Ask the Scholar

{
    "localId": "26145213",
    "label": "WHSF: Contested, 8-2",
    "core": "doc",
    "dtoType": "document",
    "citationUrl": "https://catalog.archives.gov/id/26145213"
}

{
    "id": "26145213",
    "sourceUrl": "https://catalog.archives.gov/id/26145213",
    "contentType": "document",
    "title": "WHSF: Contested, 8-2",
    "description": "This file contains:\n\nFrom Butterfield to Haldeman RE: a telephone conversation with Ross Perot. Handwritten notes added by unknown. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 7/28/1972\n\nFrom Halletet to Haldeman RE: the use of RN's daughters in the campaign. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/24/1972\n\nFrom Cole to Haldeman laying out political strategies for the campaign season. 4 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/19/1972\n\nFrom Hallett to Haldeman RE: RN's public image during the campaign. 5 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/15/1972",
    "citationUrl": "https://catalog.archives.gov/id/26145213",
    "collections": [
        "Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection",
        "Contested Materials Files"
    ],
    "iiifBase": "https://s3.amazonaws.com/NARAprodstorage/opastorage/live/13/1452/26145213/content/presidential-libraries/nixon/RN-RET/2546065/Contested-Box-8/Contested-08-02.pdf",
    "thumbnailUrl": "https://s3.amazonaws.com/NARAprodstorage/opastorage/live/13/1452/26145213/content/presidential-libraries/nixon/RN-RET/2546065/Contested-Box-8/Contested-08-02.pdf",
    "largeImageUrl": "https://s3.amazonaws.com/NARAprodstorage/opastorage/live/13/1452/26145213/content/presidential-libraries/nixon/RN-RET/2546065/Contested-Box-8/Contested-08-02.pdf",
    "imageCount": 1,
    "hasImages": true,
    "source": "import",
    "hasTranscription": false
}

{
    "url": "https://catalog.archives.gov/id/26145213",
    "naId": 26145213,
    "levelOfDescription": "fileUnit",
    "recordType": "description",
    "ocrSource": "nara-archive"
}

{
    "seq": 1,
    "pageIndex": 0,
    "type": "document",
    "url": "https://s3.amazonaws.com/NARAprodstorage/opastorage/live/13/1452/26145213/content/presidential-libraries/nixon/RN-RET/2546065/Contested-Box-8/Contested-08-02.pdf",
    "mediaId": "4d04d82f0b5863e3",
    "ocrText": "Richard Nixon Presidential Library\nContested Materials Collection\nFolder List\nBox Number\nFolder Number\nDocument Date\nNo Date\nSubject\nDocument Type\nDocument Description\n8\n2\n7/28/1972\nDomestic Policy\nMemo\nFrom Butterfield to Haldeman RE: a\ntelephone conversation with Ross Perot.\nHandwritten notes added by unknown. 1 pg.\n8\n2\n7/24/1972\nCampaign\nMemo\nFrom Halletet to Haldeman RE: the use of\nRN's daughters in the campaign. 2 pgs.\n8\n2\n6/19/1972\nCampaign\nMemo\nFrom Cole to Haldeman laying out political\nstrategies for the campaign season. 4 pgs.\n8\n2\n6/15/1972\nCampaign\nMemo\nFrom Hallett to Haldeman RE: RN's public\nimage during the campaign. 5 pgs.\nWednesday, August 25, 2010\nPage 1 of 1\nHFU\nMEMORANDUM\nTHE WHITE HOUSE\nM.S\nKabbady Tell\n1/28\nWASHINGTON\nADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL/PERSONAL\nMEMORANDUM FOR:\nMR. H. R. HALDEMAN\nto\nFROM:\nALEXANDER P. BUTTERFIELD\nSUBJECT:\nRoss Perot\nBob:\nIn accordance with one of Larry's weekend requests, made on your\nbehalf, I called Ross Perot and asked if I could be of assistance in\nwhatever matter he wanted to talk to you about. After some light\nchit-chat and a brief discussion of the health of each other's family\nmembers, he said that he needed to get some things squared away\nwith you personally on the subject of his position or status vis-a-vis\n\"the Nixon team\". He said that Maury Stans and others were on\nhis back constantly and that he felt it necessary to talk to you about\nhis relationship with us before he gave any answers or took any actions.\nHe went on to articulate his continued high regard for the President\nand the job he is doing. But he admitted to a feeling of being \"pretty\nmuch out in left field\".\nIn short, Ross wants to be wooed by a phone call (preferably from the\nPresident, but at least from you) and various other gestures back into\nthe fold. His final comment was: \"It's been so long since I've heard\nfrom anyone there that I suppose if I were half-smart I'd understand\nthe message and know it was meant to be permanent.\"\nADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL/PERSONAL\n7/31 Gak coverd for Stans\nTHE WHITE HOUSE\nWASHINGTON\nJuly 24, 1972\nADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL\nMEMORANDUM FOR:\nFROM:\nHR. R. HALDEMAN Dell\nDOUG HALLETT\nRE:\nLarry Higby's Memo of July 19\nThis is in response to the second part of Larry Higby's memoran-\ndum of July 19, asking for my thoughts on the best use of Mrs. Nix-\non, Tricia, and Julie, during the campaign.\nI have become a great fan of Mrs. Nixon's -- I think she is a great\nasset and can be a very substantial addition to the campaign. She\nshould appear with the President quite frequently. In addition, she\nshould have her own schedule of appearances at volunteer projects,\nhospitals, schools, etc. -- these she does fabulously well. Like\nthe President, her appearances should be at least theoretically gov-\nernmental. Carefully-selected TV talk shows might be another pos-\nsibility these, however, would have to be carefully selected\nobviously Liz Drew's show would not be appropriate.\nI would combine Tricia's appearances to the Deep South and joint\nappearance with Mr. Cox in which he is a speaker or otherwise the\ndominant performer. As part of this, she might do some Northern\ntalk shows in conjunction with Mr. Cox or even alone, But these\nshould be carefully selected. Merv Griffin's audience is appropriate\n-- Dick Cavett's would not be. If anybody has to waste time appear-\ning before women's Republican lunches -- and I hope as little of this\nas possible can be done -- Tricia is the one.\nJulie is excellent before virtually all kind of audiences except the\nmost superheated and sophisticated liberal types. Ethnic picnics,\nvolunteer projects, children's hospitals, schools, etc. -- these\nare the kinds of colorful, visual, and informal events at which I\nthink Julie does well. Since she speaks Spanish, she should be\n-2-\nprogrammed for a lot of Spanish-type appearances in New York,\nNew Jersey, Illinois, Texas, and especially California.\nMy memorandum of June 15 already suggested a Sunday evening\nbefore-the-election family show and a Monday daytime Nixon\nwomen show -- I reiterate these suggestions here.\nCC: Charles W. Colson\nTHE WHITE HOUSE\nWASHINGTON\nJune 19, 1972\nMEMORANDUM FOR:\nH. R. HALDEMAN\nFROM:\nKEN COLE\nThis is in response to your memorandum of June 12 which\nrequested my views and analysis of the following points:\n1. The President's posture between the Conventions.\nMost people are \"down\" on politicians and political\ncampaigning. The longer the President can stay\nabove the battle, the better off he will be. The\nPresident should keep being \"President\" just as long\nas he possibly can. Therefore, he should continue\nas usual at least up to the Republican Convention.\nDuring the Convention interlude, the President should\nbe engaged in things that reflect favorably on him -\nfollow-up to the trip to Russia, further efforts at\nending the Vietnam War, events to highlight the suc-\ncess of his economic program and his concern for the\nstill unemployed. Additionally, he should make one\nlast effort at urging the Congress to pass remaining\nlegislation proposed by this Administration. This\ncould best be done by a series of meetings with Senate\nand House Committee Chairmen and/or concerned Committee\nmembers. In addition, the President could meet with\nsupportive special interest groups.\nMeetings such as these would allow the President the\nopportunity to demonstrate familiarity with his domestic\nlegislation and to articulate the principles which\nsupport his proposals. Each meeting should be followed\nwith a press briefing by John Ehrlichman and, if\ndesirable, the appropriate Cabinet Officer. We could,\n- 2 -\nif planned sufficiently in advance, arrange for network\nand local TV stories which demonstrate the problem the\nPresident is trying to correct and how his solution\nwould work. For instance, on the environmental issue,\nwe could encourage the networks and local TV stations\nto get film of water pollution which could be utilized\nin their reports of the President's meeting with Congres-\nsional representatives to encourage them to pass his water\npollution legislation.\nMost importantly, in the Cabinet meeting last Friday\nwe heard the President was eloquent on foreign policy\nand the balance of international power. He needs to\nre-articulate publicly his domestic philosophy - what\nhe stands for - what he's for and against domestically.\nIt may be that his acceptance speech at the convention\nwould be the best place, but he needs to set his domestic\nphilosophy before the public, not on a programmatic basis,\nbut in the overall sense he needs to state his goal for\nthe nation domestically and how we are going to get there.\n2. The President's posture from the Republican Convention to\nthe Election.\nHere again, the longer he can stay \"President\" the better\noff he will be. In this case, whether or not the Congress\nis in session will have some bearing on what the President\nis able to do. If the Congress is in session, the President\nshould continue the scenario outlined for the between Con-\nventions period. If it is not in session, then we must\nfind graphic ways for the President to demonstrate the\nfailure of Congress. For instance, he could make trips\nto problem areas and then kick Congress for allowing a\nproblem to go on because of their failure to pass the\nlegislation the President recommended. These trips should\nbe \"non-political\".\nIn either event, the President should not start political\ncampaigning until, at the earliest, the first of October.\nIf Congress is still in session then, he should be out of\nWashington only on weekends. This could perhaps be\nstretched to include one trip during the week, although I\nthink it is important to convey the image of the President\nbeing in Washington \"running the country\" while others are\nout campaigning.\n- 3 -\nThe President's efforts should be concentrated in key\nstates. He should not try to visit all 50 states, but\nhe might make some regional visits which would include\nstates otherwise missed, for instance the farm states.\nHe should do events which provide for some kind of\nencounter with the \"average man\". Generally these\nshould be issue oriented situations. Additionally, he\nshould also do the standard rallies and motorcades, and\nalthough many will argue that the McGinnis book discredited\nthe citizen TV Q&A, I think the same kind of thing which\nwas done in 1968 could be utilized again - assuming we\ncan figure out a way to avoid being accused of rigging\nthe panel.\n3. Thoughts as to strategy for the campaign on issues, timing,\npoints of attack, etc.\nThe President should not attack anyone for anything\nduring the campaign. This should be left to the\nsurrogates. He should at all times be the statesman\nwho has brought peace to the world and economic stability\nto our country. And, who has applied and intends to\ncontinue to apply these same visionary attributes to\nour domestic problems. The President should articulate\nonly positive things relative to key issue areas and key\ninterest groups.\nThe surrogates on the other hand should be on the attack\nbeginning with the close of the Democratic Convention.\nWhat they should be attacking will, of course, be depen-\ndent upon the candidate as each has staked out his own\npositions. It seems to me though that no matter who the\ncandidate is there are two things which we can challenge\nregardless. One is the failure of the Congress, and the\nsecond is the inability of the Federal Government to\nproduce because of bureaucracy. I don't think we should\nhave any qualms about attacking the Federal establishment,\neven if it means pointing the finger at ourselves, although\nI do believe we can be divorced from most of the goings on.\n4. The opposition's strategy and what we can do.\nThe Democrats will attack the President's credibility and\nhis lack of concern for the average man. They will have\nabsolutely no regard for the accuracy or validity of their\ncharges and they will use the War, the economy - high food\nprices and high unemployment - and other people issues\n- 4 -\nsuch as hunger, housing, crime and taxes to demonstrate\ntheir claims. While we will be tied to specifics, the\nDemocrats will be able to avoid them, and they will get\na lot of help from the media in conveying their message.\nThe President should stay above all of this. He should\nbe on the offensive with issues like peace, the economy\nand the failure of Congress to legislate his domestic\nreforms. As I said before, he should not attack the\nDemocrats for their faulty charges. Rather, this should\nbe left to the surrogates whose efforts should be geared,\nin addition to positive statements, to disclosing the\nfallacies of opposition proposals, pressuring the opposi-\ntion for specifics and painting the opposition as extreme\nand irresponsible. We, like the Democrats, should not be\ntoo concerned about the substance of our charges - as long\nas the President is not making them. Presidential spokes-\nmen will have far more flexibility for demagoguery than\nwill the President.\nWe should have our own plan as to how to win this election,\nand the development of the plan should assume that the\nworst charges possible are made against the President.\nWe should then operate against this plan, and never, once,\ndeviate from it. Just because the opposition makes some\nfalse charges, the President should not be rushing out to\nrespond. Rather we should just let it go, or let a sur-\nrogate handle it.\nMy rationale for all of this is that the majority of the\npeople of this country desire most a President who is\nstrong in his leadership, compassionate in his judgments\nand courageous in the face of adversity. I think they\nhave that kind of President in President Nixon. And I\nbelieve that this situation, thanks to the China visit,\nRussia, the mining of Haiphong and the President's strong\naction to bring the economy back in line is becoming\nincreasingly clear to the public in general. Everything\nthe President does between now and the election must be\ngeared to contribute to this image.\n4\nCONFIDENTIAL\nTHE WHITE HOUSE\nEAES Unit\nWASHINGTON\nDETERMINED TO BE AN\nADMINIS MARKING\nE.O. 12065, 6-102\nJune 15, 1972\nBy Emp\n10-6-80\nMEMORANDUM FOR:\nH. R. HALDEMAN\nFROM:\nDOUGLASHALLET\nSUBJECT:\nYour Memo of June 12.\nThe following is in response to the four questions raised in your\nJune 12 memorandum:\n1. The President should be visibly involved in domestic issues --\nparticularly the more gutsy domestic issues which give him a\nchange-oriented, anti-status quo image. The President's foreign\npolicy successes will be easy to bring to peoples' minds during\nthe campaign itself. His domestic policy biases will not -- and\nsome we will not want to bring to mind at that time 80 as not to\noffend the more stable parts of our coalition. Between the conven-\ntions, the President could address a Spanish group and even visit a\nbarrio, take his domestic policy staff and Cabinet team to a city like\nIndianapolis for a two-day, in-depth exposure to its problems, visit\na rural, agricultural community for a day, appear at a local union\nmeeting and a factory, do a walking tour of a Catholic, ethnic urban\ncommunity like Bay Ridge, New York City, do a one-day health tour --\ni. e. visit a hospital, an urban clinic, a medical school, make an\naddress on education before a prestige audience dealing with questions\nlike the chit system, non-public education, \"free schools\", busing, etc.\nin a coherent, thoughtful way, tying them all together under the theme\nof eliminating governmental intervention in education as much as\npossible, do an address on incomes VS. services strategy before a\nprestige audience of poverty types, announce something on tax reform,\nsock it to some major corporations once or twice to erase ITT. The\nPresident should also do something on the human and personal side\nperhaps my old stand-by Colorado River run or a camping trip or\nsomething, anything to keep him out of Key Biscayne and San Clemente\nand demonstrate he can relate to something other than fat-cat vacation\nspas.\nCORPIDENTIAL\nCONFIDENTIAL\nEYES CNLY\n2.\nThe President has had a rather vigorous schedule in recent months.\nKeeping it going will make whatever campaign-related appearances he\nhe wants to make seem not so out-of-the-ordinary and non-Presiden-\ntial. We can also do certain kinds of visual, theoretically govern-\nmental, events now that we will not be able to do after September for\nboth lack of time and obvious politics. Between the conventions, then,\noffers the best opportunity to assert the same sense of dynamism in\nour domestic policy as we already have made clear on the foreign side.\nThe over-all theme which can be related to our foreign policy and the\nNixon Doctrine -- is that government has been too active, both at home\nand abroad, and what we are doing recognizes the need to readjust the\nbalance, return power to the people, take it away from the pointy-headed,\nsandwich-carrying bureaucrats, and reprivatize much of what government\nhas undertaken in the past decade. This period is also a perfect time to\nlook beyond the conventions and even the election by giving the President's\ndomestic policy a more radical, dynamic image -- in the first term it was\nnecessary to clean up the foreign and economic messes left by the previous\nAdministration; in the second Administration the people can expect a\nmore vigorous attention to domestic issues and one which is explicitly\nanti-governmental.\n2. With something along the lines of the above accomplished between the\nconvention, the question of when he should start campaigning will never\nreally have to be faced. Anything explicitly campaign-oriented can just\nbe woven in to what the President is already doing. Immediately after\nthe convention, the President might do a quickie foreign trip the 1970\none, I thought, was fairly effective. Thinking up some excuse for the\nPresident to visit the Pope in Italy might be particularly good. When he\ncomes back, his campaign pa should not be much, if any, faster than\nhis between-convention pace. Two kinds of events should be undertaken.\nThe first would be a more limited version of what he should do between\nconventions. While obviously devotion of a full day or two to something\nlike health or urban problems becomes impossible to arrange after the\nSeptember 1 date, what is realistic is a one-topic speech event or state-\nment tied to a visual event: i. e. addressing a conservation group and\nvisiting a pollution-control facility on the same day. I could foresee\nperhaps 10 to 12 half-days spent like this on each of the major issues.\nThe second type of event would be the partisan rally. These should be\nregionalized, perhaps 5 or 6 the entire campaign. They would be\nscrupulously prepared so that the President would fly into a city and be\nmet with no less than 200, people anytime he did an explicitly partisan\nevent. The cities for these rallies should be picked now and planning\nshould be undertaken immediately. Other than these two kinds of events,\nCONFIDENTIAL\nwall\n4\nCONFIDENTIAL\nEYES ONLY.\nthe President should be actively and visibly involved in the affairs of\ngovernment here in Washington, blasting the Congress for inaction on\nhis domestic program and tying up the final strings on his structure of\npeace. On the media front, we should have factual, issue-oriented\n(one issue per message) 30-second to 2-minute spots on 10 or 12 key\nissues without any involvement personally of the President, a 30-minute\n\"Nixon in the White House\" newsy-type documentary to play over and\nover, a 30-minute Nixon biography for the same purpose, and two one-\nhour conversations -- one of the President with common people (a veteran,\na union agent, a blue-collar housewife, a black, etc.) and one with a\ngroup of foreign policy types. The Sunday evening before the election\nthe President might do a 30-minute conversation with a group of kids.\nMonday afternoon Mrs. Nixon and the girls might do something on prices,\neducation, etc. in an informal setting with one of our women appointees\ninterviewing. The night before the election, the President and family\nshould be on for an hour -- informal issue-oriented but general conversa-\ntion leading up to a very philosophical, very statesmanlike, but natural,\nperoration by the President. Ethnic -- i.e. Nixon and Jews -- and\nnegative -- i.e. McGovern and aerospace employment -- spots should\nbe used by front groups in particular areas.\nThe oratorical tone of the President's remarks can become somewhat more\noffensive after September 1. The real gut-fighting should be left to others,\nbut the idea that the Democratic Party, even with George McGovern, is\nthe party of big government, large taxes, discord, over-intervention at\nhome and abroad, etc. should be gotten across. The President's partisan\nspeeches can contrast what is the case now with what was the case in 1968.\nOthers should tie George McGovern to the Eastern Establishment, the\nCouncil on Foreign Relations, the New York Times, etc. but the\nPresident's partisan speeches -- as opposed to the 10 or 12 suggested\nsubstantive speeches can make it absolutely crystal-clear that George\nMcGovern's idea of change is no different than Franklin Roosevelt's or\nHarry Truman's or Lyndon Johnson's -- and that that conception of change\nis now no-change at all. By doing this, the President can take from\nMcGovern the anti-establishment image, identify himself with the little\nguy and McGovern with the furry people in the Eastern Corridor, and give\nvoice responsibly to people's real concerns. Foreign policy here\nexplicitly should support domestic policy -- Democratic bias towards\nextending democracy at home and abroad has gotten this country into\ngrave difficulty and what President Nixon is doing is getting it out.\nCORPIDENTIAL\nCONFIDENTIAL\n4\nEYES ONLY\n4.\n3. and 4. The opposition will be vigorously moderating its position while main-\ntaining its rhetorical and image posture. Liberalscare about words more\nthan substance and McGovern believes he can carry them along while\nexpanding his base into the center -- but the psychological posture will\nnot change. Counter-acting it must be done carefully, in two directions\nsimultaneously. On the lower end of the spectrum is the radicalism issue\nand McGovern's radical posture on a number of different issues amnesty,\ndefense cuts as they affect jobs, marijuana, etc. Our efforts here should\nbe restrained 60 that what McGovern says and not what we say is the\nissue. They should also be very carefully particularized and very care-\nfully documented. One-liners in the Vice-President's speeches about\nabortion can only help Mc Govern by making us seem silly for relying\non a minor issue most people are far-advanced on. Mailings, non-\nnational speakers, carefully-distributed pamphlets by front groups, ads\nin ethnic press, etc., on the other hand, can be extremely helpful. Ditto\nwith Jewish voters on Israel, defense-space workers in Florida, Texas\nand California, veterans groups, anti-busing types, etc. The danger\nhere is thinking we aren't getting our position across because we don't\nread it in the Washington Post. That, really, is what we want. We\nwant to reach with these issues the kind of people who don't read the\nWashington Post and we should be actually happy if it doesn't appear there,\nnor on the nightly news shows, etc. The most extreme kinds of charges --\ni. e. he's a friend of Ellsberg or Abbie Hoffman, etc. should be even\nmore carefully regulated to assure maximal benefit where they help but\nno disadvantage in the far more numerous areas where use of this\nmaterial will hurt. Cheap-shotting McGovern's $110, 000 home, etc.\nshould only be in context of a mere substantive attack on his essentially\nEastern Establishment liberalism.\nOn the higher end of the spectrum will be the foreign policy issues,\nwelfare, national security, etc. Our efforts here should be equally\ncareful. We must remember that the only way McGovern can win is\nby holding frustrated middle-class ethnics and taking upper-middle\nclass suburbanites and combining them with the minorities to win bare\nmajorities in the big industrial states like California, Illinois and New\nYork. McGovern knows he cannot take the South. He knows, too, that\nthe kind of support he gets only comes after the most intense cultivation,\nthrough media and house-calling, and the development of an emotional-\npsychological identity among his voters with him. In my view, this\nmeans McGovern will have a firmly left-wing Northern Democratic\nVice-President and he will spend an unprecedented amount of time\ncampaigning in the Northeast and Mid-west and Far-west. By doing 80, it\nis possible that he could lose the popular vote and still win the electoral\nvote count. And since it is possible and since it is the only possible\nway he could win we should worry about countering McGovern's potential\nCONFIDENTIAL\nhirm\nONLY\nCONFIDENTIAL\nEYES ONLY\n5.\nappeal among these Northern, more sophisticated, more change-oriented\nvoters, and not worry so much about other types of voters who have no\nchoice but to vote for us and whose support can be reinforced by the\nkinds of covert operation suggested above.\nOur discussions of the major issues should be on a responsonsible,\npositive plane. Our point is that McGovern's proposals are either\nirresponsible and counter-productive his defense budget -- or that\nthey are just retreads of New Deal and Great Society programs. The\nreal change, the real responsible change and particularly libertarian\nchange, has already come from President Nixon. These points should\nbe made by the Vice President, our Cabinet officers, and most of our\nsurrogate speakers.\nIt would be particularly helpful if we could get liberal Republicans i.e.\nJavits, Scranton, etc. -- out campaigning on these points. The tempta-\ntion, I know, will be to wave the flag and reach for the punch-line, but\nwe must remember that the audience in front of a speaker is not nearly\nso important as the columnists, news commentators, etc. through which\nhe is reflected to the public as a whole. In 1970, the President didn't\nreally go around throwing verbal bombs all the time, but because he did\na few times that was the impression which was created. We want the\ntone of our national campaign as opposed to particular community\nand sect efforts, to be positive and to keep it that way we have to be\nespecially cautious in view of the media's desire to see us become\nnegative. This is the best way, indeed the only way, to not let McGovern\nhave the Mr. Clean-honesty-anti-establishment, etc. type issues benefit\nhim among the only voters who can elect him President. We want to\nembody change and we cannot do that if we are demogoguing -- the media,\nMcGovern's personal impression, his ability to weave out of his positions\nunless they are explicitly documented, the counter-productiveness of\ndemogoguery among the national constituency, the resulting sacrifice\nof our Presidential image and the advantages of incumbency make it\nunhelpful anyway. And if we can take the change, Mr. Clean, anti-establish-\nment range of issues away from McGovern, we have taken away the only\nbasis on which he can possibly win.\nEYES"
}