Ask the Scholar
Document scope · 1 page
Scholar
Ask about this object, its catalog metadata, its source description, or the page inventory.
For page-specific OCR and visual context, open one of the page chats.
Source Description
This file contains:
Record of a telephone call from Billy Graham to Butterfield RE: Graham's political role in the 1972 campaign. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 8/7/1972
Scholar Source Context
Document identity
localId
26144305
label
WHSF: Contested, 1-56
core
doc
dtoType
document
citationUrl
pageCount
1
Source metadata
id
26144305
sourceUrl
contentType
document
title
WHSF: Contested, 1-56
description
This file contains:
Record of a telephone call from Billy Graham to Butterfield RE: Graham's political role in the 1972 campaign. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 8/7/1972
citationUrl
collections
Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection
Contested Materials Files
imageCount
1
hasImages
yes
source
import
hasTranscription
no
Source extras
naId
26144305
levelOfDescription
fileUnit
recordType
description
ocrSource
nara-archive
Single page context
seq
1
pageIndex
0
type
document
mediaId
330db232e3b60202
ocrText
Richard Nixon Presidential Library
Contested Materials Collection
Folder List
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
1
56
8/7/1972
Campaign
Memo
Record of a telephone call from Billy
Graham to Butterfield RE: Graham's political
role in the 1972 campaign. 2 pgs.
Monday, September 27, 2010
Page 1 of 1
PF
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
August 7, 1972
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL/PERSONAL
MEMORANDUM FOR RECORD
SUBJECT:
Telephone Call from Reverend Billy Graham
Billy Graham placed a call to the President late this afternoon from
Montreat. I took the call, because the President was meeting with
staff members, and learned that Billy sought the President's advice
about a matter which he described as "strictly personal". He said
that he would tell me about it if I would keep it confidential and relay
it to the President within the next hour or two. I assured him that
the matter would be kept private and that I would do what I could to
get back to him by 8:00 p.m. Then, he told me of his dilemma.
He had been called last night by Sargent Shriver, who asked him
based on their long and close friendship -- to lead the prayer at his
acceptance speech ceremony in Washingtom tomorrow evening
(August 8). Billy told me that Shriver said, "I know that you're behind
the President, and that you will vote for him. But I'm asking you
this favor because you and I are such good friends and because you are
the finest person I know in the Protestant ministry. 11 Billy seemed to
feel that since Shriver put it the way he did -- i.e. strictly on a friendship
basis he should probably accept. Yet he admitted that if he accepted,
he would have to reverse his earlier decision and attend the Republican
Convention. He expressed the hope that he could retain a completely
"bipartisan posture" throughout the early stages of the Campaign
"at least until about October". He said that if the polls should indicate
a close Presidential race during that last month before the Election,
he could (in that way) throw his support to the side of the President
more effectively. He went on to say that he was truly in a quandry about
what to do and that he very much wanted the President's personal advice.
He closed the conversation by assuring me that he would abide by any
decision made at this end of the line that he would do nothing to hurt
the President or to help McGovern.
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL/PERSONAL
- 2 -
In accordance with standard procedure, I tried to contact
Bob Haldeman in California, but learned that he would not be in touch
with the Western White House switchboard for "another hour and a
half". That being the case, I mentioned the Graham matter to the
President while chatting with him about some other things --
schedule proposals, etc. The President listened carefully, then
answered firmly, "He should not do it. You call him back and tell
him that it would be tantamount to his having attended the Democratic
National Convention."
About a half hour later I called Billy and told him what had transpired.
I could sense some disappointment. He asked me if I told the
President about Shriver's having acknowledged that he (Billy) was a
Nixon supporter and that he would be voting, of course, for the
President. I told him that that part of the story had been made clear
to the President. Then he referred to his father-in-law, "a staunch
Nixon supporter and an ultra-conservative if there ever was one", saying,
"He seems to think it would be perfectly alright for me to accept
Shriver's invitation. After all, I'm a clergyman and I would be there
only for the purpose of leading those people in prayer."
Because the President had tried unsuccessfully to telephone me only
a few moments before, I told Billy that I would have an occasion to talk
to the President once again, and that I would seek a confirmation of the
earlier decision.
Needless to say, I did not mention the subject to the President when
I spoke to him later that evening. He had made his point earlier in the
day.
At 8:15 p.m. I called Bob Haldeman, ran the story by him quickly,
got his agreement to the President's decision, and in the process learned
more about Billy's early summer declinations to invitations to both
major Party conventions on the basis of his wanting to hold to a
bipartisan stance throughout most of the Campaign period. Like the
President, Haldeman saw Grabam's acceptance of the Shriver invitation
as a radical change of position. There would be no hiding of his presence
at the nationally-televised ceremony and so it would be taken by a great
many Americans as a gesture of support.
At 8:35 I called Billy and reiterated the President's feeling (and advice).
He said, "Fine. Then, that's exactly what I will do.'
Alexander P. Butterfield