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The Los Angeles Negro Community. Prepared by The Charles Williams Company. [Report], n.d.
Negro File. 4 pages [Memo], n.d.
Nixon Minority Campaign Program Proposal for Southern California Area. [Memo], n.d.
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The Los Angeles Negro Community. Prepared by The Charles Williams Company. [Report], n.d.
Negro File. 4 pages [Memo], n.d.
Nixon Minority Campaign Program Proposal for Southern California Area. [Memo], n.d.
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
White House Special Files Collection
Folder List
Box Number Folder Number Document Date Document Type
Document Description
57
7
n.d.
Report
The Los Angeles Negro Community.
Prepared by The Charles Williams Company.
57
7
n.d.
Memo
Negro File.4 pages
57
7
n.d.
Memo
Nixon Minority Campaign Program Proposal
for Southern California Area.
Friday, July 20, 2007
Page 1 of 1
THE
LOS ANGELES
NEGRO
COMMUNITY
Prepared by--The Charles Williams Company
851 S. Central Avenue
Los Angeles 21, California
LOS ANGELES NEGRO COMMUNITY
Page
I. ITS PEOPLE
1.
a. Its Prefessionals
---
1.
b. Its Small Businesses
---
4
c. Its Civic Leadership
---
5
d. Its Religious Leadership
---
7
II. ITS POLITICAL CHARACTERISTICS
---
9
a. How it Vetes
---
9
b. Shertcemings in Pelitical Approaches
---
11
C. Iselation of the Community from Basic
---
14
Planning
d. The Error of Imposed Leadership
---
16
III. RECOMMENDED APPROACHES
---
17
a. The Closed Conversation Pieces
---
17
b. The Larger Exposure
---
18
C. Appearances in Select Churches
---
20
d. Appearances Before Select Civic and
---
Secial Groups
21
IV. THE USE OF COMMUNITY MEDIA
---
22
a. A Seunding of Probable Policy
---
22
b. Substitution of Direct Effort
---
23
The Charles Williams Company
PUBLIC RELATIONS
851 SOUTH CENTRAL AVENUE
LOS ANGELES 21, CALIFRONIA
MADISON 2-3815
LOS ANGELES NEGRO COMMUNITY
I. ITS PEOPLE
a. Its Prefessionals
As may well be the case with any frontier town
awakening to find it has outgrown its twe-block
"Main Street", se it is with most Western Negro
communities, they suddenly realize there is a
need for direction.
Like any other ethnic group striving to stand erect
in the face of weed-like growth, the professionals
merge as the carriers of the town's burdens. The
attorneys, medical doctors and dentists are set
upon for nearly every sort of advice and are
expected to council and fill the leadership need.
The Los Angeles Negro community is no exception,
in that its prefessionals, in each category, are
sought after by every type of club and organization
to lend prestige to a particular program. Conse-
quently, many professional names that appear en
letterheads mean only window dressing.
With the expanding pepulation within the Les
Angeles Negro community, this group has been
forced to spend less and less time in "Town Hall"
and thereby curtailing, to some extent, the role of
leadership assumed earlier.
2
With the appearance of the "New" professional
Negro who can be found in modern offices from
Watts to Beverly Hills, from Central Avenue to
Malibu, using the latest in equipment and busi-
ness techniques, the appreach to each community
problem has changed along with the Negro's stature
in the scheme of things.
Several outstanding prefessional clubs offer regular
social and charity programs to the local community
each year. Almost to a man, all of this group belong
to one of the prevalently pepular erganizations. The
Langston Law Club is to date the only club dedicated
to Negro attorneys in the Les Angeles Area; the
wives net wanting to be left on the sideline, have
organized the "Wives of the Bench and Bar Club".
In order that they may also have a place and a part
in the expanding lecal secial life, the Medical,
Dental and Pharmaceutical Club appeared and functions,
as does the Auxiliary of the medical group.
For the most part, the Los Angeles Negro professionals
belong to what might be called the upper middle class
owning homes ranging from 40,000 to 85,000 dellars,
two to three cars, and some cabin cruisers.
Yearly trips to Mexico City, Hawaii and Europe are
becoming ordinary. The newest trend is an interest
in the free African countries and visits thereto, the
entertaining of visiting African diplemats. Since
the "Freedom Riders", new energy is being disbursed
in the interest of representative government in city
and state, and to support those public efficials
sympathetic to civil rights, and religious ferver
in projecting a firm attitude of support to proven
3
political friends who fight obvious injustices.
This, then, is the pace and pattern of the "New"
professional Negro and his relationship to the
community.
4
b. Its Small Businesses
Small Negro businesses have organized a Chamber
of Commerce in the Watts Area, the Eastside Chamber
of Commerce, serving the Central Avenue Area and
the Western Avenue Chamber of Commerce. The watts
Area Chamber of Commerce has met with the most
success. Several other small businessmen's organi-
zatiens have been attempted--enly to disappear.
The California Businessmen's Association, composed
in the main by local retail liquer dealers and
tavern owners, is at present spensoring a boycott
of the Lucky Lager Brewing Company for its dis-
criminatory hiring policies. The beycott has gained
the support of the community and local stores and
bars have refused to sell or display the product.
The majority of local small businesses consist of
real estate offices, beauty parlers, barber shops,
cafes, liquer stores, cecktail lounges, dress shops,
phetography studies, miscellaneous recerd shops,
and a limited number of grocery stores. Trade
organizations include Prefessional Photographers
of Los Angeles, about fifty members; the Creative
Hair Designers and the Western Hair Designers,
several hundred members, each; a barbers organi-
zation of approximately three hundred members found
it too difficult to schedule meetings suitable to
the majority of members because of the time factor,
and disbanded.
Real Estate Brokers and salesmen have the Consolidated
Realty Beard and the Southwestern Realty Board, each
beasting several hundred members. These trade groups
offer opportunity for a concerted effort, if approaches
are convincing with regard to community interest.
5
c. Its Civic Leadership
Organizations dedicated to the protection of and
progression of the Negro civic structure are the
lecal NAACP and the Urban League, the latter a
"Red Feather" unit following a policy of unebtru-
sive yet diligent effort to upgrade the Negro
citizen with the conference table as its media.
With an absence of Negro people in local city
government where policy is determined, civic
leadership, as such, suffers greatly and has given
birth to several upheavals including the present
10th District Council Recall Movement.
The contention in the whole of the Negro community
is that several qualified Negroes were available
for the vacated post and were not chosen, purely
for racial reasons. Petitions are now being circu-
lated to bring about the recall of Councilman
Hellingsworth and thereby causing the selection of
a new councilman to ge before the voters of the
10th District.
Civic leadership, therefore, is determined by the
issues at hand and may emerge with a laborer,
businessman, prefessional, minister, or a combina-
tion of all, at the helm.
The NAACP has joined in the recall, all ministers
are assisting in the fund drives and bumper-strips
for automobiles are being sold to further the cause
and defray costs. It is expected that Dr. Martin
Luther King will be called in to spark a fund drive.
6
In every political campaign, the one thousand
and one leaders are apt to be divided into as many
ways for as many issues.
7
d. Its Religious Leadership
Over three hundred Negro churches in the Les
Angeles Area open their doors every Sunday morning
to over 450,000 Negro citizens. Thus, political or
other communications reach a captive audience each
and every week by the minister, paster, preacher,
deacon, bishep or brother.
Needless to say, the repetition of a given message
by these leaders tends to mold a concept difficult
to change or modify.
Except for the fact that each of these heads of
churches regards himself "the" leader, communica-
tion via the church would spell success in any
civic or pelitical program.
Ministerial organizations such as The Interdenomina-
tional Ministerial Alliance, the Baptist Ministers
Union, the AME Ministerial Alliance, CME Ministers
Alliance, Christian Ministers Alliance, the Indepen-
dent & Community Church Alliance, the Western Baptist
State Convention of California. The Ministers'
Wives Groups: Baptist Ministers' Wives Council of
Los Angeles and vicinity, Interdeneminational
Ministers' Wives Council of Les Angeles and vicinity,
AME Ministers' Wives Alliance, and others, attempt to
establish a policy of unity within their own particu-
lar group. There have been cases, however, that have
been approved by the alliance but failed to reach the
ears of the individual congregations due to a con-
flict of opinion or interests.
8
Questions of civil rights, etc., find no conflict
of interests within the ranks of these leaders.
It can safely be said that the majority of the
ministers are, at present, either Demecrats or
have been conditioned to the Democratic Party
through widely publicized appointments of Negrees
in high places of the state and government.
9
II
ITS POLITICAL CHARACTERISTICS
a
How it Votes
Summing up the political characteristics of the
lecal Negro community, many factors come to light
that give rise to the Democrat's successes.
First we must, of course, realize that the past
performance of either party is most assuredly a
matter of record. Just as sure, but without
benefit of formal record, is the performance of
Negro mass movement to the Democrats.
It can truly be said that the Democrats did no
more for the Negro in appointments and job
opportunity, but got credit for doing more.
While Governor Brown has probably made a few more
appointments than did his predecessors, the
economic benefits to these appointees does not
measure up. He has taken advantage of every
opportunity to publicize those he has made and
has added enough yeast to attract the undecided.
If one sheuld spet-check the Negro community of
California today for individual views and concepts,
one would almost surely find that an inner-emotional
resentment for the Republican Party exists. These
who were dead-set against the Democrats in the
last election have begun to sing their praises.
Two of the three Negro newspapers in the Les Angeles
Area were solidly behind the Kennedy Administration.
The third held back their endorsement, waiting for
the local Republican machimery to come forth with
an advertising program.
10
When the deadline approached and no program
was submitted, the Democrats made an offer that
was difficult to refuse. The Republicans had
"fumbled the ball again", just as they had with
the Martin Luther King incident.
The Negro in Les Angeles is interested in factual
civil rights sponsership, equal job opportunity,
education, and housing. Hence, in summary, one
would be compelled to say the Negro in Los Angeles
can be expected to vote for the candidate who
uncompromisingly substantiates the policies he
believes in, regardless of party.
11
b. Shertcemings in Pelitical Approaches
One of the greatest mistakes is starting "too late".
During the last phases of the Nixon-Kennedy Campaign
of 1960, the Charles Williams Company was retained by
an associate public relations firm, the Joseph V.
Baker Corperation, to tour the Central California
area as well as the Les Angeles area with special
Republican literature geared to the Negro community.
The Negro community in Fresne, California showed no
sign that a campaign was even being thought of. It
was the opinion of the community that the Negro had
been written off by the Republican Party. There
were no headquarters, banners, posters on Richard
Nixon, or any other evidence of Republican activity.
Bakersfield Negro community was semewhat better; still
the cry was, "T.. little, too late!"
Until the "Baker" literature was circulated, the
Negro citizen had little knowledge of the vast number
of appointments by the Eisenhower Administration of
fellow-members of the Negro community.
Before the story could be told, Mr. Kennedy had
already ordered the setting free of Martin Luther
King, appointed a Negro as his direct aide, who was
photographed with him at every conference. Other
evidences by Kennedy toward the Negro desires
forced even Republicans to admit that the young
Kennedy might de alright as President.
12
It is unnecessary to post-mortem Mr. Knewland and
his campaign. The ramifications involved in pushing
aside Governor Knight are well entrenched in the minds
of Republicans and Democrats alike. The records show
that careless antics might spell suicide for all the
Republicans in the forthceming election.
Negroes, like all other Americans, hold a
tenderspot for the underdeg--yet, he must net be a
weakling. Knight showed weakness whild Brown shows
an interest in the Negro with visual strength to
carry out his plans in that direction. Naturally,
Brown get the Negro vote.
In stressing the importance of proper communication
to and for the Negro in politics, we offer for illus-
tration the Martin Luther King incident aforemen-
tiened. The situation gained the attention of every
Negro in the country. While the Republican Party
was probably undecided or wading through the red tape
of the State Department, the Kennedy machine made a
telephone call and effected Reverend King's release,
and---made sure that they get credit for it in every
Negro publication in the nation. At that point, the
Republican stock dropped to a new low within the
Negro Communities of the country and took Mr Nixon
along with it.
Incidents of this nature occur many times on the
local horizen. While the script is usually re-written,
and the actors change their garb and play new roles,
the plot remains the same as far as the Negro is con-
cerned.
13
One of the greatest mistakes the Republican
Party makes in their approach to the Negro of
today is the constant reference to the "freedom
of the slaves by Abe Lincoln".
The reference is the one thing the "New" Negro
wants to forget. The Republicans have sung the
slave seng tee long and the Negro of 1961 finds he
is still net free.
New approaches must be brought to the fore. Window
dressing is easily recognized for what it is. Old
line Republicans tend to "elbow" young ideas in an
effort to hang onte yesterday's diminishing power.
The time has passed when the party could go to a
well-known preacher or the community's most out-
standing businessman and for a hundred dellars enlist
his aid in getting the community to follow his vote.
The support of the wrong person, businessman or
leader, even minister, might not get the support
of his own following or congregation and could
easily cause the less of many other businessmen er
ministers and their congregations.
14
C. Iselation of the Community from Basic Planning
The Wall Street Journal, Fortune Magazine and
many analysts on business trends, agree that the
Negro community is an important one--but a very
COMPLEX one. There are as many degrees of varia-
tion within the neglected annals of the Negro
community as there are variations in skin-tones
of the "Negro", which, of course, range from white
to black. It is imperative that the appreaches to
this multiple voting giant be approached by the
same deciding method as the general over-all program
is approached.
Recognize and retain a reputable Negro Public
Relations firm to handle the campaign in the Negro
community at least, if not the general campaign.
There is no deubt the knowledge and experience
possessed by these people will be superior to that
of the layman it has been the practice to contact.
Another illustration and case in point: The Charles
Williams Public Relations Firm was retained through
one of two general firms in charge of the recent
Mayor Peulsen campaign, two months prior to the
primary election. General planning had already
been established and some programs set in motion.
Centact had also been made with a few select leaders
in the Negro community who would de no work but only
lend their names to the rester.
Aside from hampering the operation of the community
public relations program because of revamping of
the proposed program that had to be done, intra-
community personality clashes at the executive level
15
added to the problems to be surmounted. To make
a long story short, we were successful in showing
the community what had been done by the incumbent
and regained some lest ground.
We were not retained for the general election, how-
ever, since some of the leaders felt they could
carry the ball through the general election. That
mistake contributed to the less of the election by
a mere 7,000 votes.
In retrospect, basic planning should have included
the Negro public relations firm, and the entire
community program should have been his responsibility.
Tee, to have continued the most important part of the
campaign without professional Negro guidance was
sheer folly. The Negro community witnessed no con-
centrated activity after the primary election and
assumed another write-eff.
16
d. The Error of Imposed Leadership
In a community as clesely-knit as the Negro area,
everyone knows the movements of those in the public
eye. The laborer rubs elbows with Mr. "X", who is
the chairman of the Board of ABC Company at mest
community social affairs. The garbage collector's
wife is a close friend of Mr. T's wife, and Mr. T is
one of the "biggest" men in XYZ Corporation.
The opportunity fer complete class distinction within
the Negro social life is almost out of the question,
as one can readily understand. "The man in the
street" in a Negro community can truthfully say that
he knows a Mr. Paul Williams. His opinion of Mr.
Williams will not be based on the fact that Mr.
Williams is a very successful business man, or that
Mr. Williams was appointed to an effice back in 1932.
Or even that Mr. Williams is Chairman of the Les
Angeles Art Department. None of these accomplish-
ments, though outstanding, will erase the fact that
Mr. Williams has Caucasian employees in his office
on Wilshire Boulevard, in his home he has foreign-
born demestic help, and that Mr. Williams does not
have time for too many Negro community activities.
Though proud of Mr. Williams as a Negro "success"
story, he isn't apt to fellow a pregram simply
because a Mr. Paul Williams endorses it. More often
than net, he will go the opposite direction.
Community factions and their tie-ins should be left
in the hands of the prefessional who comes in con-
tact with many different personalities and under-
stands the proper use of such contact.
17
III
RECOMMENDED APPROACHES
a. The Closed Conversation Pieces
Closed conversation meetings with small groups
of 6 to 8 key persons should be arranged for
Mr. Nixon within the Negro community.
These groups weuld get to know Mr. Nixon first
hand and as Joe Baker so aptly phrases it, "They
will understand that Mr. Nixon is a man who eats
with a knife and fork". Phetographs could be
taken for use later but no publicity connected
directly with the talks.
These meetings would afford a community "word-ef-
mouth" conversation piece that would circulate
wider than newspaper publicity and twice as
believable.
Special appropriate printed literature geared to
the Negre Community could be handed eut at these
meetings by Mr. Nixon.
The Negro community has seen little of Mr. Nixon
and much of the anti-Negro bias charged to
Mr. Nixon could be expunged.
The Charles Williams firm could arrange such
meetings to include every segment of the community.
18
b. The Larger Exposure
Mr. Nixon's future plans, as regards the Negro,
could be clearly outlined at planned larger meetings
within the community, open to the public.
Many, naturally would come to view Mr. Nixen in
action for the first time. Others would come
merely to criticize the party as such, and still
others would come because they were truly undecided
which way to vote. In either case, Mr. Nixon would
create an element of excitement, impart knowledge
of the future acceptable to Negroes and for the
first time, a catalytic quality will be injected
into the local community's GOP camp.
Essentially, the measurement of Negro attitudes
can be pregnesticated as regards group endorsements.
The Republican appreach is far afield of ordinary
campaigning in the Negro areas. Its programs have
neglected the Negro community for many years. Cen-
sequently, the cure cannet be effected, one or two
"Adrenalin" injections being belatedly prescribed.
It's going to take some "doing" and a let of
"selling" to bring about a noticeable revision in
party affiliation, and for Mr. Nixon, throughout
the State.
We believe the Republican Party in Califernia may
be in the unique position of having no place to ge
but up. There is every indication that the Negro
segment program must be a concentrated push, in
consert with and even apart from the General effort.
19
Pregramming for Negro Exposure should be underway
now, nay!=yesterday.
Larger Negro exposure is necessary and a must, and
mamy times a must.
20
C. Appearances in Select Churches
It has been the practice of the Republican Party
to refrain from any act of favoritism or condescen-
sion as regards the Negro community until election,
at which time the weeing and back-slapping starts.
It is our intention to show the community through
church audience meetings that the issues Negroes
are interested in demand valuation. Not only will
they be told that Mr. Nixon wants their vote, but
that he deserves it.
Appearances in select community churches will serve
many purposes:
1. To overcome potential anti-Nixen senti-
ment and to convert it to pre-Nixen
convictions.
2. To secure actual endorsement of Negro
ministerial alliances locally and state-wide.
3. To mobilize individual participation in
the campaign by ministers, utilizing their
talents and contacts.
4. To provide resources and materials geared
to this particular audience.
5. To develop volunteer machinery within the
church, coffee heurs by women "volunteers",
a "Get Out the Vote" Campaign Program, etc.
21
d. Appearances Before Select Civic and Secial
Groups
The appearances of Mr. Nixon as well as Mrs. Nixon
before select Negro civic and secial groups will
mobilize this segment of the community, through the
greatest media of all--"Weman-te-Woman" contact.
Over 600 civic, secial charity clubs and organiza-
tions offer excellent opportunity for select meet-
ings, beth formal and informal.
Heading the nen-partisan groups will be such organi-
zatiens as: the Elks, I.B.P.O.E. of W., Masens,
Shriners, Anxiliaries in each.
The national Negro community raised President
Kennedy to a new high level several weeks age when
he attended, without invitation, a debutante ball
at the Beverly Hilten. The Ball was being spensored
by a local Negro community secial and charity club.
The President was introduced to each debutante
personally, sheek hands with each, and was photo-
graphed. Metropolitan and Negro press carried the
story nationally.
22
IV THE USE OF COMMUNITY MEDIA
a. A Seunding of Probable Policy
The use of local media is an important step
and must be approached carefully as certain
pitfalls do prevail.
The leading newspaper for all intent and purposes
is Republican. Its publisher is, and has been for
many years, dedicated to Pat Brown.
The second largest publication in the community is
openly dedicated to the Democrats by virtue of the
fact that the leading paper was Republican and the
legical spet was with the Democrats.
The third paper is in policy, Democrat, but may
find itself on either side as the crow flies, or
in some instances, on neither side.
Soundings for policy action should be instituted
early and the necessary follow-thru advertising
and publicity-wise is important, in any case.
23
b. Substitution of Direct Effort
In order to off-set any possible media surprises,
and there have been many, a direct printed material
effort should be instituted in conjunction with, or
as a substitute for, any lack of cooperation from
the local media. Needless to say, the material
would be of local Negro interest with regard to the
southern part of the state, as well as local interest
to the northern part of the state.
In speaking of a concerted effort to reach each
Negro household with a special material, we are
leoking at approximately 110,000 housing units in
the Los Angeles area, 75,000 in the San Francisce-Bay
area, 2,000 in the Fresno area, another 3,000 in
the San Diego area, with approximately another
2,500 in the out-lying areas.
Hand-te-hand pieces should also be considered as
"attentien-getters" to be distributed over and over
again in every audience.
Printed material naturally would be under the
direction of the Joseph V. Baker firm.
This report represents a cursery preliminary
study of the local Negro situation.
A more thorough study of the present minority
concept could be made to reveal additional data.
Steps in this direction should be taken immediately,
we feel; and definite remedial plans effected in
the interest of your aims and desires in the
forthcoming gubernatorial election.
########
Prepared by
THE CHARLES WILLIAMS COMPANY
851 South Central Avenue
Los Angeles 21, €alifornia
Our feeling is that if the election were to be held today, there would not be
a strong pro-Brown vote but that the anti-Nixon vote would bury us in a de-
feat. This anti-Nixon vote seems to be based opon an emotional dislike
and distrust of the man rather than in a lack of respect for his administrative
and leadership abilities. A large percentage of the Brown vote will also, of
course, come from those who have a strong personal affection for the Demo-
cratic Party. It is upon these premises that we base both the structure and
the strategy of our campaign.
Because of Nixon's extended exposure to the people as an able administrator
and leader, we do not feel that continued concentration on these areas will
bear much fruit at the polls. Very few persons who do not already respect
him for these things after all these years are going to gain such respect in
these next weeks.
Thus, our main objective is to water down the anti-Nixon vote through a com-
plete personal campaign. Though it is human nature to be interested more in
men than in issues, we find this trait to be exceptionally true for the Negro
populace. Perhaps this is true because their entire lives have often been
spent under restrictions imposed by caucasians and they have developed a
natural distruct, a natural defense-mechanism if you will, towards those to
whom they do not feel personally attuned to emotionally and psychologically.
If we can break down some of the anti-Nixon feeling, we believe that, lack-
ing a strong pro-Brown identification, a fair number of what would otherwise
have been Brown votes will stay at home on election day.
In order to encourage this, we feel that we must attack Brown, that we must
create a segment of voters who, though they cannot see their way clear to
vote for Nixon, will not vote for Brown. We feel that our number one issue is
the two and four reapportionment plan controversy. The Negro populace, par-
ticularly the Negro press, strongly attacked Brown and the Democratic Party
on this issue and we plan to make full use of their criticism to nail Brown to
the cross. For tactical reasons, we want to delay our main attacks until the
closing days of the campaign when we shall build this part of this campaign
to a crashing crescendo.
The third type of voter which we will encourage to stay at home is the man who
votes Democrat largely because he feels it is the party which does the most in
the area of Civil Rights. On this, we may be able to sway his allegiance
through quoting anti-Negro statements of Trumen, through showing Roosevelt's
complete lack of action in this area, the restrictions imposed upon the Demo-
cratic Party by their Southern committee leaders which makes impossible
effective action for the Negro as a member of an oppressed minority group, and
through an-attack on Kennedy for his Jury-Trial Amendment vote in addition to
his administration's statements that "other legislative area have priority". We
-2-
want to crucify him on this statement, for we do not believe that any other
single issue has priority over the right of all Americans to equal opportunity
and dignity. In this area, we also want to stress Nixon's strong stands on
this issue and also on his and Eisenhower's impressive record of action in
this area.
As we weaken the Kennedy image, thus partly nullifying any good which
Brown might have accrued to him through a "party" identification with him,
as we create anti-Brown feeling through a strong presentation of the two and
four issue while shying away completely from his strong points (such as the
FEPC), eliminate a large part of the emotional anti-Nixon feeling, we will
set the stage for a tremendous gain by the Republican forces in this area.
But to make all the above pay off, we must get the Nixon vote to the polls.
Thus, our effort is crystallized: Locate, register and vote every Nixon
citizen while encouraging a strong stay-at-home bandwagon among the Demo-
crats. We shall also aim a good part of our efforts to the normally non-
participant in political affairs. Needless to say, our type of campaign, based
on social contacts and good will, is ideally geared to this type of potential
voter. This is particularly true among the Negro population who, regardless
of other efforts to organize effectively, have always shown the way in social
organization.
Inherent in our thinking is the need to make no strong show of organization
or attack until the closing ten days of the campaign. If there is little immediate
visible organizational effort on our parts, Democratic money and efforts should
find their way into other areas as they again take the Negro vote for granted.
Entertainment
Fashion Shows (Mrs. Nixon host for two and
daughters for one)
$ 750.00
Kick-off-the-work boat exmursion for workers
campaign
600.00
Labor Day picnic for underpriviliged children, block
parties, jazz parties, lawn parties, teas, coffee
hours, barbecues, entertainment expenses (if
necessary), large hall for climax party
6,500.00
Printing Expense
Reprints of magazine articles, 100,000
600.00
2000 Indoctrination booklets for workers, 8pp
200.00
Leaflets, printing expenses, cartooning
700.00
Tickets and Invitations
200.00
MASS MEDIA
Radio Stations, special copy, KDAY and KGFJ,
saturation the last week
1,600.00
Recording costs for Negro radio stations, dubbs
150.00
Impromptu man on street film--film clips of Nixony-
Kruschev debate, Caracas blow-up to 35 mm
1,840.00
Booking for film clips
1,500.00
Sentinel and Eagle advertising - alco contact GOP
advertising agencies to allow us to place their
ads in negro papers for them
5,000.00
Motivational Research and
General Public Relations Counsel
2,500.00
House and Headquarters Expenses
Rent
2,500.00
Rental of folding chairs, music system, P.A. and
playback and any additional furniture for
headquarters
350.00
Paid Personnel
John Paul Clay
1,500.00
Secretary
1,500.00
Part-time clerical
500.00
Photographer (including expenses)
2,000.00
Expenses Projected for John Paul Clay
Entertainment of auditors, ministers, lawyers,
doctors (professional groups for Nixon)
prominent GOP Negroes....
1st two months
1,800.00
last two months
700.00
-2-
General Office Expenses
Telephones (3 lines)
$ 800.00
Stationery, mimeo bond
200.00
Miscellaneous
Minister's Funds, if available.
Car expenses (try to arrange the use of the PI CO. car)
Painted bulletin board request from headquarters
Car stickers, match books from headquarters
Sound truck equipment (tape recorder on loan)
600.00
Office equipment, typewriters, dictaphone on loan
and anything additional at all by donation.
Flags, banners, donated
Posters from overall campaign material
University Research Grant
600.00
Election Day expenses - telephone, transportation
500.00
General Reserve Fund
1,000.00
NINGE MINORITY CAMPAIGN PROGRAM PROPOSAL
for
SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA AREA
INTRODUCTION
Our feeling is that if the election were to be held today, there
would not be a strong pro-Brown voto but that the anti-Nixon vote would
bury us in a defeat. This anti-Nixon vote sections to be based upon an
emotional dislike and distrust of the man rather than in a lack of
respect for his administrative and leadership abilities. A large per-
contage of the Brown vote will also, of course, como from those who
have a strong personal affection for the Democratic Party. It is upon
these premises that VD base both the structure and the strategy of our
campaign.
Because of Nixon's extended exposure to the people as an able
administrator and leader we do not feel that continued concentration
in these areas will bear much fruit at the polls. Very few persons who
do not already respect him for these things after all these years are
going to gain such respect in these next weeks.
Thus, our main objective is to water down the anti-Nixon vote
through a complete personal compaign. Though it is Imman nature to be
interested more in non than in issues, we find this trait to be excep-
tionally true for the Negro populace. Perhaps this is true because their
entire lives have often been spent under restrictions imposed by cau-
casians and they have developed a natural distrust, a natural defense-
mechanism if you will, towards those to whom they do not feel personally
attuned to emotionally and psychologically. If ve can break down somo
of the anti-Nixon feeling, we believe that, lacking a strong pro-Brown
identification, a fair number of what would otherwise have been Brown
voters will stay at home on election day.
In order to encourage this, we feel that we must attack Brown,
that we must create a segment of voters who, though they cannot see their
way clear to vote for Nixon, will not vote for Brown. We feel that our
number one issue is the two and four respportionment plan controversy.
The Negro populace, particularly the Negro press, strongly attacked Brown
and the Democratic Party on this issue and VD plan to make full use of
their criticism to nail Brown to the cross. For tactical reasons, we want
to delay our main attacks until the closing days of the campaign when we
shall build this part of this campaign to a crashing crescendo.
Page a
The third type of voter which we will encourage to stay at home
is the man who votes Democrat largely because he feels it is the party
which does the most in the area of Civil Rights. On this, we may be
able to sway his allegiance through quoting anti-Negro statements of
Truman, through showing Recsevelt's complete lack of action in this
area, the restrictions imposed upon the Democratic Party by their Southern
Committee leaders which makes impossible effective action for the Negro
as a member of an oppressed minority group, and through an attack on
Kennedy for his Jury-Trial Amendment vote in addition to his administra-
tion's statements that "other legislative areas have priority". We want
to crucify him on this statement, for we do not believe that any other
single issue has priority over the right of all Americans to equal oppor-
tunity and dignity. In this area, we also want to stress Nixon's strong
stands on this issue, and also on his and Bisenhover's impressive record
of action in this area.
As we seaken Kennedy's image, thus partly mullifying any good
which Brown might have accrue to him through a "party" identification
with his, as we create anti-Brown feeling through a strong presentation
of the Two and Four issue while shying away completely from his strong
points (such as the FBPC), as we eliminate a large part of the emotional
Anti-Nixon feeling, we will set the stage for a tremendous gain by the
Republican forces in this area. But to make all the above pay off, ve
must get the Nixon vote to the pells. Thus, our effort is crystallized:
Locate, register, and vote every Nixon citizen while encouraging a strong
stay-at-home bandwagon among the Democrate. We shall also aim a good
part of our efforts to the normally non-participant in political affairs.
Needless to say, our type of campaign, based on social contacts and good
will, is ideally geared to this type of potential voter. This is parti-
cularly true among the Negro population, who, regardless of other efforts
to organize effectively, have always shown the way in social organization.
Inherent in our thinking is the need to make no strong show of or-
ganisation or attack until the closing ten days of the compaign. If there
is little immediate visible organizational effort on our parts, Democratic
money and efforts should find their way into other areas as they again
take the Negro vote for granted.
Page 3
INTRODUCTION (Cont'd)
"We could have been saved to an extent in dealing with all of these
issues if we had been more effective in stating our case, if we had
used more shownenship as well as leadership Dick Nixon
"I believe in personal appearances and think the personal touch is still
the most effective way of campaigning. I believe in a campaign of motion.
I also think the most effective appearances of a candidate are before
nonpolitical forums where he has a chance to really make converts
Dick Nixon
One of the basic problems of Dick Nixon is that he has been out of the
state for a long period. Though he can quickly become acquainted with
present state issues, becoming acquainted with local leaders and voters
is a more difficult and challenging problem. Knowledge of the man's
ability is widespread throughout the state; it now becomes vital to
effect a similar situation in regard to the man's personal life and
responses. This is the job which our compaign will undertake. To do
so, we must stir up that most vital of all political assets: vicarious
identification.
Though it is human nature to be interested more in men than in issues, we
find this trait to be exceptionally true for the Negro populace. Perhaps
this is true because their entire lives have often been spent under re-
strictions imposed by Caucasians and they have developed a natural dis-
trust, a natural defense-mechanism if you will, towards those to whom
they do not feel personally attuned to emotionally and psychologically.
You talk to the average Negro on the street about Nixon, and the response
all too often is immediately both negative and emotional. They simply
do not like or trust the man. If they vote in this election they will,
to a large degree, not be voting for Brown but rather against Nixon.
To get this voter to be pro-Nixon would take too such time and effort
to be worthwhile: so we do not plan to make a serious effort to do so.
The voters we want are these who voted for Nixon in 1960 and for Ike in
1956. If we can get them to the polls we are on our way. We also want
the normally non-voter. We triad to win in $40, 144, and $48 with the
Independent voter. In '52 we went primarily for the citizen who
normally did not vote and we von. Thus, in this campaign, we want to
locate, cultivate, and get the pro-Nixon people to the polls who would
Page 4
INTRODUCTION (Cont'd)
normally not have voted. As for the Brown people, ve hope that by
destroying the image of Nixon as a stuffed shirt, as an opportunist,
that the anti-Nixon voter will soften and, without any inherent pro-
Brownism in him, will stay home.
We plan to carry this strategy of campaigning to strength over into all
parts of the campaign. The FEPC is Brown's strongest point. To attack
his on this in anyway whatsoever is to invite defeat just as Douglas
invited defeat in 1950 by trying to fight Nixon on the Communism issue.
This was Nixon's baby, there was no way in the world he could take it
away from him. So we leave the FEPC alone. We instead stress Nixon's
activities as Chairman of the Government Contract's Committee, Nixon's
strong Civil Right's background, etc. still, these are not our main
points. After all, few of those who aren't convinced of Nixon's abilities
by now, after all the attention his ideas have received, aren't going to
change overnight. So we concentrate on attacking Brown, and in this area
we nail him to the cross till his body runs dry of blood on the Two and
Four reapportionment plan.
And we make the people feel at home with Dick Nixon. All Americans like
a good guy, not all like a man who is always ready with an answer for
everything. All Americans have a heart, not all have intellect. It
shall be our job to show Mixon as a personality that is warm and responsive,
while never letting them escape from the basic strengths of this man. The
people must be convinced that Nixon 1a a man who will fight and conquer
not for but with them, while, in contrast, Brown is a man who will talk
and flounder for them as he did over the two and Four plan.
How do we hit the two and four plan? Perhaps this paragraph, subject
to change, gives a hint of the psychology VD think will be effective:
It all comes back to residential segregation. You can't get around
it. They can segregate schools and hospitals by putting them in
Negro areas, and then say, well, they are open to anybody, but of
course only Negroes go there ... It shows up in education, where
Page 5
INTRODUCTION
(Cont'd)
the school board is very flexible about adjusting school district
lines to keep it all-Negro. # . Residential segregation is the big
problem that must be answered first. Residential segregation is
the thing that creates the void, that destroys Negre-white comuni-
cation, The people don't know the problems of the other group.
And the Brown administration's refusal to even listen to the Negro
pleas, the Brown administration's refusal to even listen to Donald
Serries of the Committee on Representive Government, the Brown
administration's unbending determination to segregate the Negro
into a political ghetto in the respportionment of 1961, is the first
step towards developing the residential segregation which I feel
must be avoided at all costs if we are to have the kind of state,
if we are to have the proper relationship among all our peoples,
that is so vitally necessary to a free and prospering America.
And we use the Sentimal's OWD words:
The Democratic party by their flagrant rejection of the plea of
minority groups to not segregate then in the redistricting of
1961 have denied the minority groups their dream of being woood as
a person, being woood to on issues, rather than on racial lines.
It has the effect of building minority ghettos in our town.
To sum up, we feel that the campaign of 1962 for the Los Angeles Negro
vote sust be one of Attack and Good will. If we can break down the image
of Nimon as a man without sympathy and conradeship for the working man,
for the minority man and at the some time picture Brown as not only a
bungler but also, one who has betrayed the trust of the liboral minded
people, we can obtain for Dick Námon a substantial increase over any vote
count be has ever before gained in our area. With proper support and
offort, I anticipate our campaign in this area gaining national attention.
The entire country knows that the Republican Party is planning a big
drive for the minority vote, and they are waiting to see how we are going
to go about it. I, for one, do not believe that traditional mathods will
do the job. The people must be stirred. Anyone who has ever lived emong
the Negros know that they are the most organizing race in our country,
but they also know that. his ability to organise has been for the most
part confined to his social life. Ve are prepared to illustrate how our
program as planned for this campaign, with additions which are outlined
already for operation as soon as we have done our job for Dick Nixon, is
the type of program which will gain us friends and converts 365 day a
year, every year. When the success of this program is seen, it is anti-
cipated that it will be studied and adapted for use in other large metro-
politan areas. But ve must make it spectacular enough to gain this
Page 6
INTRODUCTION (Cont'd)
attention, to make it operate successfully for Dick Nixon. Time,
Look, Life, Ebony, Jet. . . all the national publications know there
is news in the California campaign, they all know that there is news
in what the GOP will do to gain the minority vote, and all theyu need
to run a feature story is an angle. Ve have it for them: "The New
Look in GOP Politics." But the real angle is that the "New Look" is
only an application of an old political principle: that every friend
is a votor.
Fage 1
NIXON MINGRITY CAMPAIGN PROGRAM PROPOSAL
for
SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA ANDA
The original concept of this report was to provide a detailed
outline of our approaches to all aspects of our campaign, running
the gaunlet from how ve plan to approach working the precincts to the
anticipated uses of mass media facilities. We found, however, that
the volume of material was far too massive to properly condense into
anything less than a forty-five to fifty page report, as each aspect
of the campaign has its OWN personal slant.
Dut of necessity, we are thus presenting only general concepts
in the anticipation that in personal audiences we will be able to
describe our approaches in more detail. Once our part in the over-all
program is approved and defined, we will be able to present our
specific ideas to the various co-ordinating chairman of the campaign
and thus work them out.
A point that WD cannot emphasize too strongly is the absolute
urgency of getting the program underway. we realise that other seg-
sents of the campaign will not move into high gear for several weeks,
but we can do the most good in the near future because of the peculiar
approach of our program.
To begin with, we want to send @ researcher into the area to
contact all community leaders for their ideas as to the nature and
possible solutions to the problems of the area. Such an effort will
not only create good will, as the people realize that Mr. Nixon is
interested in how they think, but will also provide us with valuable
motivational research information and inform us as to which community
leaders (many beretofore not approached to become active in political
compaigns) might work for Mr. Nixon's election. Such leaders will be
later contacted by another man to form professional groups for Mixon.
This must be done now to assure maximum effectiveness.
Page 2
we also want to use the Hurray Chotiner technique of contacting
people under the guise of conducting an issue or candidate-proference
poll in order to determine where our voters are and which of our
voters are not registered. This has to be done now as the registration
deadline in drawing near!
In 1952 we weat after the voter who normally did not vote and
in 1960 sany of these voters returned to their old stay-at-home habits.
This trand will be oven more apparent in the off-year elections. Thus,
we want to locate all the people who voted for Eisenhower, who did take
the trouble to vote, make sure they are registered, and make sure that
they go to the polls if they are for Hr. Nixon.
we want to get our headquarters opened up immediately, and we
do not refer to the traditional type of headquarters. Rather, we want
to rent one of the old empty massions in the Adams Boulevard area and
use this for daily (afternoon and evening) social events. There isn't
a chance in the world to get any sizeable pertion of the Negro popula-
tion to come to partisas Republican events. Thus, ve must create party
atmospheres in a setting which will be receptive to any measages we
vish to convey and anticipate a ainiows of 1000 visitors to our head-
quarters par week. Perhaps the closest historical counterparts of
this were the old Termany Hall neighborhood political clubs. Some of
the things we expect such a headquarters to produce are:
1. to build good will in the community.
2. Provide us with an opportunity to put across the
Nixon message in a relawed atmosphere.
3. To get the Republicans down mong the people, thus
breaking down the sterectyped image of the Republican
as aloof and "not one 01 use
4. To allow us to gain expesure with Democrate Independents
and non-voters who would normally never come to a
strictly partisan Republican political affair.
5. Emable us to locate and recruit workers for the Nixon
cause.
Page 3
6. Provide us with a vehicle for obtaining coverage
in the social sections of the Megro newspapers.
7. To set up a non-political atmosphere for Mr. Nixon
to drop in on whenever he is in the neighborhood
"not to politic per so, but rather to relax and
mingle among the people."
8. Serve as fund-raisers. We anticipate that the house
will be completely self-supporting, even though many
of the affairs will be free.
We must break down the image of Nixon as a stuffed-shirt. It
is simply not a true image, but wherever you go in the Negro community
this is the most consistent criticism of him. No matter what policy
statements Mr. Nixon later makes in the campaign, no matter what
pamphiets are later distributed and what advertising methods are ene-
ployed, they will all fall on deaf or unbelieving ears unless the
attitude towards the san as a person is changed. This idea of pre-
paring the people for an advertising campaign is the first rule of
public relations in the business world, and it must be applied and
now in the Negro area.
This brings us to what personal part we feel Mr. Nixon should
play in the campaign. William James once called "prestige" the
deepest principle of human nature. This principle is imbedded even
deeper into the Negro's way of life, as many of the normal channels for
showing off personal successes in the Caucasian world are not open to
him. Witness, for example, their purchasing of higher priced cars
than they can often afford because these are visible evidences of
their success. Visit Leon Washington at his office (he is the
publisher of the largest Negro newspaper and ask his what he thinks
of Pat Brown. Your answer will center around the pictures of him
talking to Brown which are hung on all four valls of his office and
comments on how Brown has been coming into the district since 1946.
Hardly a word about issues.
Than, MO vant to engone 14. Nisson personally at every opportunity,
ue want eight by ton pictures or his and leaders of the comunity cont
to the at an early enough dato that exposure on thoir walls and Could
will do us serie good, and until the last two weeks of the campaign
NO don't think it is important for his to hardly mention an issue.
ivery time be meets sousens, MO want it followed my with a letter
signed by "Dick Mixon." No'll take case of the typing of the letters,
but UO need him in the area DOV over if for but half-hour appearances
at parties on his way home from other MOD'S formal political activities.
-0 want to put together some man-in-the-streot type film. The
image of Nison behind 0 Jack in a conservative setting is strong
enough, so instead or having question and answer periods in such an
atmosphero, to want to have his on the street and in the center of a
crowd of people. There we'll film and tape his answers to questions
from this group and circulate these in decided upon media.
No also want to put A short film together on Mixon's history to
be above at coffee hours and various club meetings in liou of G par-
sonal appoarance by him. This approach some, to us, to be much
botter than sending regrets to such groups because of lack of time
in the schedule. In the film emphasine the Caracas incident, the
thrunchev debate, his Government Contract work, his Qualter background
(the Negros have & great respect for Lunkors because of their
historical tolorance, but I have found that only a nearly non-existent
segment of the population are aware that Mr. Rison to of the unicer
faith. When they informed of this they had a very favorable
reaction as they said Paby I never know that''). his successful
efforts to get his Megro high-school friend into his fraternity to
show that his non-projudice in no Johrmy-come-latoly response designed
solely to gain votes (again the Nogro masses have no idea of this
part of his background and when informed, they were impressed).
Charles Farrington supported what to us really sensational
connection with those films. Misnover, for example, Irs. Beverly
Page 5
Jones volunteers to have A coffee hour in her home for Hr. Nixon
but we can find no way to fit it into his schedule, we film a fev
feet and add it to the beginning of our stock film. In these few
fest, Mr. NAMON will say hello to Mrs. Jones and her guests and then
apologize for his being unable to Join them for their coffee hour.
This adds the vital personal touch to the film. Along with the film
we send a man who will act as Mixon's emmissary and enswer any questions
the people night have as well as make as many friends as possible and
make any pitches for help which are later decided upon.
Ve also have our suggestions for how we feel certain issues
might be bost approached. On the Civil Right's question, for example,
we feel that the mood of the Naguro is today one of militancy and that
any talk or even use of the word "gradualism" will have an adverse
effect. They've heard it all their lives, and, though great strides
are being made, they are sick of the phrase. It is connected by thom
with a man who is afraid to take a stand, a man afraid to act, a can
afraid of the rase issue.
Since Nr. Rimon is a moderate in this field, we are presented
with certain problems, as just as seen as he sentions moderation he
is going to lose votes. Yet, ye would not want him to take a stand
in which he does not believe. Our suggested solution is to have him
talk about specific issues rather than the over-all philosophy of
Civil Rights. Let him sention with vigor the past accomplishments of
the Republican Party in contrast to the all-talk no-action Democratic
Party, lot him tell the people the things the Democrats have failed
to do in specific hard_hitting language in order to convey the in-
pression of a who feels omotionally about this issue and will
fight for equal opportunity and dignity with all his strongth. Lot
his talk about his own personal activities such as work on the
Government Contracts Committee, let him talk about exactly what be
is going to do as soon as be takes office. Lot his present a gradualist
approach, but for heaven's sake have it presented in terms of concrete
action-programs rather In broad platitudes.
Page 6
Time and time egain in this report VO have emphasized the time
factor. Only last week we may have missed a trenendous opportunity
for local and national publicity within the Negro comunity when,
because of lack of sufficient notice, Mr. Nixon vas not able to take
part in the crowning of Miss Bronse of California. (Incidentally,
Mayor Christopher was fortunately free to make an appearance so ve
did got substantial good-will and exposure mileage for the Republican
ticket and lize Christopher personally.) But doadlines for other events
and programs are closing in on us. A local counterpart of Jet
magazine, Tel magazine, for example, is ready to support Hixon as soon
as 1 can put the program into operation. The some is true for Ad
magazine and for a group who want to start up a local newspaper. No
have developed extremely good relations with the Editor, Publisher and
Advertising Manager of the Sentinel. Though they are for Brown and
strongly anti-Nixon, they have pledged their personal support to
help one of our group, John Paul Clay, in whatever way possible.
No have also received a firm committment from entertainers such
as Jimmy Witherspoon (one of the most popular Negro entertainers in
the world) to assist us in whatever way he can. We have received
offers or help from ministers and one of the nation's largest pro-
ducers and distributors of quality wigs has offered us free models
and use of their wigs for fashion shows. Several hosts for variets
parties have been lined up, an appearance has been negotiated for
Mr. Nixon's appearance at the Afro-American Business show at the
Shrine Exposition Hall under whatever circumstances ve desire if Mr.
Nimon will be available, and a three-day attendance figure of fifty
to seventy thousand people is anticipated for the event.
Initial contacts have been made for possible national magazine
news coverage and feature article coverage of this segment of the
campaign. Several Young Democratic leaders of the community have
boon tenatively awwag over into the Ninon and Republican camp within
the past week, including the first Negro President of the Whittier
student body.
Page 7
All these people have become excited by our approach, but it
is nearly impossible to sustain their enthusiasm and to insure their
continued support if we do not become activated soon. All they have
heard thus far is talk and they will lose thoir faith if action is
not soon produced. We have been patient with this program, realizing
the many complicated factors which enter into any final approval or
disapproval of projects of this size and in areas of this importance.
Dut for the good of Mr. Mixon, we now feel that we must insist upon
an early decision. Every day that goes by without its implementation
is to us a wasted day, a day which night have been put to use in
gathering together good will, workers, and votes. We designed the
program specifically for the Nixon campaign because it is his victory
which we are most interested in, but if such a program does not fit
into the over-all needs and personalities of the Nixon campaign staff
we plan to adapt it and present it to other Republican candidates
because of our faith in it.
Our program is not only vital for the immediate campaign, but
we feel it can be adapted to a 365 day a year Republican effort in
the community. To begin with, a plan has been formiated for
organizing a minismm of 2000 new members into Young Registries Clubs
before the County Convention in December. These votes will be Nixon
votes and will insure a successful campaign against the Gaston forces
now in control. We are also developing a complete file on every
major and minor leader and organization in the community for future
reference. We plan to develop Republican social clubs throughout
the community and these will be self_sustaining. (In a sense,
Southern California can be compared to the New York of old as an
immigration center, the only difference being that our imigrants are
from other states. As the new people come into the community we want
to be at their door immediately in the best of political tradition,
offering to help then become acquainted. What better way to welcome
them than to have a social organization where they can meet new
friends while they are still at loose ends emotionally. We also want
Page 8
to set up an employment service in the area. To begin with, VO can
concentrate on part-time, domestic, and yard help. People who
normally hire such people have been contacted and asked how they
normally find their help. The reply was, "Shrough word of mouth."
When anked if they would make use of the Republican Party as a scroon-
ing organisation without fee, in order to give us the credit for
getting these people the jobs, the answers were unanissusly affirms-
tive. We want our social clubs to sponsor basketball, bowling, and
other such teams in Leagues around town to keep our mome in the
public eye. No want to promoto local charities the year around. Ve
want to do all the above and more as part of a permanent area program.
The main personalities involved in the program thus for are:
Mal Riddle: Mr. Riddle has served as Governor Knight's
Exesutive-Seeretary and worked closely in
Hr. Mixon's compaign in 1960 in addition to
misserous other political activities. Be
was also Assistant Chairman of the Reyublican
can State Central Committee. It oppours that
be may head the Speaker's Bureen for Hr.
MAxon in this compaign.
Fired Vanderburat:
Mr. Vanderburot is an associate of Gestrge
Milan Fuller and President of Advertising
System International. Bis firm will act as
Public Relations Counsel, direct the notive
tional research, and provide aquipment,
facilities and technical direction for filming
and recording, with Hr. Vanderburet taking an
active part in servicing the account.
John Paul Clay:
Here Clay will be the field-manager of all
the activities involved in the program, and
will co-ordinate such activities with the
various specialized staff members of the
Page 9
Nixon campaign group as well as working
directly under Chris Vright. He vas the
campaign manager for John Weathurg in the
15th Congressional District of Texas, was
President of the nation's Largest Young
Republican organization and also of his
college student body. No bas had sub-
stantial additional experience in political
organization, Heat importantly, be is
extremely well-liked within the Negro
comunity and has contacts with the kind
of people which will nake this kind of
program work.
Lana Washington:
Executive-Secretary of the Republican
State Central Committee. Although Hrs.
Washington will not have the time to devote
to this segment of the Ninon campaign, due
to hor State Committee work, she has discussed
the program in detail with John Famil Clay and
Nol Riddle. She is extremely anthusiastic
about it and has volunteered her services and
knowledge of the area in whatever way ahe
can and whenever she can. She is of the can-
vistion that this is the type of campaign that
needs to be enged if 10 are to gain any -
stantial portion of the Negro vote.
Other - in the Republican Party who have sexe knowledge of our
program are: Chris Wright, Hearb Kombach, Dick Ports, and Charles
Farrington. The program was discussed in greater depth with Mr.
Wright and Mr. Farrington than with the others. It was our impression
that these people found no foult with the plan but that the budget -
the stumbling block. This - anticipated and are anxãous to whittle out
a workable budget with the preper people if Mr. Wright, Mr. Kombach, and
Mr. Nixon give final approval of the project,
BUDGET
It should be noted that in the presentation of this budget we are
concerned only with expenditures, and that all avenues of fund-
raising will be explored and exploited. We realize that it is a
big budget, but it is also a big project. We feel that justifica-
tion can be shown for all listed items and amounts, but, as in all
such cases, we are ready to liston to argument. The essential point
to get across is that ve need some immediate funds to get out into
the field with and, from there, our fund-raising activities should
carry us most of the way on our own. Also to be noted is the fact
that some items listed in the budget, such as the Fashion Shows are
expected to be prime fund-raising activities.
Printing Expenses
Reprints of Ebony Magazine Article, 100,000
$ 600
$1700
2000 Indoctrination Booklets for workers,
200
Spp Sentinel Editorial Reprinting, cartooning
700
Tickets and Invitations.
200
Mass Media
Radio Stations, special copy, KDAY and KGFT,
9590
saturation the last week
1600
Recording costs for nagro stations--dubbs
150
Impromptu man of street films-film clips of
Nizon-Khruschev debate, Caracas incident,
etc. blown up to 35mm.
1840
Booking for film clips and camora expense for
coffee hour, etc.
1000
Sentinel and Eagle Advertising, other adver-
tising, also contact GOP ad agencies to
allow us to place ads for them in Negro
papers.
5000
llouse and Headquarters Expenses
2075
Rent
1800
Rental of folding chairs, music system, P.A.
and playback, and any additional furniture
for headquarters.
275
Budget - Page a
Paid Personnel
5100
John Paul Clay
1300
Secretary
1300
Part-Time Clerical
500
Photographers (including expenses, on call
day and night for entire campaign).
2000
Expenses projected for John Paul Clay
2550
Entertainment of editors, ministers, lawyers,
doctors (professional groups for Nixon)
prominent GOP and other friendly Negros...
1st seven weeks
1600
Last six weeks
600
Transportation Expenses
350
General Office Expenses
1000
Telephones (4 lines)
800
Stationery. .mineo bond
200
Entertainment
4850
Fashion Shows (Mrs. Nixon host for two and
daughters for one if permitted)
750
Kick-off-the-work boat excursion for workers
(final indoctrination and morale session
just prior to beginning the blits segment
of the campaign.)
600
Labor Day pienic for underprivileged children,
block parties, Jazz parties, lawn parties,
teas, coffee hours, barbecues, entertain-
ment expenses (we expect most of this to be
donated), large hall or auditorium rental
for climax party.
3500
Motivational Research, General Public
2500
Relations Counsel, use of film studios and
equipment, and modia technical direction.
2500
Niscellaneous
2700
Sound Truck
600
Office Equipment, typewriters, dictaphone on
loan and anything additional by donation
University Research Grant (for contact work
with Negro leaders as explained in outline)
500
Dudget - Page 3
Election Day Expenses (mostly will
be volunteer) telephone, trans-
portation, etc.
500
General Reserve Fund, contingencies, etc.
1000
Political Internship Funds for African
600
Students
TOTAL
$32,065
APPENDIXX
Two items developed since the organisation of the over-all report
are, - believe, worthy of mention.
On Labor Day we would like to work with the ministers and promote a
free pienic for the underprivileged children of the area. In
addition to performing a good service, we expect that such an activity
should gain us a great deal of publicity and good-will mileage.
Also, - want to net up an African Student Political Internship
program. We believe this will accomplish the following endst
1. Provide us with additional workers.
2. Gain for us a considerable amount of local good will and
publicity.
3. Provide us with workers who, because of their special
situation, will have entrees with sympathetic endiences to
which ve might otherwise not have access.
4. Mam conscious of the isolation which many foreign students
find themselves will find such to commend us for because of
our attempt to bring them sore into the mainstream of
American life. Aside from their stands on the candidates,
editors should give us much favorable editorial comment for
this.
5. The Negro community is today very conscious of Africa.
6. All the above factors will help us and may even provide an
angle for national news stories on our work in this area.
But the best angle for such curerage is the stated ideal-
istic aim of the programs To provide those students, which
we expect to take their places among the leaders of the
emerging continent of Africa, with experience in American
grass-reot politics SO that when they return to their own
countries they will take with then a greater understanding
of the political problems faced by our leaders as they try
to establish the policies of the United States.
Appendix - Page 2
We feel that this type of program ought to be done within every
nationality area, but the African student is the only one which
fits into our specific program.