he said, a 'great number of vot-
self it provides no executive experi-
priorities and scarcities-the unions
ers vote only names, not platforms."
ence. Nixon attempted to get an exec-
and the corporations have already
Between insulting the informed
utive post in 1957 when he sought
spoiled that. What intervention does
voters by rebutting every argument
the chairmanship of the Operations
is substitute public regulation for
with a diversionary attack and mani-
Coordinating Board, an obscure but
what Mr. Nixon and his associates
pulating the uninformed voters by
fairly influential group which works
have condemned as bad private con-
playing upon their emotions and their
at the secondary level of the Admin-
trol by unions and companies."
ignorance, Nixon betrays a notably
istration pulling together defense, for-
As remedies, Nixon proposed a
cynical attitude toward the democrat-
eign affairs, and propaganda. Eisen-
Congressional resolution making "rea-
ic process. But the point here is not
hower turned him down. The evi-
sonable price stability" a specific goal
the ethics of Nixon's political style,
dence from the Cabinet meetings
of federal policy, a curtailment of
but what it reveals of his curiously
reported by Robert Donovan in his
government spending, and permission
detached and manipulative attitude
book, Eisenhower: The Inside Story,
to the Treasury to raise the rate of
toward political work. No politician
clearly indicates, moreover, that
interest on long-term government
caught up in the great issues and
Eisenhower consults Nixon and re-
bonds.
political projects of his time, whether
spects his opinion on strictly political
Galbraith and other economists
he was conservative or liberal, would
matters but ignores him on questions
quickly pointed out that price sta-
waste his time giving such a speech
of broad governmental policy, and
bility "has been a goal of federal
or even thinking of such matters. It is
has at times cut him short.
policy for generations. It has been
hard to imagine a natural politician,
The two committees that Nixon
proclaimed repeatedly and with pas-
a Harry Truman or a Robert Taft,
has chaired are both paper outfits.
sion. The new resolution
would
bothering himself with this kind of
He is chairman of the Cabinet Com-
give the Administration no power it
thing. This is the stuff of dilettantes
mittee on Price Stability for Econom-
does not now possess."
and technicians, not of statesmen.
ic Growth. The infrequent reports of
The suggestion for curtailed gov-
The political tasks of a President
this impressive-sounding committee
ernment expenditure, the Harvard
are to keep control of his party's ma-
are the occasion of much merriment
economist observed, "runs into the
chinery in order to use it in behalf of
among professional economists. The
familiar problem that some of the
his legislative program, rally public
reports are thick with solemn affirm-
things for which higher expenditures
opinion behind his objectives, cre-
ations of the obvious, such as: "Prices
have been sought-schools, housing,
ate unity on the great issues of war
of industrial commodities have been
defense, law enforcement, conserva-
and peace that transcend party poli-
rising in wholesale markets and this
tion-are rather urgent. To this Mr.
tics, and cooperate, if need be, with
is usually followed by rises at retail."
Nixon is indifferent. He describes
the opposition party. Nixon could be
Professor J. K. Galbraith of Har-
the pressures for increased spending
counted upon to keep control of his
vard, writing in the February Har-
as 'irresponsible.'
party's machinery. But for what pur-
per's, analyzed the first three reports
More important still, while a
pose? Nothing in his political career
of this committee. He noted that Nix-
budget deficit when the economy is
indicates he has any national goals
on ascribed inflation to two causes:
operating at capacity can certainly be
toward which he is working. His con-
(1) the pressure for more public
a cause of inflation, to balance the
sciously acquired techniques and his
spending and (2) the implacable up-
budget does not cure the inflation.
experience have all been in beating
ward pressure of wages on prices."
That is because balancing the budget
will not arrest the wage-price spiral.
political delinquents are made into
actually, his speaking out might be
Mr. Nixon, though he blames the
statesmen by the magic of their
disastrous to the whole world."
spiral, makes no claim that budget-
surroundings.
Ironically, Nixon in this passage
balancing would stop it."
There are grounds for deep con-
summed up several of the reasons
Nixon's third recommendation, for
cern. A politician so reactionary as
why the country cannot risk putting
an increase in interest rates, "repre-
Nixon on domestic economic issues
him in the White House. He is intel-
sents a continuation of the [high in-
cannot convincingly portray himself
ligent enough. He is industrious
terest rate] policy he was asked to
abroad as the liberal champion of the
enough. What is in grave doubt is
improve."
oppressed and underprivileged. The
his judgment, his inner calmness, his
Galbraith concluded: "The judg-
ease with which demonstrations were
self-confidence. He has always been
ment to be rendered seems to me
whipped up against him in his disas-
preoccupied with the "appearance of
clear. Mr. Nixon has done nothing.
trous tour of Latin America proves
leadership" rather than leadership it-
Nor in seeking to persuade us that
how hard it is to wear one face at
self. He has repeatedly said foolish
he has done something does he show a
home and another abroad.
and demagogic words that are bad
high regard for intelligence."
Nixon has a weakness for heroics
enough coming from a Senator or a
Nixon is also chairman of the
and theatrical gestures. He is also
Vice President but would be disas-
President's commission on non-dis-
a man of violent passions beneath
trous coming from a President. He is
crimination in government contracts.
that tightly controlled exterior. It
frequently going off rashly and half-
This group provides Nixon with a
was purely a play to the galleries, for
cocked, whether to libel a political
useful sounding board for speeches
example, for Nixon to visit Caracas
opponent, put American troops into
about what he has done for the Negro.
and plunge into the howling mob af-
a ground war in Indo-China, drag
The commission, in fact, has accom-
ter his previous narrow escape in
the Chief Justice into partisan poli-
plished very little. Cases move
Lima and the repeated warnings of
tics, plunge himself into a mob in
through its toils at a leisurely pace,
danger. Nixon is also enamored of the
Caracas, or charge some innocent
often taking three or four years and
idea that words are a substitute for
State Department employe with "un-
not getting anywhere.
policy. His stated opinions on for-
dercutting" the Administration. No
The business about being "the
eign affairs follow no clear pattern,
one could feel safe if the hydrogen
best-trained Vice-President in his-
now bristling with threats of massive
bomb were in such imprudent hands.
tory" is a myth. The speech-making,
retaliation, then later enthusiastical-
The Presidency is a place for great-
traveling, hand-shaking, and paper-
ly endorsing friendly talks with the
ness. Richard Nixon's soiled record
shuffling Nixon has done for more
Russians. In 1953, Nixon boasted that
as a campaigner, his reactionary views
than seven years provide no clues as
the Administration had extricated the
as a domestic legislator, and his
to what kind of chief executive he
country from the land war in Korea
evasive, opportunist, and self-contra-
would be.
but the following year he came out in
dictory record in foreign affairs dis-
favor of involving our forces in an-
qualify him. Ambition alone is not
Opinions on Foreign Affairs
other land war on the continent of
enough.
Follow No Clear Pattern
Asia if it was necessary to save Indo-
China.
The most crucial area of a modern
Preoccupation with appearances is
President's responsibilities is that of
a weakness Nixon has sometimes in-
foreign affairs. The country could
dulged to fantastic extremes. The
The Truth
stand any number of mistakes and re-
most extraordinary of these episodes
gressive policies in the management
occurred in August, 1955 when Presi-
of its domestic affairs. What it might
dent Eisenhower returned from the
not survive would be a President with
Geneva summit conferences. His
About Nixon
bad judgment and erratic instincts
plane landed in Washington during a
in foreign policy. To elect a man to
driving rainstorm. Nixon and all top
by WILLIAM V. SHANNON
the Presidency is to cast a vote of
officials were on hand to greet him.
confidence in his character. It is here
Most had umbrellas but at Nixon's
Because of a flood of requests
that Richard Nixon poses the great-
request they did not open them. He
from subscribers, we have gone
est difficulty. There is little in his
to press with a reprint of Shan-
feared the unfortunate symbolism of
demeanor and his public record to in-
non's article on Richard Nixon.
the umbrella which had been Neville
spire confidence and much to pro-
Chamberlain's trademark when he
single copy
25 cents
voke anxiety.
met another dictator seventeen years
five copies
$1
It is awkward to question a man's
earlier at Munich.
twenty copies
$3
character because we will never know
for certain what kind of a President
In describing the kind of President
fifty copies
$5
Nixon would make unless he be-
America needs, Nixon in January
reduced prices on
comes President. There are those who
1960 said: "The American people and
larger quantities
are cheerily optimistic that he would
the free world need in the Presidency
Reprint Department
grow in the job. They belong to what
a man who has judgment, a man who
I call the "reform school theory" of
in a crisis will be cool, a man who
The Progressive
the Presidency. The White House
won't go off half-cocked and give
Madison, Wisconsin
is hardly a training school where
an appearance of leadership when,