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Fourth and fifth pages of a memo laying out general strategies for the 1972 presidential campaign. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], no date
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WHSF: Contested, 3-36
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WHSF: Contested, 3-36
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This file contains:
Fourth and fifth pages of a memo laying out general strategies for the 1972 presidential campaign. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], no date
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Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
Contested Materials Collection
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3
36
>
Campaign
Memo
Fourth and fifth pages of a memo laying out
general strategies for the 1972 presidential
campaign. 2 pgs.
Monday, October 18, 2010
Page 1 of 1
The alienated voter is the most politically volatile, the most
negative and, hence, the most likely to vote against the "ins"
or not vote at all, These are not the radical students who believe
that our society is degenerate and our system of Government
unresponsive; these are middle Americans who simply feel that
Government cannot do anything about the problems of our society.
We must, therefore, restore people's faith in our ability to manage
Government and Government's ability to solve problems. We
should emphasize over and over the "reform" theme, dramatise
how we have gotten Government and the bureaucracy under control,
and push very hard for revenue sharing and return of power to the
states and communities. We have a better record in this area
than any of our predecessors but we need to do a better job of
selling it. We also must do more to tighten up management (getting
rid of programs that people know are ineffective and wasteful.)
3. Leadership vacuum. The so-called leadership vacuum or the
"tentative, negative approval" of you issimply a consequence of the
alienated voter's frustration, and his fear over the economy and
lawlessness. My point is that this attitude prevails only in this
particular group. The proof of this is that in his interviews Broder
discovers that this same group, which is indifferent to you, is
equally indifferent towards any other national leader. Therefore,
it is not your leadership that they reject; their frustration causes
them to lose faith in anyone's leadership. It is perfectly obvious
from the cromin you have turned out across the country and their
reaction that there is real enthusiasm for you and your Presidency.
I believe that the majority of the people do identify you as a strong,
forceful leader, one who doesn't promise things that can't be done,
one who has calmly and quietly tried to cope with the very serious
problems our nation faces.
In a meeting with Pete Brennan last week, he explained the reason
for the "hard hat" support of you more perceptively than I think we
have analysed it. He said that the "hard hate" wave the flag and
cheer the President but that, in and of itself, does not translate
into votes. Moreover, most of the "hard hats" don't like our
economic policies and feel that we are pushing them too hard in
the civil rights area. What is winning their political loyalty is
their admiration for your masculinity. The "hard hats", who are
a tough breed, have come to respect you as a tough, courageous
man's man. Brennan's thesis is that this image of you will win
their votes more than the patriotism theme. The image of being
-2-
strong, forceful and decisive will have a powerful personal appeal
with the alienated voter.
4. Indecision about 1972; diminishing party loyalties. The alienated
voter, by definition, has lost his party loyalty. Ideologically he
is pulled towards us on the law and order issue and away from us
on the economic issue. By definition, he is disenchanted with
Government; therefore, disenchanted with politicians and political
parties. To the extent that traditional party loyalties have been
broken, we have an opportunity to win over large blocks of voters
(like Wallace Democrats). We should not be trying to make them
Republicans, rather we should be trying to win their confidence
and allay their fears.
5. Agnew, Kennedy and Wallace are too controversial to be President.
This is also a logical extension of Broder's other points. People
who are frustrated and concerned and who have lost faith are least
likely to turn to a leader who frightens them. It is significant that
Kennedy's Chappaquidic incident is still very much in the public
mind, at least in this group (this reinforces Brennan's point that
people want a firm leader with strong character.) The Agnew
point is important. People identify with Agnew because he says
the things they are thinking but they are afraid that a man who
speaks out and says the things they are thinking is not responsible
enough to be a good President. It is a paradox that because they
identify with him, they believe that their own faults and weaknesses
are reflected in him.
The most significant point is the erosion of the Wallace strength.
The alientated voter can express his frustrations by voting for
Wallace -- and did in 1968. Broder points out, however, that
significant numbers of former Wallace voters have now concluded
either that he is too dangerous to be President or that a vote for
Wallace is a wasted one. This should be an opportunity for us.
6. People want leadership and a unifying influence. This is really
another restatement of the frustrations of this segment of the
population. Restoring their confidence in the future in the ways
described above is the key.