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This file contains:
From Gordon Strachan to Haldeman. RE: Dole's Meeting with the President-July 20, 1971. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/19/1971
From Gordon Strachan to Haldeman. RE: Derge Analysis of Nixon Image Study. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 7/19/1971
From Gordon Strachan to Haldeman. RE: Charlie McWorter-Information System. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/15/1971
From Gordon Strachan to Haldeman. RE: Magruder's Projects, including: The Black vote in 1972, and the National Movement for the Student Vote. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/16/1971
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: The Black vote in 1972, and their status with the Administration. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/3/1971
Report on the Black Vote In 1972. Such catagories include: Voting Behavior, areas of positive/negative feelings about Nixon, Understanding the Black Attitudes, etc. 8 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
Article from the New York Times. RE: 1/3 of the Black Population found in 15 Cities. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Newspaper], no date
Graph demonstrating the Black Vote as a Percent of the Total Vote by Region and by Population Density. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Other Document], no date
Graph Displaying the Distribution of the Voting Age Population and Those Who Claimed They Voted in 1968- By Race, Region and Population Density. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Other Document], no date
Graph displaying the Percent of Persons of Voting Age Who Claimed to Have Voted im 1968- by Race, Region and Population Density. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Other Document], no date
Gallup Poll, RE: The Republican Percentages Among the Non-White Vote. 1 pg. Campaign [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
The Gallup Report's survey, RE: Nixon and the Republican Party's Rejection by Nation's Blacks. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
Table H, RE: The Electoral Impact of Black Voters by States and Regions. 3 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
Notes on Table H, RE: The Electoral impact of Black Voters by States and Regions. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
Table 1, RE: The Importance of Black Votes in States with Large Electoral Votes. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
Article RE: "Caucus Heads Assail Nixon." African American members of the Democratic Caucus stated that Nixon did little but defend his domestic policies in the faces of criticism. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Newspaper], 5/29/1971
The Col. Washington Star Newspaper. RE: Nixon and the Black Congressman. Questions about Nixon's concern with the black urban poor. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Newspaper], 5/27/1971
From Leroy Weekes to Arthur A. Fletcher. RE: Involvement of the Nixon Administration in a luncheon at the West Adams Community Hospital that would demonstrated the President's sensitivities to black people. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Letter], 6/28/1971
For the Attorney General. RE: Enclosed information on the National Movement for the Student Vote. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/14/1971
From Ken Rietz to Senator Brock. RE: The activities of the National Movement for the Student Vote. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/8/1971
From Morris B. Abram Jr. to the National Advisory Board. RE: Summary of Progress made with the development of the National Movement for the Student Vote (NMSV). 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 6/21/1971
RE: The National Movement for the Student Vote's plan to initiate voter registration drives throughout the nation's college campuses. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Newsletter], no date
RE: A priliminary report on a piolot project for The National Movement for the Student Vote. Includes: The influence of young voters on the electorate as a whole, specific targeted demographics and regions in the U.S. 28 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
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26145517
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WHSF: Contested, 11-9
core
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document
citationUrl
pageCount
1
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id
26145517
sourceUrl
contentType
document
title
WHSF: Contested, 11-9
description
This file contains:
From Gordon Strachan to Haldeman. RE: Dole's Meeting with the President-July 20, 1971. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/19/1971
From Gordon Strachan to Haldeman. RE: Derge Analysis of Nixon Image Study. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 7/19/1971
From Gordon Strachan to Haldeman. RE: Charlie McWorter-Information System. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/15/1971
From Gordon Strachan to Haldeman. RE: Magruder's Projects, including: The Black vote in 1972, and the National Movement for the Student Vote. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/16/1971
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: The Black vote in 1972, and their status with the Administration. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/3/1971
Report on the Black Vote In 1972. Such catagories include: Voting Behavior, areas of positive/negative feelings about Nixon, Understanding the Black Attitudes, etc. 8 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
Article from the New York Times. RE: 1/3 of the Black Population found in 15 Cities. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Newspaper], no date
Graph demonstrating the Black Vote as a Percent of the Total Vote by Region and by Population Density. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Other Document], no date
Graph Displaying the Distribution of the Voting Age Population and Those Who Claimed They Voted in 1968- By Race, Region and Population Density. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Other Document], no date
Graph displaying the Percent of Persons of Voting Age Who Claimed to Have Voted im 1968- by Race, Region and Population Density. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Other Document], no date
Gallup Poll, RE: The Republican Percentages Among the Non-White Vote. 1 pg. Campaign [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
The Gallup Report's survey, RE: Nixon and the Republican Party's Rejection by Nation's Blacks. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
Table H, RE: The Electoral Impact of Black Voters by States and Regions. 3 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
Notes on Table H, RE: The Electoral impact of Black Voters by States and Regions. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
Table 1, RE: The Importance of Black Votes in States with Large Electoral Votes. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
Article RE: "Caucus Heads Assail Nixon." African American members of the Democratic Caucus stated that Nixon did little but defend his domestic policies in the faces of criticism. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Newspaper], 5/29/1971
The Col. Washington Star Newspaper. RE: Nixon and the Black Congressman. Questions about Nixon's concern with the black urban poor. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Newspaper], 5/27/1971
From Leroy Weekes to Arthur A. Fletcher. RE: Involvement of the Nixon Administration in a luncheon at the West Adams Community Hospital that would demonstrated the President's sensitivities to black people. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Letter], 6/28/1971
For the Attorney General. RE: Enclosed information on the National Movement for the Student Vote. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/14/1971
From Ken Rietz to Senator Brock. RE: The activities of the National Movement for the Student Vote. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/8/1971
From Morris B. Abram Jr. to the National Advisory Board. RE: Summary of Progress made with the development of the National Movement for the Student Vote (NMSV). 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 6/21/1971
RE: The National Movement for the Student Vote's plan to initiate voter registration drives throughout the nation's college campuses. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Newsletter], no date
RE: A priliminary report on a piolot project for The National Movement for the Student Vote. Includes: The influence of young voters on the electorate as a whole, specific targeted demographics and regions in the U.S. 28 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
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Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
Contested Materials Collection
Folder List
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
11
9
7/19/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Gordon Strachan to Haldeman. RE:
Dole's Meeting with the President-July 20,
1971. 2 pgs.
11
9
7/19/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From Gordon Strachan to Haldeman. RE:
Derge Analysis of Nixon Image Study. 1 pg.
11
9
7/15/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Gordon Strachan to Haldeman. RE:
Charlie McWorter-Information System. 2
pgs.
11
9
7/16/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Gordon Strachan to Haldeman. RE:
Magruder's Projects, including: The Black
vote in 1972, and the National Movement for
the Student Vote. 1 pg.
Monday, October 18, 2010
Page 1 of 5
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
11
9
7/3/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General.
RE: The Black vote in 1972, and their status
with the Administration. 1 pg.
11
9
Campaign
Report
Report on the Black Vote In 1972. Such
catagories include: Voting Behavior, areas of
positive/negative feelings about Nixon,
Understanding the Black Attitudes, etc. 8 pgs.
11
9
Campaign
Newspaper
Article from the New York Times. RE: 1/3
of the Black Population found in 15 Cities. 1
pg.
11
9
Campaign
Other Document
Graph demonstrating the Black Vote as a
Percent of the Total Vote by Region and by
Population Density. 1 pg.
11
9
Campaign
Other Document
Graph Displaying the Distribution of the
Voting Age Population and Those Who
Claimed They Voted in 1968- By Race,
Region and Population Density. 1 pg.
Monday, October 18, 2010
Page 2 of 5
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
11
9
Campaign
Other Document
Graph displaying the Percent of Persons of
Voting Age Who Claimed to Have Voted im
1968- by Race, Region and Population
Density. 1 pg.
11
9
Campaign
Report
Gallup Poll, RE: The Republican
Percentages Among the Non-White Vote. 1
pg.
11
9
Campaign
Report
The Gallup Report's survey, RE: Nixon and
the Republican Party's Rejection by Nation's
Blacks. 1 pg.
11
9
Campaign
Report
Table H, RE: The Electoral Impact of Black
Voters by States and Regions. 3 pg.
11
9
Campaign
Report
Notes on Table H, RE: The Electoral impact
of Black Voters by States and Regions. 1 pg.
Monday, October 18, 2010
Page 3 of 5
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
11
9
Campaign
Report
Table 1, RE: The Importance of Black Votes
in States with Large Electoral Votes. 1 pg.
11
9
5/29/1971
Campaign
Newspaper
Article RE: "Caucus Heads Assail Nixon."
African American members of the
Democratic Caucus stated that Nixon did
little but defend his domestic policies in the
faces of criticism.
1 pg.
11
9
5/27/1971
Domestic Policy
Newspaper
The Col. Washington Star Newspaper. RE:
Nixon and the Black Congressman.
Questions about Nixon's concern with the
black urban poor. 1 pg.
11
9
6/28/1971
Domestic Policy
Letter
From Leroy Weekes to Arthur A. Fletcher.
RE: Involvement of the Nixon
Administration in a luncheon at the West
Adams Community Hospital that would
demonstrated the President's sensitivities to
black people. 1 pg.
11
9
7/14/1971
Campaign
Memo
For the Attorney General. RE: Enclosed
information on the National Movement for
the Student Vote. 1 pg.
Monday, October 18, 2010
Page 4 of 5
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
11
9
7/8/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Ken Rietz to Senator Brock. RE: The
activities of the National Movement for the
Student Vote. 1 pg.
11
9
6/21/1971
Campaign
Report
From Morris B. Abram Jr. to the National
Advisory Board. RE: Summary of Progress
made with the development of the National
Movement for the Student Vote
(NMSV).
1 pg.
11
9
Campaign
Newsletter
RE: The National Movement for the Student
Vote's plan to initiate voter registration
drives throughout the nation's college
campuses. 1 pg.
11
9
Campaign
Report
RE: A priliminary report on a piolot project
for The National Movement for the Student
Vote. Includes: The influence of young
voters on the electorate as a whole, specific
targeted demographics and regions in the
U.S. 28 pgs.
Monday, October 18, 2010
Page 5 of 5
July 19, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Dole's Meeting with the
President - July 20, 1971
Magruder met with Senator Dole today to discuss the RNC Pre-
Convention Committees. During the discussion Dole's interest
in Chigago or Miami Beach as the convention site surfaced.
Magruder is concerned that tomorrow the President may say
"What city do you prefer?" Whereupon Dole will say Miami
Beach and the carefully developed scenario to program San
Diego as the RNC's choice will fall apart; add the President
will be forced to push San Diego.
Concerning the Pre-Convention Committees, Dole, Magruder,
Timmons and Odle reviewed the names. All names were cleared
with Harry Dent, Lee Nunn, and Harry Flemming before being
offered to Dole. The final set of recommendations is as
follows:
Arrangements Committee
Chairman, Bob Dole, Kansas
Vice-Chairman, Dick Herman, Nebraska
Secretary, Mrs. Mildred K. Perkins, New Hampshire
Treasurer, Mrs. J. Willard Marriott, District of Columbia
General Counsel, Fred C. Scribner, Maine
Advisor to the Committee on Arrangements, Ray Bliss, Ohio
Two problems exist. First, Dole wants McDill Boyd as Vice=
Chairman instead of Dick Herman. Dole may try to appeal the
decision to the Attorney General tomorrow. The second problem
concerns Fred Scribner as General Counsel. Your reservation about
him was relayed to the Attorney General by Magruder. Timmons
was also advised. However, Scribner is ex-officio general
counsel of the Arrangements Committee by virtue of his role as
general counsel of the RNC. The only way not to have him as
counsel of the Arrangements Committee would be to remove him
as counsel of the RNC, which no one appears ready to do at this
2
P6
time. Other Committee offices are:
Subcommittee on Badges and Tickets: Harry Rosensweig, Arizona
Subcommittee on Housing: Bo Callaway, Georgia
Subcommittee on News Media Operations: McDill Boyd, Kansas
Subcommittee on Program Planning: Robert Flanigan, Colorado
Subcommittee on Transportation: L.E. Thomas, Florida
Ed Middleton of Kentucky is to be Chairman of the Contests
Committee, and William Cramer of Florida is to be Chairman
of the Rules Committee.
You will notice that Robert Stuart and Bud Wilkinson have
been deleted from the list of assignments pursuant to your
suggestion.
GS:dg
Derge
July 19, 1971
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
H.R. HALDEMAN
memo Image
in
MEMORANDUM FOR:
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
fil
SUBJECT:
Derge Analysis of
in
Nixon Image Study
Derge
CC
Dr. Derge makes several policy recommendations based on
his study of the May 12-23, 1971 Nixon Image Study in a
file
memorandum for the President, which arrived today. His
recommendations include:
1. Emphasize the positive perceptions of achievement
and personality; do not try to remake the President's
image;
2. Emphasize the President's hard working, performance
oriented personality with: a) A television production on
#
"A Day in the Life of the President"; b) a documentary
on the President running the government by "administering
administrators"; c) a Presidential trip to promote the
"Federal Administrative Regions" concept that cuts
red tape and bureaucracy;
3. The President's performance on domestic issues is
not appreciated by the public. To dramatize accomplish-
ments, an Environmental CCC for youth and unemployed
Veterans, a stronger stand on drugs, and Congress'
poor performance should be stressed;
4. To capture Independents and defecting Democrats, a
low political profile should be maintained in 1972;
5. Since the President is rated low as a military
strategist, details should be left to assistants.
Dr. Derge's four page memorandum is attached.
GS:1m
DETERMINED TO BE AN
ADMINISTRATIVE MARKING
E.O. 12356, Section 1.1
By Doll NARA, Date 3/30/85
CONFIDENTIAL
July 15, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Charlie McWorter -
Information System
Discussion with Charlie McWorter, who just returned from the
Western Governor's Conference, covered the following subjects:
1) McWorter talked to McCall, who made the statements
about Reagan just to get the headlines and thereby
increase his chances of getting Hatfield's seat.
McCall says he was just trying to help the
President;
2) None of hhe Democratic Contenders had men working
the 7 Democratic Governors and staffs at the
Western Governor's Conference;
3) Egan told McWorter the President would have trouble
carrying Alaska; Burns said the same about Hawaii;
4) Governor Evans of Washington hasn't decided to
run for a third term. McWorter suggests that
"we" decide whether we want him to run and if so,
encourage him;
5) The President should carry Oregon through support
for Jackson is strong as it is in Washington;
6) In Idaho and Montana the Republican parties have
deteriorated badly and McWorter suggests that
the President campaign entirely separate from
the party. Idaho's Democratic Governor Andrus
and Montana's Democratic Governor Anderson are
doing well.
7) In New Memico the Republican efforts are chaotic,
and the President should campaign separately;
8) Governor Love told McWorter that the President
should carry Colorado. Love was very friendly and
wanted to be cooperative;
-2-
9) Steve Shaddegg of Arizona had some very negative
comments about the Administmation's dealing with
the Republican party. Shaddegg told McWorter
that "Nixon can't carry Arizona," but McWorter
disagrees;
10) McWorter will attend the Mid West Governor's
Confernece in Sioux City, Iowa, beginning Sunday.
McWorter will then go to the RNC meeting in
Denver where he will sit in with Flemming during
meetings with every Republican State Chairman.
11) McWorter attended Western Governor's "because
Stan Hathaway asked him." McWorter attends
National Governor's meetings as a "member of
the Vice President's Staff."
Recommendation:
That a copy of the memornadum be sent directly to the Attorney
General.
Approve
Disapprove
Comment
GS:elr
July 16, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Magruder's Projects
Two memoranda prepared by Magruder's Task Forces discuss the
Black Vote in 1972 and the National Movement for the Student
Vote. Both were prepared after the Attorney General left
for Europe, so he has not received them. To summarize:
1) The Black Vote in 1972
A detailed description with supporting tabs divides the
black vote into three groups: Northern-Western urban,
Southern urban, and Southern small town-rural. The
greatest leverage is exerted in the Industrial Northeast
and in California. The areas of agreement between blacks
and the Nixon Administration include school desegregation,
drug abuse actions, and the proposed Family Assistance
Plan. Negative reaction to the Administration is primarily
the result of inaccurate information reaching the black community.
Recommendations to capture part of the black vote include:
poll blacks to determine issue stands which could swing
their votes to us; increase Administration briefings of
black media; and specifically to use the Black Republicans
in the Nixon Administration on a regional basis to speak
and develop support for the President within the black
community. (memorandum attached at Tab A)
2) National Movement for the Student Vote
Ken Rietz advised Senator Brock in a memorandum (attached
at Tab B) that he "should ... (not) ... be overly converned
about the National Movement for the Student Vote." Rietz
obtained the NMSV reports to their Advisory Board which
outlines their difficulties in registering students.
Rietz urges Senator Brock to contact the Republican
members of the NMSV National Advisory Board (Senators
Brooke, Scott, and Margaret C. Smith) to encourage them
to withdraw quietit. (attached at Jab B)
GS:elr
A
DETERMINED TO BE AN
ADMINISTRATIVE MARKING
E.O. 12065, Section 6-102
By
NARS, Date 4-22-82
July 3, 1971
CONF IDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
SUBJECT:
The Black Vote in 1972
Attached is an analysis of the current status of the Adminis-
tration with the Black voters.
The report makes a specific recommendation on the early use
of high level Black appointees in the Administration as more
visible spokesmen to the Black community.
JEB S. MAGRUDER
Attachment
CONF IDENTIAL
DETERMINED TO BE AN
IDENTIAL
ADMI TRATIVE MARKING
E.O. 12065, Section 6-102
By
NAR Date
DETERMINED TO BE AN
ADMINISTRATIVE MARKING
THE BLACK VOTE IN 1972
E.O. 12356, Section 1.1
By NARA, Date COM
The purpose of this memorandum is to analyze the impact which the
Black voters are likely to have in the 1972 election, to describe
some current attitudes of the Black voter toward the Nixon
Administration, and to indicate several strategies that will be
evaluated during the planning phase of the camapign.
It represents the thinking of the Black leadership within the
Administration and was prepared in consultation with Sam Jackson,
HUD, Bob Brown and Stan Scott of the White House Staff, Art Fletcher
and John Wilks of the Department of Labor, Ed Sexton of the RNC, and
Harvey Russell from the Business Community.
VOTING BEHAVIOR
Black voters comprise about 11% of the total population. Their
population density varies by states (Tab A). Nearly half of the
Black population is concentrated in 50 cities and one-third of the
total is in 15 cities (Tab B).
In 1968, an estimated total of 79 million persons participated in
the general election. Of that total approximately 8.0%, or 6.3
million, were Black. In the South, the Black proportion was 14.7%,
and in the North and West, 5.5%. Blacks tend to vote in somewhat lower
proportion than Whites in all areas of the country (Tab C). In all
regions, but particularly outside the South, the Black voter had the
greatest impact in cities of 50,000 or more population.
In the South, he also is a factor outside of the metropolitan areas
(Tabs D and E). There are, then, three important broad demographic
groups: Northern-Western urban, Southern urban, and Southern small-
town and rural.
In 1960, the Republican presidential ticket received an estimated 32%
of the Black vote, which was consistent with the support the party had
received in the 50's. In 1964, with the Goldwater candidacy, that
figure dropped to 6%, and in 1968, the President was able only to
recover to a level of 12% (Tab F).
Currently, the President has a nation-wide approval rating of 28%
among Blacks, according to the Gallup Poll (Tab G). The greatest
support comes from the South, where he is approved by a 42% - 38%
margin, with 20% undecided.
In Tab H, a state-by-state analysis is shown of the plurality of
Black votes which would accrue to the Democratic Party in 1972,
assuming a 95% - 5% split in the Northern and Western states, and an
80% - 20% split in the South, averaging out to approximately the 12%
2
reported nationwide by Gallup for 1968. This is intended only to
provide a rough comparison between Black plurality and the 1968
total vote plurality in each state, to point out those states where
the Black vote is most critical.
There are marked regional differences. In the Deep South, (those
states carried by Wallace in 1968), the Black vote is proportionately
the highest, but the election outcome is traditionally decided by the
conservative White vote.
In the Border States, the Black vote is still proportionately high,
but in 1968 the President won most of the states with a substantial
plurality.
In the Industrial Northeast, the Black voter probably carries the
greatest leverage. The total vote tends to be balanced, and capable
of swinging to either party in a given year. The Black vote repre-
sents approximately 10% of the total, and heavily favors the
Democrats, giving them a substantial plurality at the outset.
New England is mixed. Massachusetts and Connecticut tend to resemble
the Industrial Northeast. The remaining states have a low Black
population which would not be a factor in most elections.
The Upper Midwest has a relatively low Black population, and the
total state pluralities in 1968 were substantially larger than the
leverage exerted by those voters.
The Mountain States, generally speaking, do not feel much effect from
the Black voters.
In the Pacific States, the impact is mixed, with substantial effect
in California, less in Washington, and very little in the remaining
states.
When the largest states, such as California, New York, etc., are taken
in order of electoral votes, the concentration of Black voters in
strategic points becomes particularly evident (Tab I).
3
AREAS OF AGREEMENT WITH THE NIXON ADMINISTRATION
There are several Administration programs which have received strong
support (particularly among the rank and file) in the Black community:
school desegregation enforcement activities; major initiatives in the
area of drug abuse; implementation of the Philadelphia Plan for in-
creasing the proportion of minority workers in Federally-sponsored
construction projects; substantial increase in the support of Black
colleges; the non-profit sponsors' housing program in HUD, in which
40% of the participation is by Black organizations; and many programs
to support the development of Black businesses, including those under
SBA, OMBE, EDA and HUD.
The Black voters give substantial support to the proposed Family
Assistance Plan, largely because it is the first proposal which in-
cludes some form of a guaranteed annual income. There seems to be
some question, however, as to whether the President is strongly be-
hind the program. Blacks support revenue sharing to the degree that
it appears to provide new money to the central cities. They are con-
cerned that adequate provisions be attached to that legislation to
assure that an equitable share of the funds be available to Black
communities and that the funds not be allowed to support discrimina-
tory practices. As indicated by the President's response to the
recent recommendations of the Black Caucus, significant achievements
have been made by this Administration in many areas of concern to
Blacks, although they have been unacknowledged.
There is a great deal of interest in Administration programs for Africa.
The recent extension to Africa of the Housing Guarantee Program under
AID, formerly limited to South American Countries, has been well
received.
AREAS OF NEGATIVE FEELING TOWARD THE ADMINISTRATION
Accurate information regarding Administration accomplishments does not
reach the Black community. For example, the media coverage of the
Black Caucus reaction to the Administration response focused almost
entirely on the negative. (Tab. It is doubtful that favorable media
comments such as those by Charles Bartlett (Tab K) reached an appreci-
able number of Blacks. Many Blacks have a strong feeling that the
President is not concerned with them as members of society (Tab G)
This is partly a result of the feeling that since the passing of Whitney
Young, no influential Black has the President's ear. Finally, the in-
creased unemployment during the last two years has had a particularly
severe effect on Blacks.
4
CAMPAIGN STRATEGY
Several areas should be considered in attempting to maximize the
Black vote for the President in 1972, while recognizing the limit-
ations of resources which can productively be allocated to that
endeavor:
Understanding the Black Attitudes. Within the next several months,
a comprehensive nationwide attitude poll should be taken and the
sample of Blacks should be sufficiently large to allow valid
statistical conclusions on their attitudes. The poll would seek to
determine the issues which are fundamentally important in shaping
voting decisions for 1972, and what the President might do to most
effectively win the confidence of more Black voters.
The poll should also measure the attitudes of Whites, across the
political spectrum, on what types of Federal programs for Blacks
are supported and which ones tend to polarize the electorate.
Communication of Administration Accomplishments. As was mentioned
earlier, very little objective reporting reaches the Black community.
We can approach that problem in several ways.
The White House has organized and is conducting monthly Administration
briefings for prominent Black citizens who are or tend to be favorable
to the President. Top Administration officials brief on programs and
progress in the Black sector.
Substantial effort is being directed toward cultivating relationships
with Black publishers and members of the Black press. Meetings are
planned with groups of publishers, as well as briefings in which top
Administration officials would participate.
The 172 Black-oriented weekly newspapers, with a combined circulation
of 3.5 million and a total readership of about 8 million, and the
"soul" radio stations in most cities represent a very effective mass
media system. One problem has been that our releases have often been
too lengthy to be printed verbatim, and the Black newspapers have
been unable or unwilling to devote their limited staff time to editing
the material. Consequently, those releases have not received maximum
exposure.
The Republican National Committee is currently reviewing representative
newspapers of the Black Press and publishing a bi-weekly summary of
major articles.
Mailing lists are available of Black leaders in several professions,
which can be very useful in getting the facts to opinion molders.
5
Black Spokesmen. The President is not limited to building relation-
ships with existing, highly publicized Black leaders. Many prominent
Black citizens have achieved high visibility through programs or high
positions in this Administration. By his actions, the President can
raise others to positions of influence and respect in the same manner
that the Democratic Presidents did in the '60's. Blacks who are asked
to be campaign figures should be chosen on the basis of their willing-
ness to speak and write openly and forcefully in public support of the
President, not simply behind closed doors. Here again, the White
House briefing activities are very pertinent.
Voter Education. Most Black voters do not normally split the ticket,
but have shown that they will when attractive alternatives are present-
ed. Some obvious examples are Black Republican officials who have been
elected from heavily Democratic districts. We need to intensify our
voter education SO that more will be inclined to split the ticket in
1972.
We cannot expect any significant shift in voter registration to the
Republican Party by 1972. Yet on several occasions, Black spokesmen
have stated that Blacks should not be captives of the Democratic Party,
that Blacks' best interest are served by a viable two party system, and
that they should be willing to support candidates of either party who
back programs of benefit to them.
We should consider campaign strategies which effectively communicate
meaningful Administration accomplishments to Black voters, and back
that up with a call for them to show their independence by being re-
sponsive on election day to these accomplishments.
Registration. While there is a valid opinion that registration drives
in many urban Black communities will yield only more Democratic voters,
we must be aware of the image of Republican non-concern that is pro-
jected by our failure to make such an effort. There may well be some
selected cities where our visible involvement will have a positive
effect on the outcome in November.
Running Black Candidates. Another effective strategy might be to run
attractive, qualified Black candidates for local offices on the
Republican ticket in heavily Black areas. There may be some reverse
coattail effect for the President as the result of improved local
interest in the Party.
Local Organization. Today, there is no effective Republican organiza-
tion in most Black communities, but there are some notable exceptions.
Substantial organization work should be undertaken where needed, in-
cluding identifying influential leaders on the basis of Black standards
rather than the standards of middle class White Republicans. To be
effective, this organization effort must be given maximum lead time
before the election. Activities in those communities should be inte-
grated as much as possible with other facets of the campaign in each
state. To that end, it would be desirable to appoint Black represen-
tatives on more state party staffs.
6
SPECIFIC RECOMMENDATION
Relating to the earlier discussions on Black spokesmen and commu-
nication of Administration accomplishments, the President has a
largely untapped resource at his disposal. Among the 40 high
Black officials in the Administration are many experienced politi-
cians who are extremely effective on the stump and with the press,
and who are known at least in their own region of the country.
They are loyal to the President and eager to help. What is lacking
is a clear indication that their help is wanted and how it can be
used.
It must be remembered that a Black Republican in the Nixon Adminis-
tration is automatically news, even before he delivers his message.
His presence almost guarantees press coverage, particularly by the
Black media. The occasional image of a Black Republican as a less
than forceful spokesman for his cause has no basis in fact and can
easily be refuted by the image these men would project. They could
conceivably become an effective counterweight to the Black Caucus
in airing the other side of pertinent issues. The earlier they
become visible, the more effective they can be between now and
November, 1972.
The plan would be to assign each man one small region of the country
(including, presumably, his home state) He would be responsible
for establishing rapport with local Black leaders, in that region,
such that he would be their channel of communication with the
Administration on all matters. For some time, his activities would
be issue-oriented, not political in nature. When the President
traveled in that part of the country, he could assure that proper
advance work was done where appropriate and perhaps be seen with the
President during the trip.
In developing a concerted program for exposure of Black Administra-
tion officials, careful analysis would have to be made of which
issues carry the most positive impact across all of the President's
constituency. For example, Art Flethcer, in Labor, has given a
speech on "Economic Parity in Job Opportunities in the 70's" and
received standing ovations from White and Black audiences, north and
south. There are other areas where the President's programs have
been responsive to Black needs and yet would not polarize the White
community. For example, a group of Black Doctors in Los Angeles has
established a much-needed hospital in the inner city, using private
funds. They are very interested in the President's health program,
and have contacted Art Fletcher on the possibility of the President's
office participating in a fund-raising luncheon in the fall (Tab L).
7
RECOMMENDATION
That you approve the concept of actively involving key Black Admin-
istration officials in a concerted program to communicate our ac-
complishments to the public, and that you authorize the Citizens
Committee planning group to draw up a specific program for approval
within the next few weeks.
Approve
Disapprove
Comment
TAB A
PERCENT OF BLACK POPULATION BY STATE
(1970 CENSUS)
STATE
PERCENT BLACKS
NUMBER OF BLACKS
(thousands)
Total U. S.
11.2
22,673
District of Columbia
71.1
538
Mississippi
36.8
816
South Carolina
30.5
789
Louisiana
29.9
1,089
Alabama
26.4
908
Georgia
26.0
1,191
North Carolina
22.4
1,138
Virginia
18.6
865
Arkansas
18.6
357
Maryland
17.9
701
Tennessee
16.1
632
Florida
15.5
1,050
Delaware
14.2
78
Illinois
12.8
1,426
Texas
12.7
1,420
New York
11.9
2,167
Michigan
11.2
991
New Jersey
10.7
770
Missouri
10.3
480
Ohio
9.1
970
Pennsylvania
8.6
1,017
Kentucky
7.5
241
Oklahoma
7.0
178
California
7.0
1,400
Indiana
6.9
357
Connecticut
6.0
181
Nevada
5.7
28
Kansas
4.8
107
West Virginia
4.2
74
Massachusetts
3.1
176
Arizona
3.0
53
Alaska
3.0
9
Colorado
2.9
66
Wisconsin
2.9
128
Nebraska
2.7
40
Rhode Island
2.7
25
Washington
2.1
71
New Mexico
1.9
20
Oregon
1.3
26
Iowa
1.2
33
Hawaii
1.0
8
Minnesota
1.0
35
Wyoming
0.8
3
Utah
0.6
7
North Dakota
0.4
2
Idaho
0.5
2
Maine
0.3
3
Montana
0.3
2
New Hampshire
0.3
3
South Dakota
0.2
2
Vermont
0.2
2
TAB B
One-Third of Blacks Found in 15 Cities
By JACK ROSENTHA.
blacks of all cities occurred in
Washington and Compton,
Blacks in Cities
Special to The New York Times
WASHINGTON, May
IS
Calif., with about 71 per cent.
Special to The New York Times
---- Nearly half the nation's
Eat St. Louis, Ill., Newark,
WASHINGTON, May 18-Fol-
black population is now con-
Gary, Ind., and Atlanta also
lowing is a Census Bureau list
centrated in 50 cities, and a
have more than 50 per cent
of the 50 cities with the largest
third of the toal is in 15 cities,
black populations.
number of Negroes in the 1970
according to a Cenusu Bureau
The cities with 40 per cent
census:
Negro Negro
compilation made public today.
or more blacks are Baltimore,
Pop- Percent-
New Orleans Savannah, Ga.,
CITY
RANK ulation age
As a result of both migration
New York City
1
1,665,636 21.2
and natural growth, six cities
Detroit, Birmingham, Richmond,
Chicago
2
1,102,670 32.7
now have black majorities and
Va., St. Louis and Jackson,
Detroit
3
650,423 43.7
Philadelphia
4
653,791 33.6
the population of eight others
Miss.
Washington
S
537,712 71.1
is 40 per cent or more black.
People of Spanis origin tend
Los Angeles
6
503.606 17,9
Baltimore
7
429,210 46.4
The new compilation on
to be younger than those in
Cleveland
9
287,841
33.3
267,303 45.0
minority groups also showed
other groups, the new report
New Oricans
10
Atlanta
11
255,051 51.3
that the two largest such groups
showed. Their median age is
St. Louis
12
254,191
40.9
blacks and people of Spanish
about 20, against 21.2 for blacks
Memohis
13
242,513
38.9
Dallas
14
210.233
24.9
origin, now include 31.5 million
and 28 for the whole popula-
Newark
15
207,458
54.2
tion.
Indianazolis
16
134,320
18.0
people, 16 per cent of the total
Birmingham
17
126,388
42.0
population.
Both minority groups, taken
Cincinnali
13
152,070 27.6
Cakland
19
124,710
34.5
Blacks constitute about 11
as a whole, average consider-
Jacksonvilla
20
118,158
22.3
per cent of the population, a
ably less education than the
Kansas CITY, Mo.
21
112.005
22.1
Milwauke
22
105,038
11.7
slight increase over 1960. Per-
population as a whole, with a
Pittsburgh
23
104,904
20.2
sons of Spanish origin are
little more than a grade
Richmond
24
104,766
42.0
Boston
25
104,707
163
about 5 per cent. No com-
school education. The national
Columbus
26
99,627
18.5
parable figures were tabulated
median is a high school educa-
San Francisco
27
96,073 13.4
Suffalo
94,329
20.4
for 1960.
tion.
Gary
29
92,675
523
Among younger blacks and
Nashville-Davidson
30
87,851
19.6
The Spanish-origin popu-
Noriolk
31
87,261
23.3
lation totals about 9.2 million.
people of Spanish origin, how-
Louisville
32
86,040 32.8
Fort Worth
33
78,324,19.9
The black population is about
ever, this gap nearly disap-
Miami
34
76,156 22.7
22.3 million, of which 10.5 mil-
pears. The national median for
Dayton
35
74,284
30.5
Charlotte
36
72,972 30.3
lion are in 50 cities and 7.6
people between 25 and 34 is
Medile
37
67,356
35.4
million in 15 cities.
12.5 years of education, against
33
62,162
34.1
Jackson
37
61,053
37.7
New York City has by far
a black median of 12.1 and a
Jackson
09
61,053
37.7
the largest black population, Spanish-origin median of 11.7.
Comaton Calif.
40
55,731
71.0
Tames
41
54,720
19.7
almost 1.7 million, an increase
The new report also showed
Jersey City
42
$4,595
21.0
of 579,000 over 1960. This in-
that, compared with thet otal
'Y
Filmt
43
54,237
21.1
Savannah
44
53,111 44.9
crease raised the black propor-
population, minority group
San Diago
45
52,961
7.5
tion of the city's population to
members are much less likely
Toledo
46
52,915
13.8
Oklahoma City
47
50,103
13.7
21 per cent, from 14.
to be white-collar workers or
San Antonio
43
50,641
7.6
The highest proportion of to carn $10,000 or more.
Rochester
G
47,647
18.8
East St.Louis
50
41,363
69.1
TAB C
BLACK VOTE AS PERCENT OF TOTAL VOTE
BY REGION AND BY POPULATION DENSITY
30
Black Vote (% of total vote)
20
NORTH AND WEST
13.7
10
5.5
2.4
1.0
0
URBAN
SUBURBAN
SMALL TOWN
TOTAL
AND RURAL
30
SOUTH*
24.0
Black Vote (% of total vote)
20
14.7
13.3
10
8.5
0
URBAN
SUBURBAN
SMALL TOWN
TOTAL
AND RURAL
*Del, Md, DC, Va, W.Va, NC, SC, Ga, Fla, Ky, Tenn, Ala, Miss, Ark, La, Okla, Texas
TAB D
DISTRIBUTION OF VOTING AGE POPULATION
AND THOSE WHO CLAIMED THEY VOTED IN 1968 - BY RACE,
REGION AND POPULATION DENSITY
30.2
NORTH
30
AND WEST
23.2
22.2
22.1
Voting Age Population and
20
1968 Voters (Millions)
16.8
15.4
10
3.9
2.5
0.8 0.5
0.3
0.2
0
White Black
White Black White Black
URBAN
SUBURBAN
SMALL TOWN
AND RURAL
30
KEY:
1968
Voting Age Population and
20
SOUTH*
Voting
1968 Voters (Millions)
Age
1968
14.2
Popula-
Voters
tion
10
9.0
8.0
6.7
4.9
4.0
1.3
2.8
2.3
0.8 0.4
1.4
0
White Black
White Black White Black
URBAN
SUBURBAN
SMALL TOWN
AND RURAL
Del, Md, DC, W. Va, Va, NC, SC, Ga, Fla, Ky, Tenn, Ala, Miss, Ark, La, Okla, Texas
Tab E
Percent of Persons of Voting Age
Who Claimed to Have Voted in 1968 -
By Race, Region and Population Density
90
73.2
72.5
71.8
69.3
68.0
64.6
64.8
Percent of Persons of Voting Age
Who Claimed to Have Voted in 1968
59.2
60
NORTH
AND
WEST
30
0
White Black
White Black
White Black
White Black
URBAN
SUBURBAN
SMALL TOWN
TOTAL
AND RURAL
90
*
SOUTH
63.2
59.8
61.9
Percent of Persons of Voting Age
Who Claimed to Have, Voted in 1968
61.4
60
55.0
53.5
51.6
48.5
30
0
White Black
White Black
White Black
White Black
URBAN
SUBURBAN
SMALL TOWN
TOTAL
AND RURAL
*
Del, Md, D.C., W. Va,Va, N.C., S.C., G A,Fla, Ky, Tenn, Ala, Miss, Ark, La, Okla, Texas
TAB F
REPUBLICAN PERCENTAGES AMONG THE NON-WHITE VOTE
Year
GOP Per Cent
Election
1952
21%
Presidential
1954
22%
Congressional
1956
39%
Presidential
1958
31%
Congressional
1960
32%
Presidential
1962
26%
Congressional
1964
6%
Presidential
1966
19%
Congressional
1968
12%
Presidential
(Source: Gallup Poll)
The
allup Poll
For Release: Thursday, T
11,
1971
In Recent National Surveys
Nixon and Republican Party Still
Rejected by Nation's Blacks
G
By George Gollup
Copyright 1971. American Institute of
Public Ozinlon. All rights reserved
Reproduction Ln whole or part strictly
prohibited except with written consent
of the copyright bolders
PRINCETON N.J., Teb. 10 - Since
last Spring. President Nixon has had
little success in attracting support
among the nation's Negroes, judging
by resent Gullup surveys. Not only has
smong some blacks that Nixon is "not
ti.e President made fittle headway
interested in us.
Blacks have been overwhiclmingly
the way Nixon is handling his job
- Hills in ICITIS of his 0411 per.
Democratic in their political affiliation
as President?
socal popularity. but his party has been
What Blacks Are
and voting record over the last four
un-eccessful in winning converts from
Saying About Nixon
decades, and based on the latest survey
The following table shows how
blacks and those living outside the
evidence, there has been little change
blacks and whites rate Nixon at three
South.
the renks of Democrats
A 50-year old housewife from Los
in this situation.
points in time when he took office,
Durine the first months of Nixon's
Angeles complained, "The President's
The following table shows how
not bringing our men home from Vict.
at a mid-point during his administra-
presidency. blacks tended to withhold
Three in every four blacks (7.1 per
various sub-groups in the Negro popu-
nain 22 be said lic would he's getting
tion and at present. Results are based
lation rate Nivon:
julyment "' 1,, - of the
(cii) dassify themselves as Democrats,
President's performance in office. How.
us in deeper and deeper."
011 combined surveys.
compared to 8 per cent who say they
Views of Blacks
acc. they moved decisively into the
^ 63.9ear old housecleaner is angry
are Republicans, and 15 who label
Views of Blacks
By Sub-Groups
disapi HAVE category during the Presi.
about the cost of living: "I don't ap-
themselves Independents. Another 3
Ap.
Disap.
No
dent's second year of office and have
prove of Nixon at all. He's against
per cent either indicate allegiance to
prove
Opin.
Ap.
Disap-
No
prove
remained there.
welfare. I'm a poor wornan, but I'm
a third party or do not express an
%
%
%
prove
prove
Opin.
not on welfare. I scuffie for mine and
opinion. Virtually no change has been
To
v
In the latest surveys. blacks by 2 2-
Jan.-May, '69
To
10
17
43
recorded in these percentages among
NATIONAL
28
10-1 ratio express disapproval - the
I don't get what I should get. I can
Mar.-June, 70
26
19
55
19
same ratio 25 recorded in surveys last
only get one day of work a week and
blacks since Nixon took office.
Sept., 70.
still I have to pay social security."
To obtain the latest figures reported
Jan., 71
28
College &
Spring.
53
'9
High school
22
62
16
A Wilmington, Del. resident com.
today, 2 total of 829 blacks and 9751
mented. "Let's face it - President
whites were interviewed in person in
Views of Whites
Grade school
A trend anay from Nixon in his
36
41
23
second year "IS also recorded among
Nixon's not interested in blacks.
seven national surveys conducted he
Ap-
Disap.
No
whites. with little change found since.
(ween last September and mid-January
prove
prove
Opin.
21-29 years
19
63
16
of the current year. The surveys were
%
To
30.49 years
24
64
12
The trend away from Nixon, however,
No Converts
io
Jan.-May, '69
36
41
was less pronounced among whites
To GOP
64
50 & older
23
combined in order to provide a large
9
27
than among blacks.
Further evidence of the Nixon Ad-
enough statistical base for breakdowns
Mar.-June, 70
59
29
12
South
42
38
20
Reasons for disapproval among,
ministration's failure to make political
by subgroups. This question was asked,
Sept., 70.
Non-south
blacks rend to parallei reasons given
inroads among Negroes is its apparent
Jan., 71
19
62
19
as in all previous surveys since Nixon
57
29
14
br whites - the Victnam war and the
lack of success in attracting blacks to
took office:
Disapproval is most pronounced
Men
29
55
16
economy. Added to this is the feeling
the GOP label.
Do you approve or disapprove of
among better educated and younger
Women
27
51
22
TAB H
ELECTORAL IMPACT OF BLACK VOTERS BY STATES AND REGIONS
Repub. Deficit if
Electoral
% Blacks
Number of
Estimated
Estimated #
20% Support in
1968 Repub
State
Votes
In Total Pop. Voting Age '70
Proportion Voting 72
Voting '72
South-5% Elsewhere Plurality
(1)
(2) (Thousands)
(3)
(4)
(5)
DEEP SOUTH
Miss.
7
36.8
490
42
206
<124>
265) -AIP
La.
10
29.9
650
45
292
<175>
(273) -AIP
Ala.
9
26.4
550
42
231
<139>
(542)-AIP
Georgia
12
26.0
715
36
257
<154>
(155)-AIP
Arkansas
6
18.6
215
43
92
(55)
<47> -AIP
44
BORDER STATES
Maryland
10
17.9
420
47
197
(178)
<20>
Virginia
12
18.6
520
42
218
<130>
148
W. Virginia
6
4.2
45
58
26
<16>
<66>
D. C.
3
71.1
320
36
115
<100>
<109>
N. Car.
13
22.4
680
45
306
<124>
163
S. Car.
8
30.5
475
38
180
<108>
57
Kent.
9
7.5
145
43
62
<37>
65
Flo.
17
15.5
630
48
302
(181)
210
Tenn.
10
16.1
380
44
167
<100>
121
Mo.
12
10.3
290
58
168
<151>
20
Okl.
8
7.0
110
52
57
<51>
148
Texas
26
12.7
860
40
344
(206)
<39>
134
INDUSTRIAL NORTHEAST
N.Y.
41
11.9
1300
52
676
<608>
<370>
N.J.
17
10.7
460
59
271
<244>
61
Pa.
27
8.6
610
59
360
<324>
<169>
Del.
3
14.2
47
63
30
<27>
8
Ohio
25
9.1
580
57
331
(298)
90
Indiana
13
6.9
215
65
140
(126)
261
Mich.
21
11.2
600
60
360
324
<222>
Illinois
26
12.8
860
63
542
488
135
173
TAB H, Continued
1
Repub. Deficit if
Electoral
% Blacks
Number of
Estimated
Estimated #
20% Support in
1968 Repub.
State
Votes
In Total Pop. Voting Age '70
Proportion Voting '72
Voting '72
South-5% Elsewhere
Plurality
(1)
(2) (Thousands)
(3)
(4)
(5)
NEW ENGLAND
Mass
14
3.1
105
63
66
<59>
<702>
Conn.
8
6.0
110
62
68
<61>
<65>
R. I.
4
2.7
15
62
9
<8>
<124>
Vermont
3
0.2
1
59
1
<1>
15
N. H.
4
0.3
2
63
1
<1>
24
Maine
4
0.3
2
62
1
<1>
<48>
37
UPPER MIDWEST
Wisconsin
11
2.9
75
62
46
<41>
61
Minnesota
10
1.0
21
68
14
<13>
<222>
Iowa
8
1.2
20
64
13
<12>
142
N. D.
3
0.4
1
61
l
<1>
44
S. D.
4
0.2
1
66
l
<1>
31
Nebraska
5
2.7
24
56
13
<12>
150
Kansas
7
4.8
65
57
37
33>
176
48
MOUNTAIN STATES
Montana
4
0.3
1
61
l
<1>
25
Idaho
4
0.3
1
65
l
(1)
76
Wyoming
3
0.8
2
61
1
<1>
61
Utah
4
0.6
4
69
3
<2>
82
Colorado
7
2.9
40
62
25
<22>
78
Nevada
3
5.7
17
49
8
(7)
13
Arizona
6
3.0
30
46
14
<13)
96
N. Mexico
4
1.9
12
56
7
<6>
40
35
TAB H, Continued
1
Repub. Deficit if
Electoral
% Blacks
Number of
Estimated
Estimated #
20° Support in
1968 Repub.
State
Votes
In Total Pop. Voting Age '70
Proportion Voting '72
Voting '72
South-5% Elsewhere Plurality
(1)
(2) (Thousands)
(3)
(4)
(5)
PACIFIC STATES
California
45
7.0
840
55
462
<416>
223
Oregon
6
1.3
16
60
10
(9)
50
Washington
9
2.1
45
64
29
(26)
(27>
Alaska
3
3.0
5
49
2
<2>
2
Hawaii
4
1.0
5
50
2
(1)
<50>
67
NOTES ON TAB "H"
1) U. S. Census Bureau
2) Taken as 60% of total Black population (approximate average for total
U. S.
3) For D. C. - average of 1964 and 1968 results for total D.C. population.
For South & Border States - For total region, Black participation was
5/6 of average for total population in 1968. That proportion was
taken of actual 1968 voter turnout in each state. For remaining states,
Black participation averaged 90% of total population figure. For each
state, 90% of total, vote percentage was taken.
Data on vote participation by state:
U. S. Bureau of Census, Current Population Reports, Series P-20, No. 177,
"Voter Participation in November 1968 (Advanced Statistics), U. S.
Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C. 1968.
4) Proportion multiplied by Number of Voting Age.
5) The Black support regionally is an assumption for illustrative purposes
only and based on fragmentary data. It does average out to the 12%
nationwide support determined by Gallup.
TAB I
Importance of Black Vote in States
With Large Electoral Votes
Electoral
Anticipated Number of
Percent Blacks
State
Votes
Black Voters in 1972
in Total Population
(Thousands)
California
45
462
7.0
New York
41
676
11.9
Pennsylvania
27
360
8.6
Texas
26
344
12.7
Illinois
26
542
12.8
Ohio
25
331
9.1
Michigan
21
360
11.2
New Jersey
17
271
10.7
Florida
17
302
15.5
Raps reply
TAB J
Caucus heads
Assail Nixon
DETROIT COURIER 5/29/71
WASHINGTON (UPI) Three
members of the all-Democratic Congres-
sional Black Caucus complained Sunday
that President Nixon did little but de-
fend his current domestic policies in re-
plying to the group's 60 recommenda-
tions for change.
Reps. Charles C. Diggs, Agustu: F.
Hawkins and William L. Clay said they
were totally dissatisfied with the 115
page report issued last Tuesday by the
President, particularly his positions on
desegregation of housing and schools
and appointment of black judges.
Diggs, D. Mich., said the recommen
dations - covering a broad spectrum of
social and economic issues - were sub-
mitted earlier in the year to get the ad-
minis*ration "to move into the 20th cen
tury to recognize that we have some
problems here that need some innovative
attention."
actions already taken, but declined to
cite any new initiatives contained in it.
He added, bowever, that the process of
preparing the statement intensified th e
Administration's attention of programs
Replying to the demand for ending
and policies.
involvement in Indochina, the President
reviewed actions taken SO far to wind
down the war and tokl the Caucus: "Fix-
unilateral date. would eliminate
Hanoi's strongest incentive to negotiate
and would jeopardize the progress made
But "all we ended up with, with very
few exceptions, was simply a codfication
of what the administration bad already
ing a
to date."
been doing," he said, and the 12 House
REP. DIGGS
members comprising the Black Caucus
found the report "very disappointing.'
Hawkins, D. Calif., recalling that the
On particulars, the President spelled
President had asked his critics to look
out that the administration had done or
at his deeds rather than his words. said
was planning in each field. In several in-
"I. can now understand because his
stances, while maintaining a conciliatory
words have very little meaning." He
tone, he disagreed with the Caucus on
claimed the Nixon report was primarily
designed "to justify revenue sharing"
Methods of bringing about u c things
with the states.
as crime control and a guaranteed mini-
Clay, D. Mo., agreed that the Presi-
mum wage.
dent appeared mainly to restate his com-
Nixon rejected suggestions that the
Continued From Page 4
mitment to policies that "are having a
Administration abandon its "no knock"
nual income for a family of four, which
the blacks want increased to $6,500.
Shultz told newsmen at a White
devastating effect on poor and black
entry and proventive detention policies
House briefing that the Administration
stands on its record on civil rights and
equal opportunities. "The record shows
that the administration has been trying
to deal with this problem in a steady
The three black politicians were
and strong way," he said.
Shultz said the President's
"eodified" statements already made and
Americans.
in fighting crime, And he stood by his
proposed $2,410 guaranteed minimum an-
interviewed on the NBC-TV program.
Meet The Press."
See Page 4
CHARLES BARTLETT
CoL.
WASHINGTON STAR
Nixon 5/27/71 and the Black Congressmen
The extent of the gap be-
the first time he related his
ize issues to serve private po-
tween President Nixon and the
goals as President to the di-
litical ends.
13 black congressmen will not
rect needs of the urban poor
Their denunciation of the
be diminished by their sharp
and conveyed a spirit of eager-
Nixon response bore a political
ness to translate "rhetorical
ring because they neglected to
derogation of his most positive
promise into concrete re-
concede any merit to what the
statement to date on the sub-
sults."
administration has been doing.
ject of the black urban poor.
Nixon appears to have put
The President claims, for ex-
The congressmen are
behind him the "Southern
speaking, of course, in public
ample, that he can come up
strategy" and "benign neg-
with 892,000 summer job op-
terms to black constituencies
lect" in order to reassure the
portunities. This is close to the
where they are counted on to
ghetto blacks. The President is
million which the Black Cau-
denounce the President for his
not making catchy promises;
cus proposed.
lack of urgency and commit-
his response did not carry the
The rioting in Brooklyn
ment. But they might have
burning sense of urgency
makes the point that there is
served their voters better if
which many feel about the ur-
something to be said for the
they had accorded him some
ban crisis, and the administra-
Nixon style of under-
credit for his turn away from
tion's dollar commitment is
promising. The Brownsville
the cautious reserve which
far short of what the congress-
section has known a $50 mil-
made him seem anxious, dur-
men asked. But it was a posi-
lion Model Cities program, an
ing his first two years in the
tive statement describing posi-
Urban Action Task Force run
White House, to avoid ac-
tive actions.
by the city, and a lot of high
knowledging that he had any
With 7.6 million blacks con-
rhetoric. It is still a miserable
real concern for the urban
centrated in 15 cities, conflict
piece of urban real estate and
poor.
is unavoidable between their
the impatience of its inhabi-
The fact is that Nixon, in
congressmen and the Nixon-
tants is not surprising.
this exchange of viewpoints,
backed version of welfare re-
The explosion in Chattanoo-
strayed further from his politi-
form. Family assistance total-
cal base than the black con-
ga makes once more the point
ing $2,400 will not do much for
that this impatience can blow
gressmen did. His turn marks
most big city poor. Its great
into an unruly, destructive
a belated recognition that re-
contribution to city life may be
election will require some
force, an embittering erupt-
to discourage the rural poor
show of sensitivity toward the
tion in what Daniel P. Moyni-
from moving to the city.
han has called "an era of bad
blacks' problems, some at-
But the black legislators' ad-
manners." This impatience is
tempt to persuade Republican
vocacy of a $6,500 level of as-
liberals that he is working to
SO volatile that black spokes-
sistance and their criticism of
be President of all the people.
men will resist it if they are
the welfare recipients' obliga-
realists.
But his new strategy does
tion to register for work will
The point which the black
not entail any real hope of
not gain broad public support
Negro votes, SO the extent to
leaders missed is that Nixon,
for their position. Their prob-
which he tried to accommo-
perhaps with his finger to the
lem, in serving as a collective
wind, has moved closer to
date the 61 demands for spe-
voice for the blacks, is that
their concerns. He deserves
cific actions is surprising. For
they will be tempted to polar-
some encouragement.
TAB L
W
HOSPITAL
WEST ADAMS COMMUNITY HOSPITAL
HOWARD S. KAATZ
ADMINISTRATOR
June 28, 1971
Mr, Arthur A. Fletcher,
Assistant Secretary of Labor
1400 Constitution Blvd.
Washington, D. C. 20210
Dear Mr. Fletcher:
Forgive the delay in communication, but due to so many pressing
matters, I was unable to follow through during the time period I
indicated to you when I was in Washington. I would just like to
reiterate that the non-profit organization, West Adams Community
Hospital, would like to have a large luncheon at $200 per plate
involving community members and industrial representatives of the
Los Angeles area in September or October and we would hope to
have the support and involvement of the President's Office.
Certainly, the time period could prove to be beneficial for both
black people and the present Administration by way of demonstrating
that President Nixon is not only sensitive to the needs of black
people, but also gives recognition to their accomplishments at
local levels.
It is our belief that, since this project was privately developed
by a very distinguished group of black professionals with the unique
idea of making it a non-profit organization to benefit a ghetto com-
munity, it is most certainly in keeping with the present Administra-
tion's theory of black entrepreneurship and can well serve as a na-
tional model in creating a new trend in the area of black economic
development in this country.
We are hopeful that the President will give this most worthwhile
project as much consideration as possible, and are eagerly awaiting
to hear from you. Thank you for your assistance and support.
Sincerely yours,
Leroy Weekes, Weeker ? M.D., Chairman
Board of Trustees
WEST ADAMS COMMUNITY HOSPITAL
LW:ml
Enclosure: (2) WACH Brochures
CC: Howard Kaatz, WACH Administrator
Patricia Newman, Public Information & Development Director
CITIZENS FOR THE RE-ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT
WASHINGTON
SUITE 272
1701 PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. N.W.
WASHINGTON. D.C. 20006
July 14, 1971
(202) 333-0920
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
Enclosed for your information is a copy of a memorandum
from Ken Rietz to Senator Brock on the National Movement
for the Student Vote.
JEB She MAGRUDER
Enclosure
CONFIDENTIAL
July 8, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
SENATOR BROCK
FROM:
KEN RIETZ
SUBJECT:
National Movement for
the Student Vote
I don't think we should be overly concerned about the
National Movement for the Student Vote.
They plan to concentrate on 283 campuses where they estimate
60% of the non-registered college students attend. This, as
you know, is a low priority area for us.
The people participating in the NMSV headquarters are liberal
and Democrat, and make no effort to conceal their feelings.
They are running a partisan effort under a non-partisan label.
I think through informal conversations, you should inform the
Republican members of the NMSV National Advisory Board
(Senator Brooke, Senator Scott, and Senator Margaret C. Smith)
of our feelings and encourage them to quietly withdraw. This
would open the way for a public exposure at the proper time if
we felt it necessary.
We will be keeping track of all NMSV activities and will keep
you informed.
bcc: Jeb S. Magruder
June 21, 1971
To:
National Advisory Board
From: Morris B. Abram, Jr.
Summary of Progress
Establishment of Washington Office -- Sufficient private
funds raised to pay costs eight interns, including Mike
Aguirre, student Arizona State responsible registration
campaign 5000 students in three week periods. These
will lay the groundwork for a voter registration campaign --
initially. focusing on 300 of the nation's college campuses.
Research office -- While our permanent office is to be located
in Washington, research division will be centered in
Cambridge, Mass. where NMSV will benefit from UNITEL-
Joint MIT-Harvard Census Program.
Board of Directors - Now includes Bill DeWind of Paul, Weiss,
Goldberg, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison; Bill Coleman,
President NAACP Legal Inc. Fund; Franklin Roosevelt, Jr.;
David Riesman, Henry Food, II, Professor of Social Sciences,
Harvard University; John Lewis, Executive Director, Voter
Education Project. This group continues to expand.
Public Relations, Advertising -- John Moynahan, Chairman of
the Board of John Moynahan & Co., one of the nation's most
prominent public relations firms, has agreed to work with
the NMSV for a moninal fee. Remar Sutton, Vice President
of Richard K. Manhoff, the New York advertising firm
responsible for the media campaign of Off-Track Betting,
is preparing our newspaper, radio and television advertising.
Finances -- We have received generous financial support from
prominent individuals of widely different political viewpoints.
In addition, many foundations, churches and corporations
have expressed interest in our undertaking, and are avaiting
clearance of our application for tax exemption.
-2-
Tax-Exemption -- Adrian DeWind, senior partner, Paul, Weiss,
Goldberg, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison, and Kenneth Bergen,
senior partner, Bingham, Dana and Gould have assumed powers
of attorney for NMSV. Clearance expected soon.
Assistance of Corporations -- General Lucius Clay of Lehman
Brothers, and Richard Gelb, President of Bristol-Myers
Corporation have agreed to assist us in fund raising and
advertising.
TALENT SEARCH
The Student Vote (The National Movement for the Student
Vote), a non-partisan organization, was established to fill a
vacuum in the voter registration field. Now headquartered at
530 Seventh Street, S.E. Washington D.C., The Student Vote plans
to initiate and assist voter registration drives on the nation's
college campuses.
Over the summer months the Student Vote plans to:
establish a comprehensive file on each of the respective
campuses, including a) a student body geographical profile,
b) a listing of local organizations and individuals planning to
involve themselves in voter registration, c) cooperative admini-
strators, state officials, and civic leaders.
initiate a thorough and ongoing study of the intricate legal
problems particular to students. Though the Student Vote will
not itself be involved in the litigation of domicile and res-
idency questions, it will act as & conduit for organizations which
are active in this area.
design and coordinate a media campaign to publicize voter
registration on the campus.
establish eleven regional offices to be staffed by exper-
ienced voter registration field coordinators.
We are presently interviewing persons (previous experience
in this field is not a prerequisite) for a limited number of
paid and volunteer internships. The available tasks are many;
this is an opportunity to be part of a national program of
historic significance.
Our needs:
-media and press relations
-clerical assistance
-managerial skills (particularly interested in persons
with office experience)
-research associates
-accounting
-political organizers
-legal research
Ask for Mike Davis or Mike Aguirre 547-3429. We look
forward to hearing from you.
Mike Davis
196 Memorial Hall
Harvard University
Cambridge, Mass. 02138
(617) 495-4878
National Advisory Board
Hon. Julian Bond
Senator Edward Brooke
Thomas D. Cabot
Senator Clifford Case
Rep. Ronald Dellums
Robben Fleming
Arthur Goldberg
Alexander Heard
Senator Edward Kennedy
John 1 Lewis
Rev. Theodore Hesburgh
Mayor John Lindsay
Senator George McGovern
Senator Edmund Muskie
Governor Francis Sargent
Senator Hugh Scott
Senator Margaret C. Smith
Mayor Kevin White
Steering Committee
Morris Abram, Jr.
Paul Bloom
James Breedlove
David Cochran
Michael Davis
John DeTore
CAMPUS VOTER PARTICIPATION
Hamilton Fish, III
Mitch Fishman
Lucy Freedman
A PRELIMINARY REPORT ON A PILOT PROJECT
Thomas McKean
Jonathan Rothman
Thomas Stemberg
Advisors
Barney Frank
Vernon Jordan
Nicholas Rudd
Remar Sutton
General Counsel
Harvey Burg
1
We are on the threshold of an historic test. A rising
generation has come of age early, and their mandate shall
soon be heard. Legislative action has swelled the federal
electorate, giving America's young people awesome power and
responsibility. But now that the vote is theirs, will it
be cast?
The precedents are not encouraging. In 1968, three
states allowed 18-20 year olds to vote. Yet in the election of
that year, only 35.6% of whites and 25.3% of blacks in this
1
age group actually voted.
Why College Students?
Voter participation is the fundamental process and sanction
of a democratic society. Civic spokesmen, labor union officials,
elected representatives, and minority group leaders are each
concerned with the level of voter turnout in every election;
all of these men work to promote voter registration within their-
own area of authority or influence.
Several groups are active in black communities. The Voter
Education Project, with seven offices in the South, conducts
drives in thirteen states. Frontlash, with offices in New York
and California, assists minority groups in Northern ghetto
1. Bureau of Census, Technical Studies, "Characteristics of American
Youth,' series p-23, Feb. 6, 1970, page 23
communities.
1
addition, the N.A.A.C.P has long worked in the area
of voter rights-- as a principal in litigation and voter education.
American labor, given the lead by George Meany of the
AFL-CIO, sponsored the massive voting drive amongst its own
membership which, it may be recalled, nearly brought Hubert
Humphrey victory in the last Presidential election.
State officials in many locales have already begun to
enlist governmental machinery to educate and involve high
school students in the registration process. The Youth
Citizenship Fund, an outgrowth of a group that campaigned for the 18
year old vote, has concentrated its efforts on eligible high school
students. In a recent Massachusetts drive, with the assistance of
the League of Women Voters, it attracted public officials to high
schools to address students in their auditoriums.
Amongst many identifiable groups, only the college campuses
have been neglected.
Won't College Students Register Anyway?
This wide cross-section of the country, six million
students generally between the ages of 18 and 22, has not
received the attention of any voter registration organization.
And while college students are spoken of in the mass media
as a significant political force, no records of previous student
registration have even been kept up to now. Indeed, there is
probably no other group whose electoral habits are so unknown.
register in g ater numbers than citizen- lacking such education.
No statistics are available, however, which correlate the voter's
educational level with his age at the time he casts his ballot.
Because high registration levels have characterized college
educated persons in the past, it can not be assumed that this pattern
will be repeated in the ranks of young voters presently enrolled
in universities. There is even evidence which suggests the contrary.
Campus Alienation
Thomas Jefferson decried the notion of extending the
franchise to those lacking the education he felt prerequisite
to a sustained interest in the electoral system. It would have
been a surprise and disappointment to him, no doubt, to discover
that many citizens of a later day felt less drawn to this democratic
cornerstone the longer they remained in centers of higher education.
While it is impossible to say how widespread is alienation from
the democratic system on the college campus, it is certain that
unless remedial steps are taken soon, the cynicism that permeates
America's classrooms will take a heavy toll as election day approache
Census figures reveal that in 1968, 218,000 eligible persons
between the ages of 18 and 20 did not register to vote.
What was their explanation? 144,000 of these young people
said they were "not interested. 2 There is no way to determine
2. Bureau of Census, Population Characteristics, series p-20,
no. 172, May 3, 1968, page 53.
how many of the non-voters were college :udents, but Daniel
Yankelovich in his report for the Task Force on Youth provides
us with a basis for speculation.
Amongst "forerunner youth," the influential and expanding
group which Yankelovich identifies as the campuses' mentors and
conductors of new social values, skepticism about the nation's
institutions runs high. In 1970, 50% of this group "strongly
agreed" that the two-party system does not offer any real 1
alternatives, and 33% expressed the belief that the American
system of representative democracy can not respond effectively to
3
the needs of the people.
Clearly these attitudes augur
resistance to voter participation amongst large numbers of college
students.
Voting the Initial Commitment
We believe that there could be no greater blow to the
democratic system than the failure of millions of young
voters to make use of their newly acquired franchise. The
unproductive despair which is SO widespread on America's college-
campuses will only diminish as students begin to understand that it i
their power to bring substantial social change through the electoral
process.
Equally important, voting is a first step for other
forms of political involvement. The student who casts his
ballot for a particular candidate will undoubtedly follow the
3. Youth and the Establishment, JDR3rd Fund, Inc., 1971, pages 56,60
policies of the elected official more carefully than the
person who did not go to the polls. Voting is one of the
initial symbols of commitment to the democratic process.
Need for Assessment
Because so little is known about voting participation
amongst young people, any registration drive conducted amongst
this newly enfranchised group will assume the role of a
significant test. It is difficult to speculate on the success
which a well planned and tightly administered campus voter regis-
tration drive might have. A careful assessment of the techniques
used on each campus, and the kinds of responses which resulted would
be indispensable for future work in this and related areas of
voter registration work.
A Pilot Project
The drive which the N.M.S.V. is proposing in these pages
has importance beyond the millions of college students which
we hope to register and get involved in the political process.
This is a pilot project. The information which is compiled
and statistically correlated will benefit at least three groups:
1) Students
---
Registration and voting is an important, perhaps
the fundamental, responsibility of a citizen in a democratic society.
The Amer can college community would profit from informational data
which indicated the degree to which it accepted this responsibility,
and the reasons why some of its members choose not to participate.
2) Political pa ies ---
Political parties are national institutions. Academies
formulate many of the ideas which are later promoted by
political parties as public policy. Both parties have an
interest in learning about student receptivity to their
ideologies
as demonstrated in registration patterns on
specific campuses.
3) National Community
The nation as a whole would benefit from a thorough
exposition of campus voter participation. Responses to voter
registration efforts as documented during the drives will be a
good measure of the degree of student estrangement from the
democratic process. The depth provided by such a study would
far surpass existing surveys and would help to promote better
understanding between the country and its 2500 campusus.
DEMOGRAPHICS
6,045,000 Americans attend four-year colleges and graduate
schools. If these students were distributed evenly over the 1600 or
sò universities in the United States, we would face what might
be an insurmountable task in seeking to register these students
to vote. Fortunately, our research indicates that 3,640,000,
or roughly 60% of these students attend a mere 283 campuses with
4
enrollments over 5,000.
4. Characteristics of the College Market, National Educational
Advertising Service, 1970.
In order t register substantial num rs of black students,
one should include 21 additional black colleges with enrollments
over 1,500 in a student voter registration drive. These campuses
have a total enrollment of over 61,000.
The National Movement for the Student Vote will attempt
to organize these 304 campuses. The large campuses show a
high degree of concentration in a few states such as New York
and California. The smaller black schools are located primarily
in the South.
With a keen eye toward effectively decentralizing our drive,
we shall divide up the United States into the following regions:
(Figures in parentheses indicate number of
campuses to be organized.)
Region I
Region II
New York (25)
Massachusetts
(7)
Connecticut
(6)
Vermont
(1)
Maine
(1)
New Hampshire
(2)
Rhode Island
(3)
(20)
Region III
Region IV
Pennsylvania
(12)
North Carolina (8)
New Jersey
( 9)
South Carolina (3)
Virginia
( 7)
Florida
(5)
District of
Georgia
(5)
Column ia
( 5)
Maryland
( 4)
Delaware
( 1)
(21)
West Virginia
( 2)
(40)
Region V
Region VI
Tennessee
(7)
Ohio
(14)
Kentucky
(6)
Indiana
( 7)
Alabama
(6)
Michigan
( 9)
Mississippi
(5)
Arkansas
(3)
Louisiana
(10)
(30)
(37)
Region VII
Region VIII
Illinois
(14)
Missouri
(11)
Wisconsin
( 8)
Kansas
( 5)
Iowa
( 4)
Oklahoma
( 5)
(22)
(25)
Region IX
Region X
North Dakota
(2)
Texas
(20)
South Dakota
(2)
Arizona
( 3)
Nebraska
(3)
New Mexico
( 2)
Minnesota
(4)
Idaho
(3)
Montana
(2)
(25)
Wyoming
(1)
Colorado
(4)
Region XI
Nevada
(1)
Utah
(4)
California
(24)
Oregon
( 3)
Washington
( 5)
(26)
Hawaii
( 1)
(33)
METHODS
We cannot yet discuss in detail the techniques to be
employed in registering prospective voters: these depend a
great deal on voter registration laws on every level, which are
changing monthly because of the recent enactment of the 18-year
old vote. Below, our methods are set out in general terms:
To begin with:
Student apathy and even cynicism about the electoral process
must be overcome. Speakers, as well as advertisements and posters,
should help convince students that voting is one of the most
effective, even radical actions they can take. Students of
differing political attitudes should learn that they each have
a stake in the electoral process.
First concrete steps
According to the League of Women Voters, "citizens," i.e.,
in this case our volunteers, in at least 16 states may be deputized
to register voters. We will undertake this approach wherever
possible, since it proved so successful for the Voter Education
Project.
Role of the Central Office
In about 25 states students may register in absentee. In
some states, students are required by law to request registration
forms personally. The local practice of the law varies: although
most states and counties will not provide us directly with a
-10-
stock of forms, New York City's Board of Elections, for instance,
will give as many as requested. In order to register a Boston
University student with residence in New York, all that would
be required is to give him the form. Regarding those states requirin
a personal request from the would-be absentee student voter, we
plan to provide each student, along with a possible form letter,
the address of the office he should contact.
In states where students are eligible to vote and where
they can register close by the campus, we can simply direct
students to the right authorities.
Coordinators What Manner of Men?
It would be easy to ask the student government president
or the newspaper editor to head the registration drive on each
campus. Unfortunately, these men do not usually have sufficient
time available to do a good job for NMSV. There is an additional
problem. As Remar Sutton, who helped organize the Movement for
a New Congress, put it, "Most of the old campus politicos are
burned out and useless--just plain ineffective." We shall look for
fresh talent; students who are imaginative and dedicated.
Promotion
Neither a Time article on our Cambridge office nor an ad in
The New York Times explaining our drive will help us register
students to vote at North Carolina State. We believe it is
essential that national publicity on the NMSV be directed towards
local campus ef irts, rather than the act ities of the central
office.
The central office will provide each campus with several
hundred posters, which will seek to give voter registration the
necessary "cutting edge." Where the local coordinator finds it
appropriate flyers will also be provided for door-to-door
leafleting. Fraternities, sororities and service organizations
(Green Key, etc.) can be engaged to help distribute such
leterature. The support of these groups will be enlisted in
the early organizational stages of most drives.
Hopefully, college newspapers will give NMSV free
advertising space in addition to the 1500 paid lines we have
budgeted for each campus. Experience indicates that it will be
more fruitful to approach these newspapers on a national level.
We shall engage the president of a large advertising agency
to write all newspapers, once we have been approved by the
Advertising Council.
Steven Hochschild, a doctoral student in planning at the
Harvard Graduate School of Education, has done research which
indicates that there is no more effective way to engage the interest
of students on a campus than a "telephone blitz." On a campus
where individual or roommate group phones are standard fare,
one can reach 5,000 plus students in 10 hours (two evenings)
with 25 student volunteers manning phones.
The Role of Stu at Governments
We cannot thrive on a campus without the cooperation of each
college's administrators. While initial reservations can be
overcome by a letter from an educator on our advisory board,
considerable personal contact will be necessary to build trust.
Student governments will hopefully facilitate good relations with
campus administrators.
We shall require permission to set up registration centers in
the student union and in dining halls. Also, we would be helped by
a master list of students, particularly if it indicates phone
numbers.
Student government officials are competent judges of the
mood of their campus, and they can advise our coordinator on issues
such as which, if any, speakers should be brought on campus to
arouse interest in registration. Our speakers bureau thus will
not be so liable to send a man to New Mexico State who is
unpopular there.
Putting the Names on the Dotted Line
Ideally, we should move one or two mobile registration
booths onto a campus, and have in-state students register there.
(Out-of-staters can be handled at nearby tables.) John Lewis
of the V E.P. reports, however, that only large cities provided
his group with mobile registration vans. He suggests, though, that
some of the problems he encountered might have been peculiar to the
South. Robert Kennedy's presidential campaign workers, for example,
used mobile boc S throughout Indiana wit considerable success.
While we shall exert as much bipartisan political pressure
as possible to loosen terms on mobile centers, we could
alternatively set up centers around the campus where out-of-
state students can be given absentee registration forms (or
form letters), and in-state students can be pointed in the right
direction.
Possibilities for Mass Registration
We are investigating the possibility of having students
register to vote at the same time as they register for school or
as they pick up their selective service forms from the registrar.
Toward this end, we have initiated discussions with the American
Association of College Registrars and Admissions Officers.
Problems
There can be little doubt that we will meet local resistance
to our efforts in some towns, particularly in potential Berkeleys.
John Lewis, for example, has run into several county officials in -
Mississippi who refuse to register 18-year olds because "they
lack necessary facilities." Again, we shall seek to employ some
political clout to overcome such hurdles. If necessary, however,
we shall activate our legal arm.
LEGAL
One problem that will tend to thwart our efforts to register
college students is the autonomy given to county clerks in interpreti
state
problem will be
two-fold. First, it will be important to know in advance the ways
in which specifi. statutes can be used agi ist the students seeking
to
register.
Second.
,
NMSV will maintain close contact with
organizations capable of testing the legality of the more unfair
laws; in this way, we will be able to give concrete aid to students
having difficulty registering, rather than fruitlessly exhorting
them to do SO.
Our central office, in cooperation with other organizations
active in the field of voter participation, will compile a summary
of existing statutes and possible problem areas. This booklet,
sent to all NMSV personnel will serve as indispensable background
information. We recognize, however, that it cannot serve as a
substitute for information gathered in the field. To remedy this
situation, law students recruited from each state will report to
their regional coordinator on the nature of problems that students
are encountering. All information concerning difficulties with
local officials will be forwarded to the central office where the
material can be correlated with other data to analyze the basis and
location of major student registration problems. All campus coor=
dinators will receive the reports pertinent to their locale.
It will be imperative for all NMSV personnel to have a complete
understanding of potential legal problems, since confidence in their
own position will make dealings with local officials easier and
more productive. In areas where the NMSV will not be able to assist
directly in the registration process, it will be important for each
registrant to have easy access to the same knowledge.
In cases where a student's right to vote is clearly being denied,
the central office will act as a conduit . referring complaints
to organizations which have the experience and resources to litigate.
Hopefully, the threat of suit will discourage discriminatory
practices in some areas. As evidence of our concern and sincere
intent in this matter, legal counsel will be attached to each
regional coordinator.
ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE
We are now trying to create the most effective organizational
structure for registering the maximum number of student voters
possible. We do not plan to run a centralized campaign from
Cambridge, Mass. Doing so would require at least 300 "line
managers" reporting to one office. (The Movement for a New
Congress, trying last year to organize a large number of campuses,
failed when they set up such a structure.) On the other hand, it
would be inept to send 20 Harvard missionaries around the country
trying to organize a campus a week. Each campus requires the
attention, the knowledge of local conditions, which only the
students there can provide.
Regional cogordination promises to be the best approach.
Each regional coordinator will be responsible for the thirty
or so campuses in his area. Our central office will provide him
with info rmation of timetables, laws, and methods. The Cambridge
office can also help when appropriate with absentee registration
forms and form letters, and can also supply a variety of promotional
materials and opportunities, ranging from ad glossies to posters.
A central speaking bureau could arrange to have a Senator or
other respected local figure initiate the local registration drive.
The Harvard-based staffman covering the region will consult with
the local and regional coordinators and serve as their link with
the information NMSV will have accumulated.
The attached organizational chart outlines the plan for the
central office.
THE RESEARCH EFFORT
While MNSV hopes to rely on other organizations in assembling
much of the information for successful registration drives, our
Cambridge office nonetheless anticipates carrying on a substantial
research effort this Spring. The research staff will work closely
with The League of Women Voters, Common Cause, The Legislative
Reference Service, and other groups so as not to duplicate their
efforts. Five interns will spend their summer in Washington
doing research on registration laws and other important factors
in the drive.
We shall contact Secretaries of State, and where necessary
local election boards, to ascertain:
*
Where absentee registration is permitted and where bulk
forms are available.
*
Where mobile registration booths can be set up on campus.
*
Where volunteers can be deputized as registrars.
*
During what time periods voters may be registered.
National M'vt for the Student Vote
BOARD
NAT
L
ADVISORY BOARD
FUNDRAISING
& COMMITTEES
PRESIDENT
EXEC. DIRECTOR
GENERAL COUNSEL
(Treasurer)
RTISING
RESEARCH
ASS'T
PERSONNEL
MEDIA
NATIONAL
RVISOR
TREASURER
DIRECTOR
RELATIONS
DIRECTOR
DIRECTOR
ADVISORS
I - XII
LIBRARY
DATA
PUBLICATIONS
DIRECTOR,
REGIONAL
FIELD
RESEARCH
DIRECTOR
SPEAKERS
COORDINATOR
RESEARCH
ORDINATOR
COORDINATOR
COORDINATOR
BUREAU
STAFF
STAFF
*
What const utes residency.
From university administrators we hope to find the following:
*
The university's student enrollment by state.
*
The academic calendar.
Names of heads of Young Democrats, Young Republicans,
fraternity councils, student government, etc.
Where students eat.
Names and addresses of campus newspapers.
*
Where booths may be set up.
We will write to all the students whose names we obtain. In
addition, many U.S. Senators have pledged to provide us with the
names of all students applying for summer internships; our
research staff will be in touch with all of them.
Analyzing our data will pose an important and critical
task. Computer programs will coordinate academic and voter
registration calendars, giving as output the weeks liable for an
intensive registration drive on a given campus. The student
enrollment of each campus, broken down by home states of students,
will be entered into our computer storage space. A simple
program can then indicate how many absentee registration forms
and form letters we need from each state, and which campus we
shall have to ship them to.
BLACK STUDENTS
There are now 492,000 Black students attending American
Universities. One-third of these students are studying at the
nation's 105 Black campuses; the rest are located at other
institutions across the country.
Bureau of Census statistics have been cited that reveal
the small number of black students registering to vote in states
where the 18-year old franchise has been in force in the past.
We know that registration in the nation's Black areas has been
historically much lower than in white communities. There is no
evidence, however, that Black campuses are subject to the fear
which has been reported by V.E.P. registrars as being always one
of the chief obstacles to registering Blacks in the South.
Conversations with Black community and student leaders around
the country suggest that there may be other reasons discouraging
Black student registration. Dean Monroe of Miles College has
remarked on the bitter frustration and anger felt by many Black
students at their seeming inability to alter the circumstances
around them. This frustration need not continue, however, to
express itself in political alienation. Lee Daniels, Managing
Editor of the Harvard Journal of Afro-American Affairs, notes that
while many Blacks are not impressed with short-term projects such
as the Committee for a Moratorium, they are increasingly committed
to measurable political and social progress.
Some might ask why we consider the participation of these
of special
attention. Ever f not numerically overwh ming, Black students
have a particularly vital role to play in the future. This
group, more than their white counterparts, will in these next
years come to influence and direct the political outlook of
their communities. The commitment they adopt to the electoral
process now will undoubtedly bear on their effectiveness in
promoting future social change.
Obviously, Black students are among the most alienated from
the traditional political machinery. While receptive to involve-
ment in the electoral process, they distrust appeals from white
organizations lacking roots in their own communities. We believe
that no successful campus registration drive can be mounted on
Black campuses or even amongst Black students attending pre-
dominantly white institutions without carefully considering the
activities of established community organizations. With this in
mind, the NMSV has already begun setting up contacts with such
organizations as the Urban League, Voter Education Project, and
Frontlash. In addition we have engaged a range of Black advisors -
-
including Julian Bond, Senator Edward Brooke, Congressman Ronald
Dellums,
and Vernon Jordan. We hope that
the presence of these individuals will lend support to our efforts,
serving to remind students of the profoundly activist antecedents
of voter registration drives in the South during the early 1960's.
CAMPUS COORDINA G
There is no Black organization which has branches on a
significant number of campuses. Where there are AFRO or O.B.U.
groups, we will seek to involve them. In other cases, we will
search out individuals who have been politically active in the
past.
We believe, however, that any attempt to establish a
separate arm of the NMSV to work with the Black student community
would be a mistake. This would only tend to splinter our effort
and promote division. Our initial Cambridge group includes
several Black students, and we anticipate little difficulty in
attracting others as national coordinators.
1971 Timetable 1972
April
MAy
June
July
August
September
October
November
December
January
February
March
April
May
June
July
August
September
October
November
December
RPORATE
:GANIZATION
INDRAISING
CRUITING CAMPUS
ORDINATORS
ESEARCH-LEGAL
ESEARCH-CAMPUS
OMINISTRATION
ESEARCH-POTENTIAL
AMPUS COORDINATORS
RGANIZATION OF
RIVE ON-CAMPUS
EGISTRATION
RIVA
National Movement for the Student Vote
Projected Expenses or NMSV
April 1971 - December 1972
Apr.-May 1971 June-Aug. 1971 Sept.1971-Dec.1972 TOTAL
Computer Time and
File Space
$1,000
$ 5,000
$ 6,000
Telephones
$1,000
6,000
30,000
37,000
Postage
500
900
4,500
5,900
Secretarial
600
1,500
7,500
9,600
Legal
1,500
5,000
6,500
1
Travel
1,000
2,500
25,000
28,500
Stationary, Office
Supplies
600
900
4,500
6,000
Summer Office
1,200
1,200
Advertising - College
Newspapers
90,000 2
90,000
Summer Interns -
Stipends
5,000 3
5,000
Flyers, Brochures,
Posters
500
500
19,500 4
20,500
Form Letters,
Addressed Envelopes
10,000
10,000
Campus Coordination-
-
Stipends
45,600
45,600
-
Capital Expenditures 2,000
2,000
$7,700
$19,500
$246,600
$273,800
1 - 3 round trips to areas at average of $150 plus 30 days travel, room
and board @$?0 for each of 11 coordinators. Additionally, $2,500 for
miscellaneous travel.
2 - 1500 lines per newspaper @ $.200.
3 - $1000/student for June-August.
4
- $.01/student to be approached. 5 - $150/coordinator.
Appendix: Student Biographies
One of the problems facing many student groups that
begin community projects is a lack of expertise in the area
in which they are working. The National Movement for the
Student Vote has tried to assemble, and we believe with success,
a core group of committed workers - all of whom have extensive
backgrounds in fields related to our project. In putting to-
gether this nucleus of our operations, we have scrupulously
sought a diverse, as well as able group. Republicans as well
as Democrats, women as well as men, blacks as well as whites
are extensively represented. The only viewpoint that all of
us share is a deep committment to the electoral process.
Another obstacle to student projects is the short period
in which students are in school, and the amount of school work
which occupies them during normal school terms. We have con-
fronted this problem on two fronts. On the one hand, we have
involved students who plan to remain in the Cambridge area for
some time, whether they are enrolled at Harvard College or not
Other students who have heavy work schedules have offered to
take leave of absences to make a full time committment to the
NMSV. Because we have brought together such a qualified group,
we anticipate little difficulty in attracting other younger
indiv mals who will replace the initial group and carry on our
- 2 -
operation in future years.
On this initial list, we have only included biographical
sketches of Harvard and Radcliffe students. We are presently
compiling biographies of students from other schools which will
soon be available upon request.
Morris Abram, Jr. - '71-'72, history; member, Harvard Policy
Council, curriculum reform study group; founder and
first president The Harvard Independent, a weekly
student newspaper; campaign co-ordinator Peter Berle
for New York State Assembly.
Paul Anderson - Harvard night school; founder Massachusett's
Teenage Republican Club, aide to State Senator John
Quinlan
John Avault - '70, economics; Rotary fellowship, study abroad;
Economic analyst Boston Redevelopment Authority; Industrial
Development Commission - responsible for data analysis
of Boston's Industrial Characteristics; extensive experience
in computer methods, statistics.
Paul Bloom - '70, government; precinct organizer Senatorial
campaign of Joseph Tydings, Congressional race of Paul
Sarbanes, and for Robert Embry, city concilor. Managerial
experience, Colony Credit Corp., Baltimore.
Jim Breedlove - '71, entering Harvard Law; intern Shawmut
National Bank, responsible for business projects in
black communities throughout the country.
Kevin Carney - '70, government; campaign organizer Eugene
McCarthy, Allard Lowenstein, Phillip Hoff; fund raiser
Phillip Hoff for U.S. Senate; research ass't for William
Blair and Co. investment banking firm; intern ed. dep't
Chicago Daily News; Ed. ass't. Bostonian Magazine.
David Cochran - '70, government; President Briggs House; co-
ordinator McCarthy campaign, Washington office; ass't
campaign manager for Richard Howes, candidate U.S. Senate
Maryland, 1968; ass't accountant in charge of computers -
Ace Electronics Co.
Lee Daniels - '71, government; managing editor of Harvard
Journal of Afro-American affairs; intern Newsweek, The
Wall Street Journal.
Mike Davis - '74, government; teacher remedial education program
Hotchkiss School; permanent intern, Lowell Dodge Center
for Auto Safety, Washington; advisor to Secretary of
Transportation Volpe on Youth and Auto Safety:
John DeTore - '71, classics; intern Mass. Attorney General's
Office, Citizens' Aid Division; Chief organizer, Youth
For Mass., a successful attempt to get high school students
- 2 -
throughout the state involved in political campaigns
of both parties. Campaign manager, Richard Daley,
Republican candidate for State Assembly; county co-
ordinator, Sargent-Dwight campaign.
Hamilton Fish, 3rd. - '73, government; member, Republican
Conference Research Program, task force on Earth,
Population and Resources; organizer Congressional
campaign of Hamilton Fish, 2nd. Advertising and press
staff The Harvard Independent.
Mitchell Fishman - '70, Harvard Law '73; station manager WHRB;
editor, The Harvard Crimson; press secretary for Joseph
Duffey, candidate for U.S. Senate.
Lucy Freedman - Radcliffe '70, Harvard Education School;
Chairman Radcliffe Grant-in-Aid; campaign organizer
for Joseph Duffey.
Henry Hecht - Harvard Law School, '73, staff member, speech-
writer for Senator Charles Mathias.
Robert Luskin - '72, government; Co-author, The Harvard Strike,
Houghton Mifflin; Presidential appointee to Advisory
Committee on Harvard University Gazette; reporter The
Herald Traveler.
Tom McKean - '72, government; intern Senator Edward Brooke,
Lt. Governor Frank Sargent.
Thomas Stemberg - '71, economics; entering Harvard Business
School; member board of director Harvard Student Agencies;
publisher, The Harvard Independent.