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This file contains:
From: Gordon Strachan To: Peter Daily, Phil Joanou RE: Materials Distribution. 1 pg [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/31/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Peter Daily, Phil Joanou RE: Campaign Song. Attached: handwritten notes regarding subject. 3 pg [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/28/1972
From: Gordon Stranchan To: Jeb Magruder, Fred Malek RE: Intellectuals for the President [Subject: White House Staff] [Memo], 7/27/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Ollie Atkins RE: The RNC Publication. 1 pg [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/25/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Pictures for RNC Publication. 1 pg [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/24/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Peter Daily, Phil Joanou RE: Campaign Slogans. 1 pg [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/22/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Peter Daily, Phil Joanou RE: Campaign Promotional Materials. 2 Copies. 3 pg [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/19/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Stan Anderson RE: Convention Delegates. 1 pg [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/7/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Alexander P. Butterfield RE: Celebrities [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/7/1972
From: Raymond Caldiero To: Herbert L. Porter RE: Celebrities, Athletes, and American Music. 6 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/26/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Patrick Buchanan RE: Exchange of letter between National Association of Retail Grocers and George McGovern. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/7/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Correspondence between National Association of Retail Grocers and George McGovern. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/30/1972
From: George P. Shultz To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Correspondence between National Association of Retail Grocers and George McGovern. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/29/1972
From: George McGovern To: Frank D. Register RE: Caesar Chavez and the lettuce boycotts. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Letter], 6/1/1972
From: Frank D. Register To: George McGovern RE: Caesar Chavez and the lettuce boycotts. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Letter], 5/22/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Pat Buchanan RE: Campaign tactic portraying George McGovern's association with other great American leaders. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/1/1972
Written by: Clayton Fritchey Headline: The Company McGovern Keeps. RE: Campaign tactic portraying George McGovern's association with other great American leaders. Original and copy are included. 2 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Newspaper], 7/1/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Dwight Chapin RE: Wave II Campaign Surveys. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/28/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Wave II Campaign Surveys-Teeter Materials for Chapin. 2 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/27/1972
From: Robert M. Teeter To: Dwight L. Chapin RE: Issue and Appearances Data From Second Wave Polling. 20 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/25/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Ken Cole RE: Freeze on H. Ross Perot's calls. 1 pg. [Subject: Personal] [Memo], 7/28/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Dwight Chapin RE: RNC Convention. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/27/1972
From: L. Higby To: Gordon Strachan RE: RNC Convention Speeches. 2 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/25/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Ken Cole RE: Campaign Surveys- Wave II. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/26/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Dwight Chapin RE: Sinatra's primary contact. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/26/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Ray Caldiero RE: Celebrities. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/22/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Dwight Chapin RE: Updated campaign Strategy Memoranda. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/24/1972
From: Doug Hallett To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Larry Higby's Request of July 19th and Campaign stragtegy. 5 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/20/1972
From: Doug Hallett To: H.R. Haldeman RE: How the President should begin campaigning. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/21/1972
From: Ken W. Clawson To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Campaign Strategy. 2 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/22/1972
From: Ray Price To: Bob Haldeman RE: Campaign Strategy. 2 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/21/1972
Outline of keynote presentation for Republican convention followed by notes regarding keynote. 6 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Other Document], 7/16/1972
From: Ray Price To: Bob Haldeman RE: First Family Scheduling. 2 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/21/1972
From: John Scali To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Election Strategy Addendum. 2 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/21/1972
From: Bill Safire To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Covention. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/20/1972
From: John C. Whitaker To: H.R. Haldeman and John D. Ehrlichen RE: Campaign Strategy. 8 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/21/1972
From: Byrce Harlow To: Larry Higby RE: Follow-Up on Campaign Strategy. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/21/1972
From: Harry S. Dent To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Update on June 16 Campaign Strategy Memo. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/21/1972
From: Robert H. Finch To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Update on Campaign Strategy (In light of the Democratic Convention). A copy is directly attached. 4 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/20/1972
From: Dwight L. Chapin To: Larry Higby RE: Feedback on previous memos regarding campaign strategy. Copy attached. 2 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/20/1972
Scholar Source Context
Document identity
localId
26145609
label
WHSF: Contested, 14-1
core
doc
dtoType
document
citationUrl
pageCount
1
Source metadata
id
26145609
sourceUrl
contentType
document
title
WHSF: Contested, 14-1
description
This file contains:
From: Gordon Strachan To: Peter Daily, Phil Joanou RE: Materials Distribution. 1 pg [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/31/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Peter Daily, Phil Joanou RE: Campaign Song. Attached: handwritten notes regarding subject. 3 pg [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/28/1972
From: Gordon Stranchan To: Jeb Magruder, Fred Malek RE: Intellectuals for the President [Subject: White House Staff] [Memo], 7/27/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Ollie Atkins RE: The RNC Publication. 1 pg [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/25/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Pictures for RNC Publication. 1 pg [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/24/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Peter Daily, Phil Joanou RE: Campaign Slogans. 1 pg [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/22/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Peter Daily, Phil Joanou RE: Campaign Promotional Materials. 2 Copies. 3 pg [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/19/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Stan Anderson RE: Convention Delegates. 1 pg [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/7/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Alexander P. Butterfield RE: Celebrities [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/7/1972
From: Raymond Caldiero To: Herbert L. Porter RE: Celebrities, Athletes, and American Music. 6 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/26/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Patrick Buchanan RE: Exchange of letter between National Association of Retail Grocers and George McGovern. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/7/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Correspondence between National Association of Retail Grocers and George McGovern. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/30/1972
From: George P. Shultz To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Correspondence between National Association of Retail Grocers and George McGovern. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/29/1972
From: George McGovern To: Frank D. Register RE: Caesar Chavez and the lettuce boycotts. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Letter], 6/1/1972
From: Frank D. Register To: George McGovern RE: Caesar Chavez and the lettuce boycotts. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Letter], 5/22/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Pat Buchanan RE: Campaign tactic portraying George McGovern's association with other great American leaders. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/1/1972
Written by: Clayton Fritchey Headline: The Company McGovern Keeps. RE: Campaign tactic portraying George McGovern's association with other great American leaders. Original and copy are included. 2 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Newspaper], 7/1/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Dwight Chapin RE: Wave II Campaign Surveys. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/28/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Wave II Campaign Surveys-Teeter Materials for Chapin. 2 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/27/1972
From: Robert M. Teeter To: Dwight L. Chapin RE: Issue and Appearances Data From Second Wave Polling. 20 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/25/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Ken Cole RE: Freeze on H. Ross Perot's calls. 1 pg. [Subject: Personal] [Memo], 7/28/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Dwight Chapin RE: RNC Convention. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/27/1972
From: L. Higby To: Gordon Strachan RE: RNC Convention Speeches. 2 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/25/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Ken Cole RE: Campaign Surveys- Wave II. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/26/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Dwight Chapin RE: Sinatra's primary contact. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/26/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Ray Caldiero RE: Celebrities. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/22/1972
From: Gordon Strachan To: Dwight Chapin RE: Updated campaign Strategy Memoranda. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/24/1972
From: Doug Hallett To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Larry Higby's Request of July 19th and Campaign stragtegy. 5 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/20/1972
From: Doug Hallett To: H.R. Haldeman RE: How the President should begin campaigning. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/21/1972
From: Ken W. Clawson To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Campaign Strategy. 2 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/22/1972
From: Ray Price To: Bob Haldeman RE: Campaign Strategy. 2 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/21/1972
Outline of keynote presentation for Republican convention followed by notes regarding keynote. 6 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Other Document], 7/16/1972
From: Ray Price To: Bob Haldeman RE: First Family Scheduling. 2 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/21/1972
From: John Scali To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Election Strategy Addendum. 2 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/21/1972
From: Bill Safire To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Covention. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/20/1972
From: John C. Whitaker To: H.R. Haldeman and John D. Ehrlichen RE: Campaign Strategy. 8 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/21/1972
From: Byrce Harlow To: Larry Higby RE: Follow-Up on Campaign Strategy. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/21/1972
From: Harry S. Dent To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Update on June 16 Campaign Strategy Memo. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/21/1972
From: Robert H. Finch To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Update on Campaign Strategy (In light of the Democratic Convention). A copy is directly attached. 4 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/20/1972
From: Dwight L. Chapin To: Larry Higby RE: Feedback on previous memos regarding campaign strategy. Copy attached. 2 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/20/1972
citationUrl
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Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection
Contested Materials Files
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
Contested Materials Collection
Folder List
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
14
1
7/31/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: Peter Daily, Phil
Joanou RE: Materials Distribution. 1 pg
14
1
7/28/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: Peter Daily, Phil
Joanou RE: Campaign Song. Attached:
handwritten notes regarding subject. 3 pg
14
1
7/27/1972
White House Staff
Memo
From: Gordon Stranchan To: Jeb Magruder,
Fred Malek RE: Intellectuals for the President
14
1
7/25/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: Ollie Atkins RE:
The RNC Publication. 1 pg
Monday, January 31, 2011
Page 1 of 9
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
14
1
7/24/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: H.R. Haldeman
RE: Pictures for RNC Publication. 1 pg
14
1
7/22/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: Peter Daily, Phil
Joanou RE: Campaign Slogans. 1 pg
14
1
7/19/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: Peter Daily, Phil
Joanou RE: Campaign Promotional
Materials. 2 Copies. 3 pg
14
1
7/7/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: Stan Anderson
RE: Convention Delegates. 1 pg
14
1
7/7/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: Alexander P.
Butterfield RE: Celebrities
Monday, January 31, 2011
Page 2 of 9
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
14
1
6/26/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Raymond Caldiero To: Herbert L.
Porter RE: Celebrities, Athletes, and
American Music. 6 pg.
14
1
7/7/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: Patrick
Buchanan RE: Exchange of letter between
National Association of Retail Grocers and
George McGovern. 1 pg.
14
1
6/30/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: H.R. Haldeman
RE: Correspondence between National
Association of Retail Grocers and George
McGovern. 1 pg.
14
1
6/29/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: George P. Shultz To: H.R. Haldeman
RE: Correspondence between National
Association of Retail Grocers and George
McGovern. 1 pg.
14
1
6/1/1972
Campaign
Letter
From: George McGovern To: Frank D.
Register RE: Caesar Chavez and the lettuce
boycotts. 1 pg.
Monday, January 31, 2011
Page 3 of 9
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
14
1
5/22/1972
Campaign
Letter
From: Frank D. Register To: George
McGovern RE: Caesar Chavez and the
lettuce boycotts. 1 pg.
14
1
7/1/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: Pat Buchanan
RE: Campaign tactic portraying George
McGovern's association with other great
American leaders. 1 pg.
14
1
7/1/1972
Campaign
Newspaper
Written by: Clayton Fritchey Headline: The
Company McGovern Keeps. RE: Campaign
tactic portraying George McGovern's
association with other great American
leaders. Original and copy are included. 2 pg.
14
1
7/28/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: Dwight Chapin
RE: Wave II Campaign Surveys. 1 pg.
14
1
7/27/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: H.R. Haldeman
RE: Wave II Campaign Surveys-Teeter
Materials for Chapin. 2 pg.
Monday, January 31, 2011
Page 4 of 9
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
14
1
7/25/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Robert M. Teeter To: Dwight L.
Chapin RE: Issue and Appearances Data
From Second Wave Polling. 20 pg.
14
1
7/28/1972
Personal
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: Ken Cole RE:
Freeze on H. Ross Perot's calls. 1 pg.
14
1
7/27/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: Dwight Chapin
RE: RNC Convention. 1 pg.
14
1
7/25/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: L. Higby To: Gordon Strachan RE:
RNC Convention Speeches. 2 pg.
14
1
7/26/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: Ken Cole RE:
Campaign Surveys- Wave II. 1 pg.
Monday, January 31, 2011
Page 5 of 9
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
14
1
7/26/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: Dwight Chapin
RE: Sinatra's primary contact. 1 pg.
14
1
7/22/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: Ray Caldiero
RE: Celebrities. 1 pg.
14
1
7/24/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: Dwight Chapin
RE: Updated campaign Strategy Memoranda.
1 pg.
14
1
7/20/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Doug Hallett To: H.R. Haldeman RE:
Larry Higby's Request of July 19th and
Campaign stragtegy. 5 pg.
14
1
7/21/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Doug Hallett To: H.R. Haldeman RE:
How the President should begin
campaigning. 1 pg.
Monday, January 31, 2011
Page 6 of 9
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
14
1
7/22/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Ken W. Clawson To: H.R. Haldeman
RE: Campaign Strategy. 2 pg.
14
1
7/21/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Ray Price To: Bob Haldeman RE:
Campaign Strategy. 2 pg.
14
1
7/16/1972
Campaign
Other Document
Outline of keynote presentation for
Republican convention followed by notes
regarding keynote. 6 pg.
14
1
7/21/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Ray Price To: Bob Haldeman RE:
First Family Scheduling. 2 pg.
14
1
7/21/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: John Scali To: H.R. Haldeman RE:
Election Strategy Addendum. 2 pg.
Monday, January 31, 2011
Page 7 of 9
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
14
1
7/20/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Bill Safire To: H.R. Haldeman RE:
Covention. 1 pg.
14
1
7/21/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: John C. Whitaker To: H.R. Haldeman
and John D. Ehrlichen RE: Campaign
Strategy. 8 pg.
14
1
7/21/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Byrce Harlow To: Larry Higby RE:
Follow-Up on Campaign Strategy. 1 pg.
14
1
7/21/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Harry S. Dent To: H.R. Haldeman RE:
Update on June 16 Campaign Strategy
Memo. 1 pg.
14
1
7/20/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Robert H. Finch To: H.R. Haldeman
RE: Update on Campaign Strategy (In light
of the Democratic Convention). A copy is
directly attached. 4 pg.
Monday, January 31, 2011
Page 8 of 9
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
14
1
7/20/1972
Campaign
Memo
From: Dwight L. Chapin To: Larry Higby
RE: Feedback on previous memos regarding
campaign strategy. Copy attached. 2 pg.
Monday, January 31, 2011
Page 9 of 9
Presidential Materials Review Board
Review on Contested Documents
Collection: H. R. Haldeman
Box Number: 239
Folder:
Strachan Chron A-L July 1972
Document
Disposition
1
Return
Private/Political Memo, Stracuan to Dailey Joanou,
7-31-72
2
Return
Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Dailey & Joanou,
7-28-72
3
Return
Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Magruder & Malek,
7-27-72
4
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Atkins, 7-25-72
5
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Dailey $ Joanou,
7-22-72
6
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Dailer E. Joanou,
7-19-72
7
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Anderson, 7-7-72
8
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to BuHenfield, 7-7-72
9
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Buchanan, 7-7-72
10
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Buchanan, 7-1-72
11
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Chapin, 7-28-72
12
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Cole, 7-28-72
13
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14
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Chapin, 7-27-72
15
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Private/Political Memo, Stracuan to Colson, 7-19-72
16
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Chapin 7-15-72
17
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Private/Political Memo, Timmons to Chapin, 7-11-72
18
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Private/Political Memo, Timmons to Chapin, n.d.
19
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20
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Chapin, 7-10-72
21
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22
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Chapin, 7-10-72
23
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Chapin. 7-10-72
24
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Open
Presidential Materials Review Board
Review on Contested Documents
Collection: H. R. Haldeman
Box Number: 239
25
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26
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Chapin, 7-1-72
27
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Dailey, 7-31-72
28
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29
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Dent, 7-31-72
30
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Agency Policy Memo, Strachan to Dean, 7-31-72
31
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35
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Dailey, 7-7-72
37
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38
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39
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Open
40
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41
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-29-72
42
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43
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-26-72
44
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-26-72
45
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46
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-25-72
47
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-22-72
48
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-22-72
49
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-19-72
50
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-18-72
Presidential Materials Review Board
Review on Contested Documents
Collection: H. R. Haldeman
Box Number:
239
51
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-18-72
52
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54
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-11-72
55
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-11-72
56
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-10-72
57
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-10-72
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59
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-10-72
60
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-10-72
61
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-10-72
62
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63
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64
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Follow-up, 7-7-72
65
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66
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Private/Political Memo, Strachon to Higby, 7-28-72
67
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68
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Higby, 7-25-72
69
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Higby, 7-24-72
70
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Howard, 7-22-72
71
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Higby, 7-22-72
72
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Higby, 7-20-72
73
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74
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Harper, 7-13-72
75
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76
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Howard, 7-7-72
Presidential Materials Review Board
Review on Contested Documents
Collection: H. R. Haldeman
Box Number: 239
77
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78
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79
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Khachigian, 7-14-72
80
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Khachigian, 7-11-72
81
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Khachigian, 7-10-72
82
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Khachigian, 7-13-72
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Private/Political Memo, Strachan to Khachigian, 7-13-72
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
July 31, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
PETER DAILEY
PHIL JOANOU
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Materials Distribution
It was my understanding that you were going to keep me
up to date weekly on the distribution system of the
campaign materials. Specifically, I need to know which
states have ordered, when they will arrive, and whether
the highly counted Reuben H. Donnelly system is in fact
working as smoothly as it was promised.
001 Job Magruder
GS/jb
FU - 8/4
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
July 28, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
PETER DAILEY
PHIL JOANOU
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Campaign Song
Bob listened to both campaign songs yesterday and I thought
it would be helpful if I put his comments that we discussed
on the telephone down in writing.
Basically, he thinks both songs are very good, He was
particularly impressed with the second song and thought
that the lyricist, Ken Sutherland, deserves credit. The
second song, which he considered better entertainment, did
not strike him as a rally song. He reviewed several of the
classic rally songs, such as "Happy Days Are Here Again"
and "Dolly", and pointed out that those songs really fire
people up.
He suggested the possibility of using the chorus from
the second song as the real rally song, as he beliwees
that the chorus could be easily taught to rally crowds.
All of song number two might also be teachable to rally
crowds.
Bob also listened to the other two songs -- the one to
"Stars and Stripes" and the Lionel Hampton -- and considered
them fairly good too. He believes that all of them should
be worked up by a commercial group such as the Mike Curb
Congregation and that we should do all of them at the
Convention. His thought was that we could test all four
at the Convention.
As I mentioned on the telephone, he wants you to prepare
a montage "Coke" type commercial to be used with song
number two.
He also wanted to know whether we currently own all performance
and other rights in the first two songs or whether they have
to be negotiated separately. It is my understanding from
Carruthers that we already own all performance rights.
- 2 -
He is still not convinced that we have found "the rally
song". He believes we need a song of four stansas in
two-four time that could be a real fire-them-up campaign
song. The type of tune we need must be simple and
probably in the public domain so that the people know
it. One possibility he suggested was "Tradition" from .
"Fiddler on the Roof". He also thought you might like
to listen to the "Nixon's the One* song from the "Take
Me Along" melody used in 1968.
Finally, he wondered if the second song adequately
appealed to youth or whether something further out should
be prepared.
You should know that Bill Carruthers is arranging to have
the Mike Curb Congregation sing both songs. Carruthers
has been advised to make sure that an attempt is made to
separate the syllable, "Nixon-Now", so that it does not
slur together.
001 Jeb Magruder
GS/jb
FU - 7/31
Casa anyone ashed to write seng ? sle, need
4 otanza charus like "Lill wall the line"
- maybe cherus of #2 is the compsong.
Oristen menstrels ? still around +avail?
2nd - better entertainment, but
Kiil Congrey to do for Camillers
not rally song - need
something rallies per entry to
15t Wrong beat per comp seny
her others being brot into ralles
Hap Days Here again - epetome
Ex- "Dollie" /Fire People Up.
Hwonts
w even
3 other songs ? - stayee in
Bailey
cal per Canathers ≥
2/4beat
N
Marcheat
neither says - President. - 2 seys Pres Day
known Tune
Frè upid people
2 Ad sensational -stil entertainment
entertamn
song
1 wayout
- -Both good
Tune people
Cong-Pa Youth-
nather Rally song, but do we
know
2/4 polla
beat not
H. has record of Compaign Songs.
really want rally song.
marca
beat.
Tried on afters outside ? re
Nixnnow - ( word place like Milare
Could teach 2 or at least drows
Lynes of #2 good - written by Ken Sutherland?
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
July 27, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
JEB MAGRUDER
FRED MALEX
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Intellectuals for the President
As I have mentioned to both of you several times, this
program is moving with or without your guidance, Not
only are there isolated incidents which keep popping up
(most recent example - Max Ascoli), but also Len Garment
is bringing a fellow by the name of Warren Weaver here
to Washington on Tuesday. Be will begin working full
time running this operation. Just thought you would be
interested in knowing as it seems that the void at 1701
will be filled in any event.
GS/jb
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
July 25, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
OLLIE ATKINS
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
The RNC Publication
In light of the extremely poor selection of the cover
picture of the President for this week's "Monday"
(copy attached), it has now been requested that you
select the best picture from the event that they want
and give only that picture to them. Apparently the
current system involves you sending four or five
pictures of the event and John Lofton has the option
of selecting which one. That system should be stopped
and you should send your selection.
CC: Dick Howard
GS/jb
FU - 7/31
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: 7/24
TO:
H.R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
Ollie Atkins office says that
3 - 4 better pictures of the
President and Fitzsimmons were
supplied to John Lofton.
Colson should begin clearing
Lofton's picture selections.
or just let Other
select the best one
+give it X them
ADMINISTRATIVELY GONFIDENTIAL
July 22, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
PETER DAILEY
PHIL JOANOU
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Campaign SLogans
Len Garment sent a slogan to Bob - "Keep America
Great - Re-Elect the President." Although the
slogan for the campaign has been chosen, Bob
thought you might be interested in using this
line in some of your campaign advertising
materials
GS:car
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
yellow
July 19, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
PETER DAILEY
PHIL JOANOU
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Campaign Promotional Materials
Pursuant to our conversation today, the campaign promotional
materials order booklet has been approved subject to the
following changes:
1) The letter "N" should be solid gold instead of
part gold and part blue. That's not 14-carat
gold, but rather just solid gold finish. Also,
it should be a little better quality than the
blue and gold ones submitted;
2) American flags are also to be worn in the lapels
and their availability should receive a special
note in the ordering booklet. The goal is to
have people wear both the letter "N" and the
American flag. However, the letter "N" and the
American flag need not be connected by the small
gold chain as the other example submitted was;
3) The cover of the ordering booklet that uses the
cut-up version of the American flag is not
approved. You should develop an alternative
cover not using some modified version of the flag
for quick approval;
The bumper stickers and buttons that were delivered by
Bill Novelli to me today are also approved as prepared.
To prevent any confusion as to the exact status of all these
materials in terms of printing, distribution, purchasing,
and use, please keep me advised of every accurate detail.
I don't need any elaborate reports but I do need a twice
weekly update of exactly where we are on all these promo-
tional materials.
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
July 19, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
PETER DAILEY
PHIL JOANOU
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Campaign Promotional Materials
Pursuant to our conversation today, the campaign promotional
materials order booklet has been approved subject to the
following changes:
2) The letter "N" should be solid gold instead of
part gold and part blue. That's not 14-carat
gold, but rather just solid gold finish. Also,
it should be a little better quality than the
blue and gold ones submitted,
2) American flage are also to be worn in the lapels
and their availability should receive a special
note in the ordering booklet. The goal is to
have people wear both the letter "N" and the
American flag. However, the letter "N" and the
American flag need not be connected by the small
gold chain as the other example submitted was;
3) The cover of the ordering booklet that uses the
out-up version of the American flag is not
approved. You should develop an alternative
cover not using some medified version of the flag
for quick approval,
The blanger stickers and buttons that were delivered by
Bill Novelli to me today are also approved as prepared.
To prevent any confusion as to the exact status of all these
materials in terms of printing, distribution, purchasing,
and use, please keep - advised of every accurate detail.
I don't need any elaborate reports but I do need a twice
weekly update of exactly where we are on all these promo-
tional materials.
GS/jb
FU - 7/24
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
July 19, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
PETER DAILEY
PHIL JOANOU
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Campaign Promotional Materials
Pursuant to our conversation today, the campaign promotional
materials order booklet has been approved subject to the
following changes:
1) The letter "N" should be solid gold instead of
part gold and part blue. That's not 14-carat
gold, but rather just solid gold finish. Also,
it should be a little better quality than the
blue and gold ones submitted;
2) American flags are also to be worn in the lapels
and their availability should receive a special
note in the ordering booklet. The goal is to
have people wear both the letter "N" and the
American flag. However, the letter "N" and the
American flag need not be connected by the small
gold chain as the other example submitted was;
3) The cover of the ordering booklet that uses the
out-up version of the American flag is not
approved. You should develop an alternative
cover not using some modified version of the flag
for quick approval,
The blumper stickers and buttons that were delivered by
Bill Novelli to me today are also approved as prepared.
To prevent any confusion as to the exact status of all these
materials in terms of printing, distribution, purchasing,
and use, please keep me advised of every accurate detail.
I don't need any elaborate reports but I do need a twice
weekly update of exactly where we are on all these promo-
tional materials.
GS/jb
FU - 7/24
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
July 7, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
STAN ANDERSON
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Convention Delegates
Fred Malek mentioned on the plane yesterday that you were
preparing a more detailed analysis of the delegates to the
Republican Convention. I am particularly interested in
the percentage of black, youth, Spanish speaking, etc.
When you prepare the material for MacGregor or Malek, please
send - a dopy.
GS/jb
FU - 7/10
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
July 7, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
ALEXANDER P. NUTTERFIELD
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Celebrities
You may be interested in reviewing Higby's comments on
the Caldiero memo on Celebrities. I reviewed the comments
with Ray today and indicated to him that we considered him
the one man responsible for Celebrities and that these were
merely suggestions for his consideration and implementation.
The matter which I did not cover with him appears on Page 3 -
that is, Larry's comments to get him out from under Porter
and working for Magruder directly. I covered this matter
with Magruder personally today and Caldiero will now report
directly to Magruder and not through Porter.
I have covered with Caldiero your role regarding Celebrities
and the relationship with Taft Schreiber.
Y would appreciate your comments on the Caldiero memorandum
so that we can get the Celebrities project in an agreed upon
form for implementation.
GS/jb
Committee for the Re-election of the President
June 26, 1972 Mood
MEMORANDUM
MEMORANDUM FOR:
HERBERT L. PORTER
FROM:
RAYMOND CALDIERO
Ray
SUBJECT:
Celebrities, Athletes, and American
Music
Prior to our visit to California, you asked me to get involved
as much as I could while in Los Angeles with the Celebrity/
American Music/Athlete combine and to offer you my honest
appraisal of the situation with specific recommendations for
improvement and proper utilization of this resource.
The following represents the current status of the Celebrity/
American Music/Athlete program, its needs, problems, and recom-
mendations with specific ideas and programs that should be
implemented immediately.
Current Status:
At the present time, you have three separate celebrity divisions --
the movie industry celcbrities, with offices in Los Angeles
and New York; American Music in Nashville; and Athletes in New
York. Each of these divisions seems to operate autonomously
with no coordination among the three divisions. To date, no
one person has had enough free time to spend with this operation
to offer the necessary supervision, organization, implementation
of ideas and programs, and recruitment and servicing of these
notables. Unless this function is created within the Committee,
proper utilization of this fantastic resource will not be forth-
coming.
Needs:
The three celebrity groups must be properly coordinated so they
B.S.
work as one -- and should report to one person. All three
celebrity groups are identifiable voter blocs: all have the
same unique characteristics 01 notariety; and all should be
utilized as one support source.
Page 2
I view the entire celebrity operation as a public relations/
sales function -- one that should be used to support events with
our surrogates, voter blocs, citizens groups, and most importantly,
to achieve the proper media coverage with the many celebrities --
all supporting the main objective to re-elect the President. We
must re-structure our priorities and get the main job accomplished --
prie.
utilizing the best people for the best job. There is absolutely
no sense in making another wave to give to our opposition.
6.4
wast
wrong
Proper direction, plans, policies, main objectives, programs,
ideas and specific events must be planned immediately with
first priority being the support function to the Republican
National Convention. Thousands of TV/radio and newspaper media
will be at the Convention and our celebrity resource must be
properly staged to take advantage of this media opportunity.
Recommendations:
The management techniques to be employed in the celebrity operation
are: 1) responding to the specific needs, and 2) creating new
visual opportunities. In Los Angeles, we have a most capable
volunteer (full time) in Mrs. Sue Taurog. Mrs. Taurog knows
all of the movie industry celebrities personally due to her
heavy involvement through the years in working with her prominent
director husband, Norman Taurog. Miss Patty Schrager, the
secretary in the L. A. office, is also very competent in scheduling,
proper implementation, and follow-up with the celebrities and their
specific events. I recommended to you that Mr. *Crane be trans-
ferred back to Universal and that a "working" Executive Committee
be set up with such people as Johnny Grant, Mary Ann Mobly, Chad
and Shelby Everett, etc. If we can properly implement this
Executive Committee, with each person doing his share, the
office will "purr". Additional celebrities must be recruited and
then serviced.
With Ed Crane now back at Universal Studios, he can be utilized
on special projects for the celebrity operation (within his job
limitations); special projects for Taft Schreiber; and utilization
of Universal facilities as the needs come up within the celebrity
operation.
In Nashville, we must establish a new set of guidelines and specific
programs with Bill Warner, the Executive Director.
The Athletes for the President operation seems to be in capable
hands with Tom Scott. However, priorities, objectives and proper
coordination of his efforts must be implemented.
Page 3
The New York celebrity operation under Ruth Chase needs immediate
direction. I strongly suggest that we name an Executive Director
to operate as the titular head of the New York celebrity
operation. Mr. Dave Brown, who is the husband of Helen Gurley
Brown of Cosmopolitan Magazine, would be perfect. With Mr.
Brown in this capacity, our New York celebrity resources would
be opened up considerably.
All of our celebrity offices should coordinate the scheduling
of all events through Ed Cowling in the Surrogates Services
Office. Ed has a working relationship with the various
celebrity groups, and my recommendation is that Cowling continue
to function in this capacity -- scheduling celebrities into
already scheduled events.
Ideas and Programs to be Implemented:
Should
(A)
Celebrity Briefing Books - Containing specific information
on the President's accomplishments, stands on issues, Vietnam
briefing, etc
should be prepared immediately for all of our
committed celebrities. Celebrities are used to being scripted
and must be given the party line to properly achieve, them the main
purpose of their support function
conta
cis
the
(B) Celebrity Schedules All of our committed celebrities must
be contacted immediately for their schedules from July 1st
-
November 7, 1972, i.e. "How much time can we expect from you
working on behalf of the re-election of the President?" This
have name LA ms. Taylor warn
way, we will not be constantly "spinning our wheels" to try to
track then down as they travel throughout the U. S. Knowing
Caus
the specific schedules will allow us the opportunity of properly
scheduling -- even if they are doing summer stock in Indianapolis,
for example. We must receive a time commitment from our
celebrities!
(a(a) Celebrity Media Plan - Knowing the time commitments and
schedules of our celebritics will allow us to implement a
celebrity media plan on TV/radio talk shows; rallies; newspaper
interviews in various cities throughout the U. S. This will
give us a "mass media" approach rather than a rifle shot here
and there. In addition, we will be able to be in constant
contact at all times -- continuing the party line flow of
information.
(D) Celebrity TV Special - We must start immediately to plan
?
for a 90-minute TV special to be viewed on "prime time".
Receiving
Contact should be made with our top Republican producers
Konald Wayne, Jack Philbin and Paul Keyes. This TV special
Sco,counet
50,
should be scheduled for late October or early November. Objective
nit
and
would be to show celebrity support for the President to swing the
last minute undecided voters (Democrats, Independents and youth).
Page 4
(E)
Radio and TV Spots - must be produced with our celebrities
and scheduled throughout select major markets in the U. S.
(F) Special Campaign Show - utilizing the "Tonight Show",
1
"Dick Cavett", "Merv Griffin", and "Mike Douglas" talk shows.
This show should be dedicated entirely to a discussion of the
candidates -- utilizing our top celebrities and the opposition
celebrities in an informal discussion and "quasi" -debate type
format.
(G) Package Shows" - should be produced and used for fund
raiser celebrity shows and fund raiser dinners.
(H) San Clemente Partv - Celebrities should be invited to the
Western White House for an informal visit with the President,
if possible. If they could shake his hand, listen to a small
There
talk, and have the President thank them for their support, this
would be a great motivating force for both the committed and
uncommitted celebrities. I would suggest, if at all possible,
that this get-together be scheduled sometime after the Democratic
Convention and prior to the Republican Convention.
(I)
Recruitment Campaign for Humphrey and Muskie Celebrities -
me
Adsuming that McGovern will be the Democratic candidate, this
leaves the Humphrey and Muskie celebrities "up for grabs".
These celebrities should be contacted immediately after the
DNC and sold on supporting the President. You know McGovern
will be doing the same! If we are successful in this effort
these celebrities could be invited to the San Clemente party
and even utilized at the Republican Convention.
(J) Country and Western Show - Immediate plans should be formulated
for a Country and Western Show (fund raiser) in Nashville, Tennessee.
(K) Major Celebritv Fund Raisers - Immediate thought should be
given to a properly staged, "Eig Name" fund raiser. Due to
accessibility of our celebrities, California and New York would
be most appropriate cities.
(L) Celebrity Golf Tournament - Suggest we consider this golf
tournament at the Lakeside Country Club (California) and utilize
our celebrities, athletes, golfers, committed and uncommitted
celebrities in a massive fund raiser. Since this is Bob Hope's
Country Club, we may be able to talk him into a cocktail party
after the tournament co-hosted by Bing Crosby. Celebrities
like Glen Campbell, Dean Martin, etc. would be most interested
in this type of event.
Page 5
(M) Republican National Convention - Plans for the utilization
of our celebrities at the Convention are already underway as per
our previous discussions. However, much additional work must
be put forth in this area in order to get the maximum media
exposure of our celebrities.
(N) Celebrity Charters to Republican Convention - Strongly suggest
good
that we consider chartering an aircraft in Los Angeles and New
York and fly our celebrities to the Republican Convention. This
is the only way we can be certain they will be in attendance.
(0) Campaign Train - Celebrities should be coordinated and
properly interspersed on the campaign train as it travels from
coast to coast.
(P) Celebrities at Los Angeles Airport - Suggest we utilize some
of our celebrities to pass out material on the President at L. A.
Airport to the thousands of people that pass through on a daily
basis. With this properly coordinated, we could achieve press
and media coverage almost on a daily basis. This theme can be
white
spread out to include major airports in the U. S.
(0) After the Canpaign - The RNC should set-up a Celebrity
Advisory Service after the campaign. The curtain usually drops
and
on all of our celebrities immediately after a Presidential
campaign. Suggest we continue to recruit new celebrities, keep our
buse
lists up to date, keep them involved and informed with a monthly
and
or quarterly newsletter. We should utilize our celebrities for
local candidates, State Central Committees, Federated Womens
Groups, White House, Senatorial, Gubernatorial, Congressional
campaigns, etc. By setting up this small office we can get our
celebrities to work for the Republican Party all year long!
When 1974 comes - We are ready!
When 1976 comes - We are ready!
There is no sense to go through lists every two and four years
to try and recruit celebrities. This should be a sustained
effort with a volunteer part time. When the curtain drops
after a campaign, we lose many of our strong committed celebrities.
It is my honest opinion that constant contact with our many
celebrities will add a bit of additional "flair" and "glamour"
to the White House.
Programs Completed/Working
Since my involvement with the celebrity operation the following
events have been completed and/or working:
Page 6
1. Taft Schreiber. party
2. Ed Crane moved to Universal
3. Los Angeles office re-organized
4. Los Angeles Executive Committee organization
underway
5. Updated list of celebrities as of 6/23/72
6. Celebrity recruitment underway
7. Update of celebrity files, i.e. biographies and
pictures
8. Eight additional celebrities recruited
9. Convention plans underway
Conclusion:
The responsibility of the celebrity operation should be the
prime activity of one man at the Committee. He should provide
the management guidelines and supervise the entire celebrity
operation. He should provide the proper PR guidance and serve as
an idea man for innovative events utilizing the celebrities
to the best advantages of all concerned.
As I have stated privately, Bart, and now formally -- I am
ready, willing and able to take on this function, and honestly
feel that I could do the best job for the Committee and for the
President. It's an area with which I feel extremely capable
and confortable, due to my previous experience and exposure to
the industry. I have the support and confidence of Taft
Schreiber and Dick Zanuck, who are real "keys" to the entire
operation. I firmly believe that I could very easily take
on this new responsibility, as well as being "PR Swing Man"
for Cliff Miller's operation. I would strongly suggest that
we move the celebrity function under the direction of Cliff
Miller with me implementing, supervising and providing the ideas,
etc. Anything, if properly organized, and given the proper
objectives and ideas, directed by someone with management
ability, can work well.
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
July 7, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
PATRICK BUCHANAN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
Bob asked me to forward the attached exchange of letters
between the National Association of Retail Grocers and
George McGovern. I trust you will keep it in your McGovern
file for appropriate use.
GS/jb
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date:
6/30
TO:
H.R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
This will be forwarded to
Buchanan for appropriate
future use.
OF
REPARTMENT THE TREASURY
THE
THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY
WASHINGTON 20220
1789
June 29, 1972
MEMORANDUM TO: The Honorable H. R. Haldeman
You may be interested in the attached
exchange of correspondence.
Sex
George P. Shultz
Enclosures
HERMAN E. TALMADGE, as CHAIRMAN
J KELENGER, LA.
JACK MILLER, IOWA
JAMES o. KASTLAND, MISS.
GEORGE D. AIKEN, VT.
a. EVERETT JORDAN, N.C.
MILTON R. YOUNG, W. DAK.
GEORGE MCGOVARM, 8. DAX.
CARL Y. CURTIS. NOM.
JAMES B. ALLEN, ALA.
ROBERT DOLE, KANS.
HUBENT H. HUMPHREY, MINM.
HENRY BELLMON, OKLA.
United States Senate
LAWTON CHILES, PLA.
COTYS M. MOUSER, CHIEF CLEAR
COMMITTEE ON
AGRICULTURE AND FORESTRY
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20310
June 1, 1972
Dear Mr. Register:
Thank you very much for your recent letter.
You should know, Mr. Register, that I have competent
legal advice and you need not worry about me on that
score,
Your reference to innocent third parties was intriguing
to say the least. If you are suggesting that retail gro-
cers are under any definition of the term "innocent, 11 I
would be surprised. It may interest you to know that I
am fully aware of the monopoly meat and other commo-
dity pricing practices of the chain stores. I am also
aware of rate of return on your investment.
You may be sure, Mr. Register, that when I am Presi-
dent suits will no longer be brought by stockmen, egg
producers and others, but by the Attorney General of the
United States.
With very good wish, I am
Durg Sincerely, George McGovern seen
Frank D. Register
Executive Director
National Association of Retail
Grocers of the U.S., Inc.
Suite 620
2000 Spring Road
Oak Brook, Illinois 60521
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF RETAIL GROCERS OF THE U.S., INC.
IARGUS
Suite 620, 2000 Spring Road, Oak Brook, Illinois 60521
Phone (312) 654-1955
Frank D. Register, Executive Director
COPY
May 22, 1972
Senator George McGovern
United States Senator from South Dakota
Senate Office Building
Washington, D. C. 20510
Dear Senator McGovern:
In yesterday's news telecasts, you were shown endorsing Caesar
Chavez and the lettuce boycotts.
I would suggest that you consider this position carefully from a
number of standpoints. Under existing law, such boycotts are
clearly illegal. Secondly, the pattern established in the grape
boycotts was one of damage and destruction to innocent third
parties--in this instance, retailers who have no way of knowing
who is. right in a labor dispute many miles away. Thirdly, such
tactics, if successful, result in increased costs which mean in-
creased prices, a subject which I know is of concern to you.
Sincerely,
Frank d-Regiter
Frank D. Register
Executive Director
FDR/cms
shington Office: 201 Commonwealth Building. 1625 K Street. N. W., Washington, D. C. 20006 Phone: (202) 347-9868
ry Bison. Jr., General Counsel
ihit Management: 7237-39 West Lake Street. River Forest. Illinois 60305
Phone: (312) 366-1733
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
July 1, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
PAT BUCHANAN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
You probably noticed Clayton Fritchey's column this
morning entitled "The Company McGovern Keeps". All
the "radical" positions of McGovern are described
as being in the best traditions of American politics.
The problems with his economic arithmetic is compared
with the budget deficits of Johnson and the President,
On post-war amenty, he is placed among Abe Lincoln,
Andrew Johnson and Calvin Coolidge, In addition,
Fritchey argues that 70% of the American people agree
with MoGovern. If this were not enough, his defense
programs are described as being in concert with
Eisenhower's and that Nixon is the one moving away
from the Eisenhower tradition.
This tastic to portray McGovern is remarkably reasonable
because of his "association" with other great leaders
of the country strikes me as remarkably effective for
McGovern to use throughout the campaign.
GS/jb
THE WASHINGTON POST
SATURDAY, July 1, 1972
PRESERVATION COPY
Clayton Fritchey
The Company McGovern Keeps
IS SEN. McGOVERN a
sired, but they could hardly
against our troops being in
tor. His brother, Gov. Nel-
wild-eyed radical, a doe-eyed
be further off than Mr. Nix-
Indochina, he wants to re-
son Rockefeller, only a few
radical or just a radical-con-
on's.
duce U.S. forces in Europe
weeks ago, vetoed an effort
servative, which is to say,
and he is determined to
to repeal New York's re-
someone who, like Franklin
ON THE SUBJECT of
curb military spending.
formed abortion statute,
Roosevelt, would go to al-
postwar amnesty for draft
These may be "far-out"
which is becoming a model
most any extreme to save
resisters, the senator from
positions in the eyes of Mr.
for other states.
the capitalist system? Or, is
South Dakota also finds
Nixon and others, but they
THE SENATOR, who has
he no radical at all? Perhaps
himself in league with other
are precisely the positions
Presidents, such as Lincoln,
virtually been called a trai-
the best answer is to judge.
Eisenhower took when he
him by the company he
Andrew Johnson and Calvin
was President. In fact, in
tor for his defense policies,
keeps.
Coolidge, all of whom
1954, Ike did not hesitate to
thinks our European allies
granted amnesty after the
Take his economics. The
publicly overrule his own
should start carrying their
shooting stopped.
critics say his "arithmetic"
Vice President (Nixon) when
fair share of the NATO bur-
doesn't add up. Even after
McGovern's stand, how-
the latter supported U.S.
den, so that U.S. forces can
allowing for his proposed
ever, falls short of that of
armed intervention in Indo-
be reduced to two divisions
defense savings and elimina--
the late Cardinal Cushing's,
china, of which Vietnam was
in Europe. Again, his think-
tion of tax loopholes, it is,
who urged that "we empty
then a part.
ing was shaped by Eisen-
said that his program would
our jails of all the protest-
Eisenhower thought it was
hower who 10 years ago
produce a large budget defi-
ers - the guilty and the in-
foolhardy for the United
said, "One American divi-
cit, maybe as high as $20 bil-
nocent-without judging
States to engage in a land
sion in Europe can show the
lion a year or more. This
them; call back from over
war in Asia. Moreover, he
Flag as definitely as can sev-
may or may not be true, but,
the border and around the
said, he "would never agree
eral."
assuming for the sake of ar-
world the young men who
to send our ground, troops
are called 'deserters'; drop
The McGovern critics say,
gument that it is, where
without congressional ac-
Wait till the public hears
does that leave McGovern?
the cases that are still await-
tion." And he didn't.
It leaves him in the com-
ing judgment on our college
about his position on mari-
Finally, who are the radi-
pany of Richard Nixon and
youths." The Gallup Poll re-
juana." Well, his position is
cals McGovern is keeping
the same as President Nix-
Lyndon Johnson. The latter
ports that 70 per cent of
company with on the ques-
on's Commission on Mari-
went out of office with what
Americans "support some
tion of a more humane ap-
form of amnesty" for Viet-
juana and Drug Abuse. The
was then a record peacetime
proach to abortion? Answer:
commission is headed by a
deficit, $25 billion in one
nam draft dodgers. Does
The Rockefeller brothers.
that mean the whole coun-
Nixon appointee, Raymond
year. However, in the light
John D. Rockefeller III is
try is "radical"?
Shafer, the former Republi-
of President Nixon's per-
chairman of the President's
can governor of Pennsylva-
formance, this is now con-
On three of the most im-
Commission on Population
nia. Like McGovern, it rec-
sidered conservative. Some
portant issues of the year,
Growth and the American
ommends "decriminalizing
say Mr. Nixon is on his way
McGovern finds himself
Future, which recently
the mere possession and pri-
to achieving a record deficit
aligned with former Presi-
urged the liberalization of
vate use of 'pot,'' a stand
of $90 billion to $100 billion
dent Eisenhower in opposi-
state abortion laws to make
that even the American
for his first term. Sen. Mc-
tion to the latter's protege,
the termination of preg-
Medical Association has now
Govern's estimates may
Richard Nixon. The proba-
nancy a private matter be-
embraced.
leave something to be de-
ble Democratic nominee is
tween a woman and her doc-
yo 1972, Los Angeles Times
SATURDAY, July 1, 1972
Clayton
COMP
cGOVERN a
sired, but they could hardly
against our troops being in
tor. His brother, Gov.
1, a doe-eyed
be further off than Mr. Nix-
Indochina he wants to re-
son Rockefeller, only a
a radical con-
on's.
duce U.S. forces in Europe
weeks ago, vetoed an
hich is to say,
and he is determined to
to repeal New
like Franklin
ON THE SUBJECT of
curb military spending.
formed abd
Id go to al-
postwar amnesty for draft
These may be "far-out"
which is beco
eme to save
resisters the senator from
positions in the eyes of Mr.
for other state
system? Or, is
South Dakota also finds
Nixon and others, but they
THE SENA c)
all? Perhaps
himself in league with other
are precissly the positions
is to judge
Presidents, such as Lincoln
virtually been
Eisenhower took when he
company he
Andrew Johnson and Calvin
was President, In fact, in
tor for his del
Coolidge, all of whene
1934, The did not hesitate to
thinks our
E
granted amnesty after the
onomics. The
publicly overrule his own
should start
"arithmetic"
shooting stopped
Vice Breat ent (Nixon) when
share of
Even after
McGovern's stand, how-
supported U.S.
den,
80
his proposed
ever, falls short of that of
in Indo-
the late Cardinal Co
be red
and elimina-
Vietmam was
in Europe
loopholes, it is
who urged that
ing was
program would
our jails of all the prot
tht it was
hower wh
budget deft
are the guilty and the A
for the United
said, "One
as $20 bile
necent without
judging
in a land
sion in But
or
more. This
them; call back from ov
be
Plag as
not be true, but,
the border and around the
agree
the sake of ar-
world the young men who
to
troops
it is where
are called deserters'; drop
McGovern?
the cases that are still await-
in the com-
mg judgment on our college
about
Nixon and
youths." The Gallup Poll re-
cals
ports that 70 per cent of
same
The latter
on
Americans support some
is Comm
with what
tion
of
hu nane
form of amnesty' for Viet-
and
peacetime
proach to
in
on
The
nom draft dodgers. Does
The
Roc)
mean
the
whole
coup-
is
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
July 28, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
DWIGHT CHAPIN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Wave II Campaign Surveys
Bob asked me to give this polling material for use by
you and Parker in schedule planning. You should also
know that Teeter has been asked to prepare recommenda-
tions based on his subjective political judgment of the
best hypothetical schedules for the President, Vice
President and First Family.
GS/bj
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
July 27, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
G
SUBJECT:
Wave II Campaign Surveys -
Teeter Materials for Chapin
Bob Teeter discussed schedule opportunities based on the
Wave II results with Chapin, Parker, and Walker on July 25.
He did not give any specific trial heat or other figures
to this group.
Teeter prepared the attached summary material for Chapin/
Parker, but will not give them the materials without your
express approval. The materials describe the importance
of each of the issues within the state by media markets.
The ratings (A, B, C, D, E) by state and media market
reflect the President's comparative polling strength
against McGovern in certain media markets.
These Teeter materials coupled with demographic maps
showing areas of high ticket splitter locations in the
key states will show Chapin/Parker which issues are of
most concern to voters within the states.
Recommendation:
That Chapin/Parker receive copies of the attached materials.
Approve Hn Disapprove
Comments
Read next page
- 2 -
In addition, Bob Teeter should prepare a memorandum, based
on his analysis of the polling data, which describes his
subjective, political judgement of the best areas within
the states for particular issues. This would include Teeter's
recommendations for ideal, hypothetical schedules for the
President and First Family. Also included would be Teeter's
views on the relative advantages of moving a particular locale
from a "D" to a "C" as distinguished from moving an area like
San Diego from a "B" to an "A".
agree L. L.
(IVicePresident+
H,
BE
AN
AD
RKING
E.O.
on 6-102
By invpuse
Date
1-11-80
Committee for the Re-election of the President
MEMORANDUM
July 25, 1972
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR:
DWIGHT L. CHAPIN
THROUGH:
GORDON C. STRACHAN
FROM:
ROBERT M. TEETER
Rut
SUBJECT:
Issue and Appearances Data
From Second Wave Polling
Attached are tables summarizing our relative strength, the
importance of various issues and the President's rating on his
handling of those issues in the states we surveyed in Wave II.
Each state has been given a rating of A thru E with A meaning
the President is in excellent shape in that state, B meaning
we are in moderately good shape, C that the state is very close,
D that we are in fairly poor shape and E that we are in quite
bad shape in that state. In addition each media market has
been given a rating using the same scale.
The figures under the column designated Imp. (importance) are
the percentage of voters in that state or media market which
ranked that particular issue in the top three in terms of
importance in deciding Presidential vote.
The second figures under the column designated RN are the
percentage of voters who give the President a positive rating
on his handling of that issue (top figure) and the percentage
of the voters who rated him negatively (bottom figure).
That is, in the Mobile/Meridian area of Alabama the President is
in excellent shape (A rating), 54% of the voters rank Vietnam as
one of the top three issues in terms of its importance in the
Presidential election, 74% rate the President positively in terms
of his handling of the Vietnam issue and 23% rate him negatively.
A statewide total column is included for each state and a summary
sheet comparing each state to our national data is included.
The circled issues on the following pages are those issues which
are of significantly greater concern to the voters of a specific
area than they are to that state overall.
Using the ticket-splitter data we have available and the attached
information my recommendation for the priority areas to visit and
suggested issues for each of these visits within each of the states
are listed below.
You should remember, however, that Vietnam is, by far, the number
one issue in all of these states and in all of the regions within
the states. For that reason we have included it only when it is
significantly more important to a local area than it is overall.
Had we included it, Vietnam would have been the top priority issue
in all areas of all states. Furthermore this data does not address
itself to the fact that an appearance by the President is a national
event and the list of issues used to formulate this data did not
include anything which would give emphasis to a visit which stressed
a general campaign theme or "mood of the country" speech.
State Priorities
Top Priority
California
New York
Pennsylvania
New Jersey
Illinois
Second Priority
Ohio
Michigan
Connecticut
Maryland
Texas
Third Priority
Washington
Oregon
Missouri
Wisconsin
This data used in conjunction with the ticket-splitting maps we
went over this morning should be of assistance to you in scheduling
the President and the First Family. If you have any further questions,
please let me know.
Alabama:
Drugs
Crime
Taxes
Mobile:
Crime
Bussing
California:
Unemployment
Taxes
Inflation
Los Angeles: Unemployment
Inflation
Taxes
San Diego:
Crime
National Defense
Sacramento/
Stockton:
Unemployment
Drugs
San Francisco:
Vietnam
Environment
Connecticut:
Inflation
Unemployment
Taxes
Hartford:
Crime
Inflation
Fairfield
Co.:
Drugs
Crime
Illinois:
Inflation
Drugs
Chicago:
Taxes
Inflation
Rockford/
Davenport:
Inflation
Illinois continued:
Outstate Areas:
Taxes
Inflation
NOTE: While there is no particular concern of population we
need some effort in the outstate areas and a tour of
them by someone woule be useful.
New Jersey:
Taxes
Unemployment
Inflation
Northern
New Jersey:
Taxes
Inflation
Ohio:
Unemployment
Inflation
Drugs
Cleveland:
Unemployment
Inflation
Taxes
Cincinnati:
Inflation
Drugs
General Unrest
Toledo:
Orime
Environment
Oregon:
Taxes
Inflation
Environment
Portland:
Taxes
Inflation
Environment
Pennsylvania:
Taxes
Drugs
Pittsburgh:
Taxes
Environment
Unemployment
Drugs
Philadelphia: Unemployment
Taxes
Maryland:
Crime
Drugs
Inflation
Baltimore
Co.:
Drugs
Crime
Washington
Suburbs
(Mainly
Montgomery
Co.):
Inflation
Crime
Environment
Michigan:
Taxes
Unemployment
Drugs
Bussing
Detroit
Suburbs:
Bussing
Taxes
Crime
General Unrest
Flint:
Taxes
Crime
Unemployment
Race
Grand Rapids: Unemployment
Inflation
Drugs
Bussing
Missouri:
Unemployment
Taxes
Inflation
St. Louis:
Unemployment
Crime
Inflation
Kansas City: Inflation
Taxes
Texas:
Drugs
Inflation
Taxes
Houston:
Drugs
Inflation
Dallas:
Drugs
Crime
Taxes
Austin:
Environment
Bussing
Crime
Wisconsin:
Taxes
Inflation
Unemployment
Milwaukee &
S.E.:
Taxes
Inflation
Unemp loyment
NATIONAL STUDY RATING: A
A
A
.
A
A
B
C
E
3
A
C
B
A
D
National*
Alabama
Calif
Cons.
Illinois
Maryland
Michigan
Missouri
N.
J.
Ohio
Oregon
Pa.
Texas
Wisconsin
RY**
Irp.
RN
Irp.
RN
Imp.
PN
Inp.
RN
Imp.
KN
Irp.
KS
Inp.
PM
Imp.
RN
Imp.
KN
lep.
RN
Imp.
KY
KN
less
N
65
76
60
64
54
60
63
67
57
51
53
56
54
62
58
56
67
57
49
60
39
56
51
67
63
55
Vietnam
50
30
22
39
35
35
32
42
37
41
32
39
39
32
39
47
56
45
41
28
31
47
48
33
32
25
43
30
45
37
47
31°
40
31
29
47
:3
53
32
49
Inflation
24
46
41
33
56
52
51
55
53
32
59
52
56
52
46
51
53
68
53
25
31
27
36
57
Drugs
33
27
54
24
38
47
52
27
53
29
34
55
34
61
Y
16
63
20
36
28
43
42
42
40
43
38
29
44
44
41
43
37
34
56
62
Crime
53
24
48
25
52
37
50
25
45
30
51
20
43
50
24
49
50
25
53
n
16
56
35
20
36
43
47
45
48
52
27
24
47
52
48
46
49
45
42
30
63
45
42
18
49
54
21
31
45
34
49
39
47
45
33
23
47
23
53
30
47
Doesployment
19
33
30
43
52
53
49
45
52
49
32
35
31
57
51
50
32
44
51
46
54
44
44
34
48
28
48
34
42
32
53
36
26
50
39
44
27
37
46
42
Taxes
26
44
29
25
48
53
51
51
49
57
33
39
36
45
59
49
57
54
42
57
60
60
59
57
21
54
62
21
53
17
16
60
51
59
61
56
Race
23
13
16
13
59
11
69
36
44
36
44
16
14
10
39
33
16
31
38
38
37
44
42
39
30
81
81
78
17
79
16
78
10
81
9
80
80
74
82
72
Foreign Policy
11
18
13
20
17
17
13
14
13
83
13
80
11
16
86
11
13
15
21
17
20
16
23
15
18
13
60
70
51
58
16
56
17
60
13
63
64
50
59
64
60
12
59
65
Environment
LO
21
18
13
37
33
15
13
17
15
16
40
26
46
36
42
33
43
38
31
38
39
34
37
65
48
53
52
60
General Unrest
11
19
57
9
15
12
9
58
43
55
48
13
11
53
13
57
60
33
30
49
41
47
39
49
13
14
41
11
11
37
42
46
45
41
39
52
65
53
43
Welfare
13
13
11
9
52
12
55
14
50
15
57
42
54
45
55
55
42
47
15
13
15
11
12
17
50
39
32
44
46
41
41
52
44
50
44
42
49
69
Health Care
80
&
10
7
64
9
68
68
9
8
69
70
60
67
62
72
70
74
16
30
28
9
29
9
8
10
30
32
9
10
7
21
32
28
27
33
26
27
24
73
Mat'1. Defense
82
16
22
74
16
75
13
77
13
80
8
80
13
80
70
80
73
B1
78
85
17
17
14
13
14
13
20
16
18
13
23
19
21
16
23
17
21
17
19
14
46
Bussing
43
17
4
52
50
3
4
49
56
46
7
19
51
48
52
47
54
47
40
6
4
4
2
4
10
4
60
40
53
42
38
48
51
45
41
44
42
42
50
35
* June 16-26, 1972; 1,016 Interviews
** Because the National study was conducted by phone the scales are alightly different than the states. No questions ranking the issues by importance vera asked.
OVERALL RATING: A
June 13-26, 1972
804 Interviews
ALABAMA
A
A
Mobile/
A
A
A
Huntsville/
A
A
Meridian
Montgonery
Dothan
Columbus, Ca.
Chattanooga
Birmingham
Total
Imp
RN
Imp
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
74
75
53
77
49
75
55
50
81
44
50
76
Vietnam
54
48
23
22
38
21
22
19
22
50
62
47
58
55
58
Inflation
27
14
22
27
24
26
24
56
48
32
43
38
42
41
41
59
78
70
71
62
70
34
35
41
46
44
41
39
68
Drugs
36
18
23
27
35
26
25
51
67
53
56
56
69
62
Crime
43
34
32
36
24
29
31
47
30
40
42
41
28
35
59
63
51
69
57
68
63
Unemployment
20
14
13
23
24
18
19
38
33
43
29
39
28
33
41
63
49
50
60
55
54
Taxes
16
33
30
20
18
28
26
55
33
45
48
38
44
44
45
60
49
58
62
66
60
Race
30
26
33
23
13
22
23
52
32
40
40
34
31
36
74
84
68
77
84
Foreign Policy
5
5
14
11
85
11
81
7
16
23
8
13
17
9
13
13
66
72
Environment
4
70
16
63
10
11
71
12
70
4
10
70
30
22
17
33
26
25
26
55
68
60
65
66
General Unrest
7
12
9
68
8
8
9
65
12
40
23
32
31
29
29
30
58
73
47
60
64
Welfare
11
16
8
10
15
12
68
13
65
38
23
45
35
33
29
32
80
80
62
73
84
82
Health Care
7
11
4
8
8
11
8
80
15
14
30
23
14
15
16
77
80
77
83
80
87
82
Nat'l. Defense
11
10
17
10
20
16
16
19
13
11
10
15
9
13
27
59
36
48
43
Bussing
12
31
28
14
17
41
10
15
17
71
37
57
67
55
47
53
ISSUES:
ADI SPECIAL EMPHASIS ISSUES
Vietnam
Drugs
Mobile/Meridian:
Crime
Crime
Race
Taxes
Bussing
Inflation
Montgomery:
Taxes
Dothan:
Vietnam
Race
Columbus, Ga.:
Drugs
Crime
Environment
Huntsville/
Chattanooga:
-
Drugs
Crime
Foreign Policy
OVERALL RATING: B
CALIFORNIA
June 12-17, 1972
1,000 Interviews
A
D
B
A
Santa Barb/
A
A
D
E
Sacramento/
B
San Diego
Los Angeles
Santa Maria
Salinas/Montry
Fresno
San Francisco
Chico/Redding
Stockton
Tetal
Imp.
RN
Irp.
RN
Imp.
N
lmp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
KN
lmp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Vietnam
53
58
64
52
70
67
70
49
42
50
61
57
60
47
35
54
61
54
55
54
30
33
30
49
44
38
39
55
47
Inflation
18
30
52
58
45
36
32
45
45
42
51
30
27
24
25
27
18
28
42
42
48
62
62
53
53
63
Drugs
23
54
20
70
55
33
46
38
59
24
30
15
27
26
20
53
34
42
24
30
39
55
48
53
36
43
58
Crima
57
33
18
45
42
45
47
44
52
53
38
40
21
18
24
17
15
23
20
52
45
45
47
47
45
43
56
47
Comployment
18
29
45
45
55
39
32
42
45
42
50
36
30
18
29
54
47
30
55
52
45
58
59
56
52
47
46
Taxes
27
28
58
42
48
39
35
39
44
52
51
33
36
18
30
12
32
29
39
52
48
57
56
58
53
61
62
Race
10
11
64
61
70
51
62
55
59
38
36
12
12
15
14
30
16
13
36
36
24
44
32
42
38
81
79
Foreign Policy
14
20
91
85
88
71
68
79
78
19
20
27
15
12
15
15
17
18
9
15
9
25
24
17
20
14
53
Environment
23
48
15
61
49
21
67
15
70
25
50
42
12
56
14
55
21
51
39
27
30
46
38
42
46
General Unrest
19
34
15
52
44
12
52
63
12
45
9
67
17
41
9
35
14
50
15
48
45
48
30
56
56
47
49
Welfare
16
59
14
53
15-
67
18
58
15
61
8
51
39
12
32
8
48
13
53
43
33
36
39
46
59
50
44
Health Care
13
66
10
66
0
70
3
73
21
64
11
58
12
50
13
61
10
63
33
29
27
27
33
37
38
38
32
Sat'l. Defense
32
70
20
76
30
76
28
18
88
27
79
21
70
15
56
14
80
22
74
22
24
9
18
27
38
18
23
Bussing
5
47.
3
54
0
52
0
70
48
41
3
48
4
46
3
38
8
59
4
52
42
21
42
47
47
38
42
ISSUES:
ADI SPECIAL EMPHASIS ISSUES
Vietnam
Unemployment
San Diego:
Crime
Taxes
National Defense
Inflation
National Defense
Santa Barbara/
Santa Marin:
Unemployment
National Defense
Foreign Policy
Salinas/
Monterey:
Taxes
Drugs
Welfare
San Francisco:
Vietnam
Chico/Redding:
Unemployment
Race
Crime
Sacramento/
Stockton:
Unemployment
Drugs
OVERALL RATING: A
CONNECTICUT
June 11-20, 1972
615 Interviews
A
A
A
A
New York
Hartford
Providence
Total
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
73
60
75
Vietnam
54
64
60
48
57
27
40
21
35
45
39
52
41
Inflation
25
36
32
33
52
60
45
56
55
49
52
Drugs
30
17
25
51
24
38
46
34
42
55
44
54
48
Crime
30
31
20
24
41
51
38
47
45
40
50
42
Unemployment
26
34
32
33
49
57
38
53
48
42
52
44
Taxes
27
25
27
25
46
55
38
51
57
57
59
57
Race
12
18
11
16
36
39
34
38
85
77
75
Foreign Policy
20
16
79
20
17
8
18
11
15
61
58
52
58
Environment
14
20
20
18
32
37
34
36
59
50
57
53
General Unrest
13
9
18
12
33
46
29
41
48
46
52
47
Welfare
14
11
11
13
46
48
38
46
66
65
54
64
Health Care
8
6
6
7
24
30
32
28
80
Nat'1. Defense
72
79
17
14
75
23
16
13
22
11
19
50
51
45
50
Bussing
5
3
5
3
39
38
39
38
ISSUES:
ADI SPECIAL EMPHASIS ISSUES
Vietnam
Inflation
New York:
Drugs
Unemployment
Drugs
Hartford:
Crime
Taxes
Providence: National Defense
General Unrest
June 13-23, 1972
OVERALL RATING: A
ILLINOIS
800 Interviews
A
A
Rockford/
D
Paducah/
A
A
Davenport
St. Louis
Springfield
Chicago
Total
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Vietnam
65
72
63
56
51
74
59
59
60
63
26
40
24
39
35
Inflation
40
63
23
31
28
57
31
44
31
47
36
67
41
55
52
Drugs
20
69
30
54
38
64
26
52
27
56
26
41
33
47
42
Crime
23
63
29
47
20
59
24
50
25
52
35
51
35
49
45
Unemployment
25
72
35
39
24
60
29
44
28
49
28
60
38
54
49
Taxes
36
64
24
44
41
61
32
42
34
48
36
53
37
57
51
Race
13
74
29
49
19
62
21
50
21
54
26
50
35
48
44
Foreign Policy
24
90
10
67
13
84
16
75
16
78
10
31
11
24
21
Environment
14
79
14
54
.11
70
16
49
16
56
21
44
26
49
42
General Unrest
13
67
15
43
15
64
10
48
11
52
33
53
33
51
47
Welfare
4
78
13
46
12
66
8
53
9
52
21
50
28
46
41
Health Care
6
83
3
54
6
81
10
64
9
68
15
40
15
35
30
Nat'l Defense
15
90
7
73
17
87
11
73
13
77
8
26
10
25
21
Bussing
3
54
5
37
4
53
3
49
4
49
40
57
43
49
48
ISSUES:
ADI SPECIAL EMPHASIS ISSUES
Vietnam
Taxes
Rockford/Davenport:
Vietnam
Inflation
Inflation
Unemployment
Foreign Policy
Drugs
St. Louis:
Unemployment
Race
Paducah/Springfield: Taxes
Drugs
OVERALL RATING:
B
MARYLAND
June 13-23, 1972
600 Interviews
B
A
A
B
Baltimore
Salisbury
Washington
Total
Imp
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp
RN
Imp.
RN
Vietnam
47
66
58
58
55
70
51
67
33
42
29
32
Inflation
25
49
16
67
45
44
32
48
50
33
54
51
Drugs
40
52
50
74
22
62
33
57
45
26
34
40
Crime
40
44
16
53
36
61
37
50
55
47
37
48
Unemployment
22
53
12
75
19
52
21
54
46
20
46
45
Taxes
28
45
20
54
28
53
28
48
40
54
46
44
49
Race
21
60
20
75
14
63
17
62
30
25
34
36
Foreign Policy
11
77
12
83
11
86
10
81
19
17
12
17
Environment
14
60
12
92
24
55
17
60
36
8
43
37
General Unrest
9
59
8
67
10-
62
9
60
30
29
35
37
Welfare
15
54
20
58
8
57
12
55
44
38
40
42
Health Care
10
70
12
75
7
65
9
68
27
25
31
29
National Defense
76
83
11
16
85
80
15
13
20
13
12
17
58
62
Bussing
7
53
7
56
16
7
39
38
43
40
ISSUES:
ADI SPECIAL EMPHASIS ISSUES
Vietnam
Crime
Baltimore:
Drugs
Drugs
Inflation
Salisbury:
Vietnam
Taxes
Drugs
Welfare
Bussing
Washington:
Inflation
Environment
1
OVERALL RATING: C
MICHIGAN
June 13-30, 1972
800 Interviews
B
B
C
A
D
A
Flint-Sag.
Grand Rapids
Traverse
Marquette
C
Detroit
Lansing
Bay City
Kala./Chicago
City
Green Bay
Total
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Vietnam
52
53
50
59
60
58
48
65
68
51
74
67
53
56
46
38
37
34
43
33
42
Inflation
24
41
43
50
17
55
26
50
27
27
33
41
25
43
58
50
41
48
68
29
55
Drugs
30
49
19
74
19
53
26
61
25
59
10
74
27
54
49
26
41
33
35
26
43
Crime
27
44
29
48
29
42
23
48
6
43
20
52
25
45
54
52
54
48
51
48
52
Unemployment
33
41
22
58
26
53
28
53
41
27
33
63
31
45
57
42
41
45
65
33
52
Taxes
34
39
45
53
43
43
23
47
44
41
24
52
34
42
60
47
54
52
54
48
57
Race
21
50
31
58
23
61
19
55
7
46
10
67
21
53
47
42
34
40
49
30
44
Foreign Policy
9
80
6
91
7
82
8
77
11
70
17
89
9
80
19
9
11
17
24
11
17
Environment
11
63
6
75
17
56
20
68
7
59
21
44
13
63
34
25
39
28
35
44
33
General Unrest
23
56
6
73
13
55
18
59
7
41
3
70
19
57
43
27
42
37
51
26
41
Welfare
10
47
23
76
6
51
23
53
22
38
10
63
14
50
50
24
44
42
54
37
47
Health Care
9
65
0
72
9
77
7
77
5
70
0
85
8
69
18
16
16
19
22
15
28
Nat'l Defense
7
80
0
84
7
77
13
85
4
68
7
89
8
80
18
16
18
11
24
11
17
Bussing
23
43
6
66
13
45
18
53
7
43
3
49
19
46
55
31
47
42
51
56
51
ISSUES:
ADI SPECIAL EMPHASIS ISSUES
Vietnam
Taxes
Lansing:
Taxes
Unemployment
Inflation
Drugs
Race
Inflation
Welfare
Crime
Flint-Saginaw-Bay City:
Vietnam
Taxes
Grand Rapids-Kalamazoo/
Chicago:
Welfare
Environment
National Defense
Traverse City:
Vietnam
Taxes
Unemployment
Welfare
Marquette-Green Bay:
Vietnam
Inflation
Environment
Foreign Policy
OVERALL RATING: E
MISSOURI
June 13-24, 1972
800 Interviews
C
A
D
E
Paducah/
Columbia/
St. Joseph/
E
St. Louis
Springfield
Quincy
Kansas City
Total
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
56
64
70
64
62
Vietnam
55
56
51
50
54
44
32
28
34
37
40
47
57
44
45
Inflation
29
27
29
33
30
59
49
42
54
53
58
57
54
59
58
Drugs
22
26
32
23
24
39
35
40
38
38
47
52
52
56
51
Crime
35
25
22
29
30
52
43
48
43
47
39
55
Unemployment
26
59
55
41
30
31
34
49
60
43
39
44
49
50
51
62
55
Taxes
22
46
32
32
53
33
49
46
34
44
45
50
64
68
68
60
Race
20
12
13
16
16
49
30
30
30
37
79
74
87
84
80
Foreign Policy
13
10
17
12
13
20
21
12
11
17
58
69
68
67
64
Environment
12
7
15
15
13
40
27
31
30
33
52
61
General Unrest
12
16
14
68
59
58
13
13
46
35
32
38
39
54
56
68
57
57
Welfare
14
17
16
12
15
46
40
32
42
41
64
70
77
76
70
Health Care
8
7
16
12
9
33
24
21
22
27
85
72
86
Nat'1: Defense
78
80
12
10
17
16
13
13
22
13
18
16
47
50
58
4
55
Bussing
7
9
2
6
51
50
43
37
41
45
Paducah/Springfield also includes Spring./Paducah-Cape Girardeau-
Harrisburg/Joplin-Pittsburg/Memphis
ISSUES:
ADI SPECIAL EMPHASIS ISSUES
Vietnam
Unemployment
St. Louis:
Unemployment
Taxes
Crime
Inflation
Crime
Paducah/Springfield/
Harrisburg/Joplin/Memphis:
Taxes
Columbia/Quincy:
Drugs
Health Care
OVERALL RATING: B
NEW JERSEY
June 11-20, 1972
823 Interviews
C
B
B
Philadelphia
New York City
Total
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
56
56
56
Vietnam
60
58
58
40
41
41
42
35
37
Inflation
27
33
31
50
62
59
47
47
47
Drugs
24
31
29
42
44
44
46
42
43
Crime
18
21
20
46
54
52
43
37
39
Unemployment
33
32
32
52
58
57
36
36
36
Taxes
33
35
33
57
59
59
51
51
51
Race
15
16
16
43
45
44
72
75
74
Foreign Policy
12
12
13
23
19
20
54
49
50
Environment
13
14
15
38
45
43
40
44
43
General Unrest
13
10
11
50
49
49
48
40
42
Welfare
15
14
15
46
54
52
57
62
60
Health Care
12
7
9
35
32
33
67
71
70
Nat 1. Defense
16
13
14
25
22
23
45
49
48
Bussing
3
4
4
43
40
41
ISSUES:
Vietnam
Taxes
Unemployment
Inflation
Drugs
OVERALL RATING: A
OHIO.
June 13-27, 1972
800 Interviews
A
B
A
A
A
A
Columbus
Cleveland
Youngstown/
A
Toledo/Lina
Dayton
Cincinnati
Parkersburg
Akron Canton
Pittsburgh
Total
Imp.
RN
Irp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Vietnam
49
75
61
60
58
69
57
72
53
63
67
70
56
67
24
39
31
27
36
28
32
25
59
42
44
Inflation
38
50
29
57
33
38
33
45
32
47
40
56
50
42
60
53
52
31
58
32
53
29
50
Drugs
30
58
24
50
51
48
29
52
38
48
48
39
45
44
44
32
51
Crime
21
48
26
55
29
53
27
46
25
50
27
50
45
50
45
44
51
47
48
21
54
45
44
37
51
Unemployment
31
61
37
37
31
55
35
47
43
56
48
38
61
42
51
25
61
18
55
21
52
Taxes
31
60
29
41
24
41
26
50
39
44
48
37
57
55
49
Race
17
65
16
61
13
65
14
65
14
54
17
48
14
59
35
39
34
33
44
48
39
Foreign Policy
15
80
16
88
15
90
13
81
15
80
13
70
14
82
14
13
10
17
16.
27
16
Environment
24
70
11
68
10
66
11
59
14
51
8
56
13
59
28
33
32
37
44
38
38
General Unrest
13
69
11
50
19
63
13
57
14
49
7
55
13
55
31
49
35
36
47
44
42
Welfare
15.
51
13
55
9
57
18
55
13
52
12
53
13
54
48
44
43
44
44
44
44
Health Care
10
69
4
69
6
77
4
64
10
67
8
55
8
67
28
28
21
31
32
42
30
National Defense
19
85
9
79
13
83
15
77
14
80
12
83
13
80
13
20
17
19
17
14
17
Bussing
6
55
4
48
4
62
1
50
3
50
5
53
4
52
43
51
37
44
45
44
44
ISSUES:
ADI SPECIAL EMPHASIS ISSUES
Vietnam
Unemployment
Toledo/Lima:
Crime
Inflation
Environment
Drugs
National Defense
Crime
Dayton:
Vietnam
Unemployment
Inflation
Cincinnati:
Inflation
General Unrest
Columbus/Parkersburg:
Taxes
Welfare
Youngstown/Pittsburgh:
Vietnam
Drugs
OVERALL RATING: C
OREGON
June 12-17, 1972
600 Interviews
E
D
C
Eugene
Portland
Total
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Vietnam
60
52
50
56
49
57
48
39
39
Inflation
30
38
30
41
31
40
63
53
56
Drugs
20
50
28
52
27
53
46
40
41
Crime
18
50
25
48
24
49
45
46
46
Unemployment
17
49
24
44
23
45
49
50
50
Taxes
50
39
32
39
39
39
58
56
57
Race
7
55
10
61
10
61
43
31
33
Foreign Policy
12
69
13
72
13
72
28
21
23
Environment
24
57
16
62
17
64
41
31
31
General Unrest
12
50
15
46
14
48
48
47
46
Welfare
16
43
13
45
15
45
57
48
50
Health Care
8
66
10
58
10
62
30
35
32
Nat' Defense
12
74
15
71
14
73
23
21
21
Bussing
2
49
2
45
2
47
40
43
42
ISSUES:
ADI SPECIAL EMPHASIS ISSUES
Vietnam
Taxes
Eugene:
Vietnam
Inflation
Taxes
Drugs
Environment
Crime
OVERALL RATING: B
PENNSYLVANIA
June 13-27, 1972
800 Interviews
A
A
A
B
Harrisburg/
Wilkes-Barre-
Johnstown/
Pittsburgh/
York/Lancaster/
D
Scranton/
B
Altoona/Eric
Youngstown
Lebanon/Hagerstown
Philadelphia
Binghamton
Total
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
Imp.
RN
79
65
69
48
70
59
Vietnam
49
60
65
62
46
60
21
34
27
51
28
39
60
39
61
44
60
47
Inflation
29
29
19
29
25
29
38
60
37
55
40
52
73
49
65
51
68
55
Drugs
32
32
44
30
46
34
25
47
32
48
32
43
54
46
61
46
62
50
Crime
29
17
27
26
23
24
44
53
36
52
38
49
62
41
63
42
64
47
Unemployment
19
33
13
36
39
31
37
58
36
56
36
52
54
41
60
39
57
44
Taxes
32
41
36
31
41
36
43
58
38
59
43
54
75
56
66
46
85
56
Race
14
14
10
18
10
16
21
43
31
53
15
42
94
85
89
79
83
83
Foreign Policy
15
11
14
8
15
11
6
14
9
20
17
15
76
51
63
59
89
60
Environment
10
21
17
12
12
15
22
47
34
39
11
33
67
49
60
50
62
53
General Unrest
20
10
11
10
8
11
30
48
37
49
34
45
59
50
61
54
77
55
Welfare
15
7
19
11
4
11
41
48
38
45
23
44
83
67
78
70
87
72
Health Care
12
7
7
10
12
9
14
30
18
29
11
26
90
81
85
77
89
81
Nat'l. Defense
26
15
9
9
14
13
6
18
11
21
11
17
71
44
58
54
77
54
Bussing
3
4
2
4
2
4
22
51
38
44
21
42
ISSUES:
ADI SPECIAL EMPHASIS ISSUES
Vietnam
Taxes
Joksstown/Altoona/Erie:
Crime
Drugs
National Defense
Unemployment
General Unrest
Inflation
Pittsburgh/Youngstown:
Taxes
Environment
Harrisburg/York/Lancaster/
Lebanon/Hagerstown:
Vietnam
Drugs
Welfare
Philadelphia:
Unemployment
Wilkes-Barre-Scranton/
Binghamton:
Drugs
Unemployment
Taxes
OVERALL AATING: A
TEXAS
June 12-17, 1972
1,000 Interviews
A
A
A
A
#
E
.
Beaumont/
Shraveport/
A
A
Dollas/
Occased
A
A
Abilene/
A
A
A
Corpus Christi
Houston
Pc Arthur
Terarkans
Austin
Maco/Temple
Pt With
Nidland
San Antonio
E1 Paso
Sweetwater
Lubbock
Amerill
Total
RX
bi
KN
100.
AM
Imp.
N.
imp.
MN
152.
IN
INC.
ICE
Tep.
FN
Top.
as
Imp.
RN
Irg.
IC
Imp.
52
Imp.
21
Imp.
lag.
13
34
45
58
57
82
"
"
67
61
75
61
57
72
58
27
62
53
67
64
48
38
78
50
12
47
51
67
Victors
64
40
18
31
33
39
24
39
28
28
36
21
28
32
38
21
26
50
Inf latios
27
58
28
64
67
42
56
26
47
36
49
14
27
38
25
61
61
25
61
25
53
22
28
33
"
48
42
33
33
58
43
33
31
52
36
38
42
46
38
38
34
60
30
55
Brugs
22
72
17
61
33
30
30
64
48
58
21
54
10
62
17
67
42
69
47
58
34
61
62
38
45
28
39
44
34
42
45
28
31
29
53
37
21
18
23
47
24
35
19
69
28
61
25
39
29
53
24
50
22
58
20
48
3
41
30
51
20
47
25
53
Crime
42
50
45
28
39
58
41
44
42
41
36
44
53
45
28
21
24
51
$2
58
64
25
47
24
59
14
44
21
32
42
24
32
12
61
17
57
15
69
23
33
Unexployment
26
6
16
49
42
36
36
53
38
50
56
34
36
40
31
44
35
34
32
Taxes
27
67
20
61
69
53
26
64
36
47
22
11
21
50
55
62
50
58
30
27
31
14
58
27
57
"
44
33
36
28
44
34
33
30
28
36
47
42
42
45
51
70
69
58
50
67
,
56
18
20
16
25
31
10
59
25
64
24
68
20
58
Eace
3
16
25
23
18
39
55
47
30
31
42
47
31
44
49
31
33
31
42
7
85
83
67
16
39
22
76
85
86
24
92
69
16
84
24
81
22
17
10
12
15
83
15
66
Foreign Policy
12
20
18
so
38
23
15
11
8
28
13
19
13
,
31
14
#
18
69
68
45
67
69
59
7
34
48
79
67
Environment
28
64
15
"
12
61
15
3
6
3
8
34
6
14
75
6
12
66
50
21
31
36
39
"
28
32
45
31
24
25
39
58
50
59
52
51
15
74
69
57
35
52
58
69
47
53
General Tarast
3
13
12
12
#
12
13
23
11
23
11
6
13
59
46
39
31
53
47
39
44
40
38
39
24
25
41,
31
"
61
64
19
50
47
66
39
7
52
,
58
12
50
6
12
55
Welfare
6
11
,
,
16
11
,
14
12
49
50
44
50
32
56
44
39
15
38
39
46
28
42
92
72
64
75
75
68
13
72
3
67
6
70
28
53
10
TO
17
"
70
Health Care
13
,
6
,
3
10
6
11
34
38
27
6
22
31
21
22
32
17
31
21
14
27
32
74
88
31
33
78
81
75
83
3
79
25
71
19
78
17
$6
25
20
78
Nat'1. Defense
23
LS
33
31
28
22
19
21
45
23
12
17
17
19
15
25
14
10
28
19
a
19
45
58
42
61
47
47
33
15
13
,
15
3
4
9
52
31
41
3
12
3
33
10
47
Bussing
10
,
6
64
55
33
42
53
39
49
50
46
38
42
46
42
50
ISSUES:
ADT SPECIAL EMPHASIS ISSUES
Vicrass
Drugs
Corpus Christi:
Inflation
Sen Antonio:
Vietnam
Inflation
Taxes
Inflation
Taxes
Unseplayment
Uneoployment
Uneaployment
Health Care
Race
Beaumest/Pt. Arthur:
Vistnom
II PASO:
Taxes
National Defense
Invironment
Bussing
General Unreat
Shrevepert/Texerkana:
Victnam
Abilene/Sweutvater:
Vietnam
National Defense
luflation
Taxes
Austint
Vietnam
Race
Environment
Sational Defense
Race
Foreign Policy
Lubbocks
Drugs
Welfare
.
Crime
0
Bussing
Race
Mace/Temple:
Reve
Amarillor
Druge
.
Taxes
.
Datlam/Ft. Worth:
Bussing
Mealth Care
Oderes/Midiand:
Deugs
Taxes
National Dufenes
Foreign Policy
Gracral Carest
June 13-20, 1972
OVERALL RATING: D
WISCONSIN
600 Interviews
B
E
E
Green Bay/
A
Madison/
Chicago/
Wausau
D
Minneapolis
Rockford
Milwaukee
Rhinelander
Total
Imp.
RN
Imp
RN
Imp
RN
Imp
RN
Imp
RN
Vietnam
55
59
61
61
63
53
58
69
63
59
33
37
45
31
39
Inflation
31
52
37
47
31
45
31
55
32
49
46
53
55
45
51
Drugs
19
65
21
59
12
59
18
71
16
63
27
36
38
28
34
Crime
23
59
13
64
15
50
18
59
16
56
40
34
47
40
42
Unemployment
19
56
29
47
36
38
25
58
30
47
42
52
60
41
51
Taxes
56
37
36
43
45
39
43
50
46
42
60
55
61
48
57
Race
8
67
10
76
14
64
8
76
11
69
28
24
35
23
30
Foreign Policy
13
82
11
87
15
84
18
90
16
86
15
12
14
10
13
Environment
11
67
19
71
18
57
14
73
16
65
31
28
41
27
34
General Unrest
10
61
15
58
9
58
12
63
11
60
38
40
41
35
39
Welfare
18
49
16
52
18
47
15
56
17
50
49
45
53
43
49
Health Care
9
75
2
76
6
69
8
82
7
74
21
24
28
17
24
Nat 1 Defense
17
86
20
86
12
82
19
88
16
85
12
13
17
11
14
Bussing
6
62
4
67
3
52
2
68
4
60
29
29
42
29
35
Minneapolis also includes Minneapolis/St. Paul-
La Crosse/Eau Claire-Dubuque
ISSUES:
ADI SPECIAL EMPHASIS ISSUES
Vietnam
Taxes
Minneapolis:
Taxes
Inflation
Crime
Unemployment
Welfare
Madison/Rockford:
Inflation
Drugs
Chicago/Milwaukee:
Unemployment
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
July 28, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
KEN COLE
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
H. Ross Perot
You may be delighted to learn that a mild freeze has been
placed on returning Perot phone calls. You should feel
free to return only one in ten of Perot's calls.
GS/jb
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
July 27, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
DWIGHT CHAPIN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
RNC Convention
Bob asked me to forward a copy of all the Acceptance Speech
material that Ray Price submitted. Not only will the mate-
rial be useful in your planning but also material that the
President can't use could be used by others.
Have you reviewed my memorandum for the record on the
Convention meeting of July 25 yet? Any changes?
It is my understanding that you and Carruthers are scripting
the entire Convention, based on the minute-by-minute schedule
Carruthers controls. Who is the chief writer working for
you on this? For example, Nelson Rockefeller has asked us
for assistance on his Momination Speech. Has he been con-
tacted by Ray Price OF someone? Shouldn't John Scali be
involved in the Convention planning? Bill Timmons is sub-
mitting his alternate programming plan on Friday, July 28.
When do you plan on submitting an updated minute-by-minute
schedule of the Convention to Bob?
GS/jb
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 25, 1972
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR:
GORDON STRACHAN
FROM:
L. HIGBY
One thing you might want to check with Dwight is whether or
not it would be helpful for him to have copies of the acceptance
speech material Price sent in in terms of trying to put the overall
convention together. I imagine it would be.
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 25, 1972
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR:
GORDON STRACHAN
FROM:
L. HIGBY
It is my understanding that we have complete control of the
speeches that are going to be given at the convention. Is this
the case? If so, Bob mentioned in the meeting this morning
that it would be good to get a lot of the material the President
obviously can't use out of the stuff Price has submitted for the
acceptance but would be great for other people to use to these
people. Chapin says the entire convention is being scripted by
us.
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
July 26, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
KEN COLE
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Campaign Surveys - Wave II
As I mentioned in our telephone conversation on July 24,
Bob Teeter is available to brief you, Ehrlichman and Happer
on issue information developed during the Wave II series
of campaign polls. Would you advise me of a convenient time
for the three of you to be briefed by Teeter?
GS/jb
FU - 7/31
HIGH PRIORITY
July 26, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
DWIGHT CHAPIN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Sinatra
It is my understanding that you should call Malatesta,
in the Vice President's office, and that he should be
the primary contact with Sinatra. The contact should not
be you, Cashen, or anyone in this office.
GS/jb
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
July 22, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
RAY CALDIERO
FROM:
CORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Celebrities
One comment that was made concerning your July 21
update of the Celebrities and Athletes was whether
you have a list of those Celebrities who are committed
to the President but precluded from taking a public
or out front type stand. The most recent example
of course is Merv Griffin, who although prefers the
President cannot take a public position. If you
have a list of such individuals, would you please
forward it to me at your earliest convenience?
GS:car
H F/U 7/27
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL,
EYES ONLY
July 24, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
DWIGHT CHAPIN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Updated Campaign
Strategy Memoranda
Bob asked me to send you these copies of the updated
campaign strategy memoranda, subject to the same condi-
tion that you do not disclose your access to others on
the staff. Several include recommendations on the RNC
Convention that you may find helpful.
GS/jb
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 20, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
Doug Doug Hallett
SUBJECT:
Larry Higby's Request of July 19.
The following is in response to Mr. Higby's request that I update and
amend my thoughts expressed in my response to your June 12 memo-
randum you seem to have a virtually insatiable appetite for advice
you have no intention of following. (That's a joke. No, it's only half
a joke.)
The first point I want to reiterate is relatively minor. As you may
recall, I suggested that the period between the conventions was a good
opportunity to focus on domestic issues with some dramatic, colorful
Presidential participation. To date, I have seen no such effort made.
My major point is more central. As you may recall again, my earlier
memorandum stressed the difference between a national strategy and a
local, regional and interest-group strategy. On a national level, I felt,
and feel, we should be aiming squarely at those peripheral urban ethnics
and upper-middle-class whites in the Northeast, industrial Middle West,
and California who are Senator McGovern's only hope for election and
that we should be aiming at them with a forward-looking, progressive
positive approach geared around reprivatization, getting government off
people's back, reordering priorities, decentralization, etc. On the local,
regional, and interest-group level, in turn, I felt, and feel, we should
be directing our negative issues abortion, acid, homsexuality, our
more extreme rhetoric about national security, tax reform, welfare
reform, etc. -- in carefully-designed, well-researched, probably
printed and front group formats so that we ourselves are not hurt by our
own efforts.
2.
To date, it has appeared as if this strategy were deliberately being
contravened. In particular, our positive national material the pamphlets,
the "Lift of Leadership" book, the speech inserts, etc. I have seen -- is
the same old, puffy bullshit which almost put the nation to sleep in 1968.
More seriously, the dominant tone of our national campaign, at least so
far, has been negative and negative in what I think is a counterproductive
way. Specifically, Secretary Laird's charge about the F-15 and Senator
Eagleton, his overly-lavish rhetoric "white flag budget" and under-
researched "analysis" of Senator McGovern's defense budget, the Vice
President's rhetoric -- "no-no-bird", Secretary Connally's charge about
Senator McGovern's Vietnam policy undermining the President's negotiating
posture (really now, who believes that?), and Clark MacGregor's Capitol
Hill Club Speech, to name only what I can cite off the top of my head, are
all counterproductive. They detract attention from Senator McGovern's
extremism and attract attention to our own. They are not credible. They
undermine the President's stature and the advantages of his incumbency
while giving McGovern the stature he lacks. They give an open invitation
to the media to screw us. Most importantly, they turn off the people we
know are going to be the swing voters in this election and leave the forward,
progressive and potentiall/ even the middle ground to Senator McGovern.
On the other side of the ledger, because we are doing the above, we seem
satisfied with not doing out in the boondocks, what we should be -- getting
irgorously analytical, well-documented statements of Senator McGovern's
views out to the various interest-groups on each of the major issues
Israel to Jews, parochial schools and abortion to Catholics, national
security to veterans, etc. In fairness, we have done a few mailings,
particularly of the Israel position and the overly-rhetorical Laird defense
budget analysis. We have not done nearly enough. And while I do not
know what we have done in the organizational sphere, I fear we are spending
a lot of time talking to, stroking, dining, and salivating over groups we
know are going to support us anyway while ignoring the opportunity to
expand our constituency -- at least if the fact that there is not one
Vietnam veteran on our Veterans' re-election committee is any example,
that is true.
There are some yard-sticks to measure the success of our campaign so
far. It was my understanding that the President wanted us to begin going
after McGovern in a rational manner right after the California primary
how much was done? It was my understanding that we were going to use
the Democratic Convention -- that we were going to encourage division,
have our own demonstrations by front groups, etc. -- how much was done?
3.
And it was my understanding that we were not going to let Senator McGovern
get away with switching his positions and moving to the middle ground on,
the particulars of his issues -- how much has been done?
In my humble view, this campaign needs a rather radical reorganization
and redirection. The Good Lord is watching over the President and is
going to get him re-elected if only because nobody else will but
there is no point in taking chances. My suggestions follow:
1.
Part of the problem is simply organizational. While you up there
may know what the hell is going on, those of us down here who do
the actual writing and telephoning, etc. do not. There is massive
duplication of effort, inter -office rivalry, competition, holding back
of material from one another, etc., etc. which is not benefitting
the President. We need some consolidation. I would suggest:
(a) Combining the Colson interest-group operation with 1701's
1701 would get lead responsibility -- and it would also get Colson.
Most of the White House-connected re-election efforts dinners,
funding requests, etc. - - have already been accomplished. (If
they haven't, it's too late. ) Now what we need is a hard-driving
organizational and political effort and that can only be done from
a campaign headquarters. Colson could take as ny people from
here as he needs, reorganize the operation, fire and hire people,
etc. Malek would retain his administrative role, but Colson would
have the lead in idea development and kicking ass.
(b) That is not all Colson would have. He'd be MacGregor's deputy with
authority to run all over the place. It needs it still.
(c) A skeleton Colson staff would remain here under Colson's direction
to provide such support activities as are needed agency contact,
White House mailings, writing assistance, speaker programming,
etc.
(d) Writing now being done at the RNC, White House, 1701, and
God knows where else -- would be consolidated under one chief
perhaps Bill Safire should take the job for the campaign. No
matter whose payroll anybody was on, he would be under one guy
and all requests for writing assistance would be funnelled to that
one guy.
4.
(e) Press and media relations have to retain a split identity -- and,
in any event, the Klein-Clawson operation seems to coordinate
pretty well with the Shumway operation. P. R. -types like
Rhatican, though, would go with the campaign. Such P. R.
activities as the Domestic Council or NSC need would be handled
within their own ranks or by the Colson support staff remaining
at the White House -- requests would go through Colson.
(f) For political purposes, the Domestic Council political operation --
presumably Ed Harper -- would report to Colson at 1701.
(g) Democrats for Nixon should report to Colson and coordinate with
the 1701 interest-group operation. If it continues to develop as
it is now as a separate Connally-Colson preserve it is
going to be duplicative and maybe even competitive.
(h) The enthusiasm factor needs to be weighed in. You should be
visible to your staff (I've been writing memoranda to you for
two years and have, not once, ever met you). So should the
President. Starting now, the President should have a series of
afternoon pep session-cocktail parties and get everybody to at
least meet him in cycles of decently small groups. You couldn't
believe how lax people are around here and mainly, I think,
because they find it virtually impossible to have any personal
identity with the President.
2. Not all the problem is organizational, however. We have got to
remember that Senator McGovern cannot win this campaign. Only
Mr. Nixon can lose it. That being true, we should not be so
response-oriented and so quick to jump at every quiver in the
McGovern camp. A light travel and speaking schedule for the
President should be locked in and something attached to the
President so he gets an electric shock if he tries to break it. The
same goes for everybody else.
3.
Since our lack of ability to verbalize any positive themes and our
constant resort to the negative may be as much due to a lack of
awareness of what those positive themes should be as anything
else, Pat Moynihan should be asked to come down for the campaign,
with authority to write or assign to outside writers the President's
substantive speeches as suggested in my earlier memorandum. We
would also get the additional benefit of having somebody around
with a sense of humor.
5.
4. Whatever the November Group is doing - -- - and I don't know
anybody at the White House who knows -- should be available
for comment to people who are (a) political and (b) have been
around the President for more than one campaign.
I hope you will find these suggestions both annoying and helpful.
cc: Charles W. Colson
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
21 July 1972
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR H. R. HALDEMAN
FROM DOUG HALLETT
RE: Addendum to Memorandum of 20 July
I note in today's paper Clark MacGregor's recommendation that the
President not campaign until the last three weeks of the campaign and then
that that period be set aside for campaigning. Because my two previous
memoranda have not been too specific on this point, I want to make my
position clear. I think it is important that the President never appear
to begin campaigning. He should phase into it after the convention.
From September 1 on there should be a mix of D. C. -based substantive
activities, substantive travel, and mass rally travel (5 or 6 at most
for the entire fall). As September flows into October, the mix should
just become more heavily weighted to substantive travel and then in the
last two weeks more weighted to mass rally travel. Thus, there might be
one mass rally on or about Labor Day, one in late September, one in
mid-October, and two during the last two weeks -- and any rally appearance
should be connected with a substantive appearance the previous or next day.
On the substantive travel side, there might be three trips in September,
three in the first two weeks of October, and four from mid-October on.
Thus, the overwhelming weight of the President's appearances would be
at least theoretically government-related -- and he would appear talking
about governmental issues. There is no law that says you have to campaign
with a bunch of goddamn balloons and Nixonettes and mouth a lot of partisan
banalities -- the President can attract attention and dominate the airways
and the issues in other, more éffective -- and less destructive -- ways.
cc: Charles W. Colson
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 22, 1972
EYES ONLY/ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
THRU:
L. HIGBY
FROM:
KEN W. CLAWSON KC
SUBJECT:
CAMPAIGN STRATEGY
(1) The President has maintained a high-level, busy
executive posture between the conventions with the single
exception of greeting Frank Fitzsimmons and members of
the Teamsters Union Executive Board at San Clemente. I
think this exception to the generally high-level tone
the President has set was a justifiable one and really
quite valuable.
(2) I am still convinced that in general terms the high
level Presidential posture is still the most valid, but
it is only meaningful if all 100 plus surrogates and,
for that matter, the whole government apparatus is
campaigning like hell from this moment until election day.
I feel strongly that to "free" the President to comfortably
maintain his image as a Presidential candidate lies in
how effectively the surrogates and the government apparatus
really hurl themselves into the campaign. If we are less
effective than we should be, I envision it becoming necessary
for the President to come off his best posture and to, in
effect, take over the campaign by interjecting himself fully
into the fray. I find most Cabinet Officers and high-level
surrogates with whom we deal are anxious to campaign extensively,
but I think it is imperative that we monitor the surrogates
program extremely closely to make sure we are getting every
ounce of energy into the campaign.
As far as travel is concerned, I still believe that it
should be Presidential-related travel, keyed to our target
states and specific voting blocs.
-2-
(3) I think we should take great pains to paint McGovern
as a "minority leader of a minority constituency. " I
think we should give every indication that any "regular,
normal" American, whether he be Republican, Democrat or
Independent, can find leadership and solice under the
Nixon umbrella. I think that we should use words like
"elite, fringe, extremist" and even in some cases "radical"
to portray the constituency of Senator McGovern. Every
effort should be made to isolate McGovern's more vocal
backers from the mainstream of the Democratic Party and
the nation as a whole.
Whether McGovern is before his time or after his time
in philosophy and in substance, he and his followers
should be portrayed as a small, closely-knit cadre of
over-educated, lazy, fat-of-the-land type minority. In
foreign policy, where we are in my opinion, miles ahead,
McGovern should be portrayed as inexperienced, rural, yokel,
naive and isolationist. Personally, he should be portrayed
as an individual who is not the kind of man that world
leaders could respect. Indirectly, he should be portrayed
as womanish, weak and a waffler. In short, a man without
backbone, a candidate whose positions are never firm, who
lacks courage to make the hard decisions and to stick to
them in the face of adversity. For example, in Florida
when he indicated he would keep a residual force in
Southeast Asia on one day and then completely back away
from it in the face of opposition from some of his more
radical supporters in the Doral Hotel Lobby.
(4) As we were able to do in 1968, the McGovern people
will have the advantage of being able to attack every
little or big mistake from one end of the Executive Branch
to the other and pin all of the failures and errors and
foibles on the President. I personally think that Ted
Kennedy will still be McGovern's most effective campaigner
and that he will trumpet the health issue all over the
country if we don't preempt him to the best of our ability
starting now.
Kennedy, who seems bent on the '76 nomination for himself,
will probably be given press coverage equal to McGovern's
wherever he speaks, and I think we can count on his stumping
for McGovern extensively so that he may report after McGovern
loses in November that he did everything in his power to
elect the Democratic ticket. We probably ought to have a
team whose speciality is to monitor Kennedy and respond to him.
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 21, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
BOB HALDEMAN
FROM:
RAY PRICE
SUBJECT:
Campaign Strategy
I've no changes in my June 16 memo, but would add a few
additional thoughts:
1. The target is McGovern, not the Democrats. I was
glad this point was made so forcefully this morning, and I think
it's essential that we stick with it. We should stress the open door
theme, and keep coming back to the argument that RN represents
the great, bi-partisan traditions of America -- the traditions not
only of Lincoln and TR and Eisenhower, but also of Wilson and FDR,
of Truman and Kennedy.
2. Whenever possible, RN should help cement this im-
pression by referring back to these traditions, and to positions
associated with them: to FDR's leadership of the free world in its
time of peril, to HST's forging of the Atlantic alliance, etc.
3. Throughout our history, there have been fringe move-
ments that were briefly and dramatically in the spotlight, then faded
back into the shadows from whence they came -- while the great
bi-partisan traditions were carried on. We should zero in on
McGovern's as the latest of these.
4. We should have a moratorium on discussion of forging
a new coalition that will make the GOP the majority party for the
next generation -- this will scare off those dispossessed Democrats
who see a resounding defeat of McGovern as the only way they can
take their party back.
-2-
5. Non-partisan forums are the best forums. The President
made this point to the surrogates; at this point it's doubly true for him,
if we're to make him the rallying-point for disaffected Democrats as
well as Republicans and Independents. To the maximum extent possible,
the forums we book him into should be ones associated with those great
bi-partisan traditions.
6. We should do our damnedest to avoid getting into situations
like the one we found ourselves in with Packwood and the Crippling
Strikes Prevention Act. This hurts us at our most vulnerable point: it
provides some of the most damaging support yet for the picture of RN
as an unprincipled politician who would sacrifice anything for electoral
support. We could use some fights on principle for unpopular causes
to offset it; or at least to resist some obvious pressures to take the
expedient course. I saw Packwood on two networks last night; it was
devastating. We shouldn't delude ourselves that we can do this sort of
thing (if we did) without getting caught at least part of the time, and being
severely hurt by it. I think Stew Alsop was right in his column when he
asked who could defeat RN in November, and concluded that only RN
could.
7. In general, I thought the presentation of strategy this
morning was right on target.
8. Attached is an outline I did last Sunday for the keynote
presentation at the convention, together with some notes explaining it.
It builds up to a direct appeal to dissident Democrats to join with us.
I think this kind of thing could also be the keynote of the campaign.
Ra81
Raymond K. Price, Jr.
Attachments
PRICE
July 16, 1972
Keynote Presentation: Outline
1. Moderator. There are discontents and dissatisfactions in the
land; Americans feel frustrated with the present, and often fed up
with government. We share these discontents and dissatisfactions,
and we too are fed up with what all too often have been the failures
of government. But we don't just complain. For three and a half
years we've been doing something about it; we've made progress;
the direction is set, the momentum is established, the players are
lined up, the openings have been made to Russia, China and others
abroad, and to new departures at home. Highlights of what we've
achieved. What we've accomplished is a beginning, and a credential;
now we're eager to get on with the job, and to finish what we've
begun. In the film you're about to see, you will see some of those
beginnings.
FILM: THE NIXON YEARS
2. Keynoter A: What we will do for you. Our plans, our goals, for
the future, as we look from now to 1976. A new prosperity without
war and without inflation; the beginnings of a full generation of peace;
a rebirth of pride in America; a fair shake for the farmer, security
for the elderly, progress on the environment, etc.
-2-
3. Keynoter B: What we will not do to you. (The attack speech.)
All the McGovern nasties -- we won't take money out of the workers'
pockets for a $1,000 dole, we won't bus your kids, we won't let
America become a second-rate power whose President has to beg,
we won't spawn a new permissiveness that collapses moral values;
we'll work with the young, but won't ignore the old; we'll turn
America around without turning it upside down. We'll respect the
student, the professor, the farmer -- and also the worker who
wears a hard hat. Note: the focus of this will be entirely on the
sins of the present Democratic nominee, not on the sins of past
Democratic administrations.
4. Keynoter C. From the party of the Open Door, an Invitation.
From the podium of this Republican convention, we address this
talk to the millions of loyal Democrats left homeless by Hurricane
McGovern. Speaking to them directly, we invite them to make
their home with us -- try it, you may like it. Think about why
you're a Democrat. Is it because the Democratic party is the party
of FDR, Truman and Kennedy? If so, then ask yourself whether
Roosevelt or Truman or Kennedy would advocate crippling our
defenses and abandoning our allies -- Roosevelt, who led the defense
-3-
of freedom in World War II; Truman, the architect of NATO and the
Marshall Plan and the Truman Doctrine, and patron at the founding
of Israel; Kennedy, who declared we would "bear any burden, " etc.
Is it because the Democratic party is the party of labor? -- through
a litany of why people in the past have been Democratic, and why
those same reasons should now lead them to cast their lot with us
in 1972. Its tone is one of respect for the Democratic Party as a
great national institution, and sympathy with those members who
have seen it seized by a self-appointed elite determined to convert
it into a narrow ideological faction -- of warm and open-hearted
welcome to those left on the outside at Miami a month ago, and of
common cause with them because we share their hopes, their dreams,
their concerns about America. In his acceptance speech, George
McGovern said, "Come home, America. 11 To millions of Demo-
crats whose ideas no longer have a hearing in the national Democratic
Party, I say tonight, "Come home, Americans -- come share our
home -- give us not only your votes, but your hands, we will give
you ours in welcome. 11 This is the real keynote - - and it should
be echoed throughout the rest of the convention proceedings.
#######
PRICE
July 16, 1972
Notes on the keynote outline, and on the invitation:
1. Structure. This is broken into sections not by issue area, but to
make a logical progression leading up to what I think should be the
real "keynote" of the keynote, and of the convention: an explicit,
direct appeal to disaffected Democrats to take refuge with us.
One of our real dangers has been that we'd come across as
smug and complacent. This counters that, at the outset of the con-
vention, in two ways: first, by starting off identifying ourselves with
the dissatisfactions most Americans feel in one way or another,
saying we share those, and that's why we want another four years to
complete the unfinished task of combatting them; and second, by
reaching out to the Democrats rather than merely patting ourselves
on the back. There are more of them than there are of us, so we
need them; people like to be courted, and this does so -- showing that
we care about them.
The intro establishes an audience rapport by saying we know how
you feel; it brags a bit, but without smugness, and leads logically
into the film, which shows RN grappling with the inherited troubles
and making headway against them in his first term; the film leaves
us at 1972; Keynoter A then takes us from 1972 to 1976, in terms of
our hopes and plans; Keynoter B draws the sharp distinctions be-
tween what we're offering and what the opposition is; this sets the
stage for Keynoter C to make his appeal to the traditional Democrats
to come with us.
2. Advantages. Keying off with this unusual sort of appeal to
Democrats has several distinct advantages:
a. Being unusual, it makes news.
b. It plays against the weakness of the opposition candidate,
and highlights Democratic divisions.
C. It keys off our "party of the open door" theme.
-2-
d. It sets up some possible additional convention highlights
(see notes below on this).
e. It establishes a set of explicit rationales for dissident
Democrats to join with us.
f. It adds interest to what could otherwise be a dull convention,
by introducing an element of contest and confrontation -- but making
it confrontation among Democrats rather than among Republicans.
g. It provides a theme for the commentators to talk about, with
a cast of characters.
3. Convention follow-up. I'd like to see us issue this call to Demo-
crats at the outset, and then follow it up throughout the convention
-- not only returning to it in subsequent speeches, but adding some
items to the program that would pick it up. Examples:
a. A special, spotlighted appearance by Connally, speaking
as a Democrat to his fellow Democrats.
b. On the second night, a special series of short speeches by
Democrats responding to the Republican invitation -- assuming the
right people can be rounded up. Examples: a prominent labor leader,
life-long Democrat, saying the candidate who in 1972 best represents
what labor represents is not McGovern, but RN; an attractive, artic-
ulate young voice of the New South, saying his party has left him; a
respected academic or student leader, saying he's been a Democrat
but McGovern is too much, and we need responsible leadership;
Floyd McKissick saying the real road to black progress is not the
McGovern way, but the Nixon way.
c. Release telegrams and letters from dissident Democrats
during the convention, saying they're going Republican.
d. Plug dissident Democrats into the outside-the-hall schedule.
-3-
4. TV Coverage. Perhaps the biggest payoff, if we follow a course
like this, will be in the cud-chewing of the TV reporters and commen-
tators. They desperately need something to talk about, and if we can
get them talking about how many Democrats the Republicans are going
to get, and speculating about what Democratic switch-overs we're
going to parade out next, we've achieved four crucial goals:
a. We've used our convention to condition Democratic voters,
in explicit, personal terms, to thinking about voting Republican.
b. We've established a "prior approval" factor -- that is, we've
made switching seem respectable to the TV viewer by showing him
that other good Democrats are doing it.
C. We've injected a note of drama into the convention, and
we've done it by moving the battle to the other guy's turf.
d. We've got the commentators talking about our issues.
Not to mention that we've opened our convention in an even
better way than the Democrats opened theirs we've made it not
just a GOP Convention, but a convention of and for the new coalition.
#####
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 21, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
BOB HALDEMAN
FROM:
RAY PRICE
SUBJECT:
First Family Scheduling
I haven't thought this one through carefully, but would hope
that they'd be scheduled extensively. They've become a first-rate
asset. In particular, we should get them on as many talk shows as
possible. I caught Tricia on the Merv Griffin show the other evening
and she was a knockout -- real star quality, said all the right things,
and was stunning in all respects. At a time when average Americans
are worried about holding the family together as an institution, about
alienated kids, etc., simply demonstrating that RN has daughters
like these who are as loyal to him as they are is an enormous plus
-- especially with parents and grandparents.
Booking them into some political forums is fine -- but where
I think they can be most useful is in those situations that give them a
chance to express their (and RN's) concern for people. This sense
of caring about people is one that we're weak on, and that we've got
to bring through more successfully -- and they have the credentials
to help do it. In particular, as a result of the coverage of her travels
Mrs. Nixon has built up great strength in this regard. Merely by
visiting nursing homes, hospitals, disaster areas, etc., she can
remind people of it. We might again have her make non-political
visits to some outstanding volunteer projects, that are doing things
for people. Incidentally, I was rather forcefully struck a few weeks
ago, when looking at the pictures of Jacqueline Kennedy's visit to
Kennedy Center, surrounded by the "beautiful people, 11 etc., that
there might be a strong if somewhat subconscious vein we could tap:
I suspect that a lot of people today, comparing the two, might suddenly
come to realize how refreshing it is to have a working, gracious, in-
volved, concerned and mature First Lady, rather than a frivolous
pleasure-seeker from Camelot.
-2-
I'd like to see all three give a lot of attention to the elderly.
Not only are the elderly a big voting bloc, and the most conspicuous
non-quota group from the Democratic convention (where they were
represented by a token Colonel Sanders), but they in particular
would respond both to Mrs. Nixon and to the girls.
A possibility that just occurs to me now: maybe we could
organize a Grandparents' Day at the White House, with Mamie as
an honored guest, and stir a lot of sewing-circle speculation that
maybe RN-PN are soon to be grandparents. They'd love it in
Peoria.
Rast
Raymond K. Price, Jr.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 21, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H.R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
JOHN SCALI gas
SUBJECT:
Election Strategy Addendum
I have these points to add to my Election Strategy memorandum:
1. It is increasingly clear McGovern's main supporters,
those providing the vital thrust, will be the college-educated,
young reformers obsessed with Vietnam as an issue. We
should make a determined, skillful effort to separate from
them as a bloc, the non-college, working youth. For each
college grad already lined up behind, or inclined toward
McGovern, there are three to four young workers who labor
in the factory, the corner grocery, the farm, the office or
in retail business. There is a natural rivalry between them
which can be exploited for the President's benefit. Why not
organize a "Working Youth for Nixon" organization which
will dramatically publicize the gulf between them and the
kooky college crowd. We might think of a big convention
of the working youth, highlighting their support of the
President and their deep interest in issues that bear directly
on improved conditions for their advancement. This must
be more than just lip service and a one-shot rally. To
further wean young labor from McGovern, for example, the
President could concentrate some attention on an issue
which we have ignored: Ideas and studies to relieve the
monotony of factory assembly work, a problem which already
has caused some strikes. Presidential concern about how to
improve quality of life for factory workers, particularly,
would be welcome. This is an issue which McGovern and
which labor has ignored thus far, but one with widespread appeal.
Mr. Haldeman
- 2 -
July 21, 1972
2.
The President must devote more time and attention to
an effort to "humanize" Richard Nixon. If not, he
will come off second best by contrast to McGovern, the
humble Methodist minister's son, who will "level"
with the American people when elected President. I
think it is folly in the extreme for the President to
adopt a DeGaulle mold. He is already vulnerable to
criticism that he is a "loner", isolated from the real
America. How do we do this? In two ways (1) by
becoming gradually more accessible to the press and
by informal comments now and then which include
"I made a mistake on that one, but I have learned"
...
There is nothing that appeals to the fibre of Americans
than to know that even the President will admit an
occasional mistake. This will strike a responsive chord
and humanize him more in the eyes of the voters; (2)
by impromptu actions which seem unrelated to picking
up votes. I have in mind such activities as not-previously-
announced visit to a trade school where he would spend
three to four hours carefully examining how students
are taught, or a night-time visit to a police precinct
where he would spend several hours at the station house
and in a police cruiser. I would envision all of these as
events announced after the fact, tending to prove that they
are not publicity stunts. Newsmen, of course, would
complain afterward but let them. The amount of TV
reporting and print coverage would be almost as great
afterward, once newsmen reconstructed the visit. I
strongly recommend that this be tried over a period to
help dispel the belief the President is in the hands of
Madison Avenue and does not do anything which is not
carefully programmed for maximum political advantage
in advance.
I am not proposing that the President suddenly become a folksy,
back-slapper. That would be out of character. But, he can
successfully soften his image as the distant leader.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 20, 1972.
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
BILL SAFIRE
RE:
CONVENTION
I was talking to Howard K. Smith last night about what he expects for
television coverage, and he said that all the TV people expected a
pretty dull convention with the likelihood of violence in the streets.
That's not good will associate us with violence, inability to reduce
dissent, etc.
Howard wondered if we were planning the usual lineup President
and Vice President acceptance speeches on the same night. He
suggested that if, for the first time, they could be on different nights,
they would be separate news events, each a must for coverage in full.
Moreover, it occurs to me, a mass audience is less likely to sit
through two long speeches practically back to back; in addition, if
the VP's speech is really good, it detracts from the President's,
and if it is no good, it loses the audience.
Therefore, why do we not do something radical in the way of political
conventions and nominate the Vice President on one night, have him
accept that night, and do the President the next night?
This would be met with a lot of cluck-clucking as anti-traditional,
but the real reason for putting them together in the past was to first
determine the Presidential nominee and have himselect the running
mate; with a sitting President who will make his choice known before
the Convention, that reason is obviated.
Thus, we could have two separate and distinct news stories, better
ratings, and a more solitaire setting for the President on his night.
Worth considering?
CC: Dick Moore
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 21, 1972
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H.R. HALDEMAN
JOHN D. EHRLICHMAN
FROM:
John C. Whitaker
SUBJECT:
Campaign Strategy
This is in response to Ken Cole's request for ideas on what the
President might do from now through November, and Larry
Higby's memorandum of July 19 (Tab A) requesting an update
of my earlier thoughts on campaign strategy.
First, there are a number of things that the President can do
that McGovern can't, capitalizing on the fact of being President.
He can sign a bill, with a hoopla signing ceremony (or veto one
frowning into the free TV cameras); he can have substantive
meetings with international leaders, or their emissaries; he
can have substantive meetings with Governors or Mayors
(McGovern can meet with the latter group, but only in the
stance of being briefed or looking strictly political.)
The idea of speeches only from the Oval Office gives me some
problems. Beyond the obvious Presidential ones like veto mes-
sages or reports on the status of peace talks on Vietnam, it
seems to me that other substantive dissertations, on either
domestic or foreign topics such as drugs, busing, crime or
international detente, whether on TV or radio, would, I assume,
have to be paid for. This is out of my field, but I think that,
particularly in the middle of a campaign, even truly national
addresses will have to be accompanied by equal time for Demo-
cratic rejoinder under the Fairness Doctrine. Thus I am not
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ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
sure how many of our eggs we want to put in the speech-from-the-
White House basket. As a partial alternative, it seems to me
that the plethora of fairly major Administration announcements
which we traditionally handle by a 2, 000-word handout from
Ziegler accompanied by a Cabinet Officer press briefing might
better be handled from now to November by the President him-
self making a 100-word statement to the TV cameras in Ziegler's
shop. This will net us purely news TV coverage -- no opportunity
for free reply -- and 30 to 90 seconds on the national evening news
which is as much as we could expect from a more exhausting
event like an all-day trip to St. Louis.
At the Convention
I feel strongly that we should get the President in and out of
Miami Beach as quickly as possible because of the danger of
confrontation with demonstrators (assuming that our best in-
telligence is the same as what I pick up from the papers). The
relatively dull predictable show on the inside is bound to drive
the TV networks outside the Convention Hall looking for street
drama. Even a minor fracas there, dull though it may be,
would probably be more photogenic than the business of the
convention. Any interplay between the President and the demon-
strators is going to be compared by the media and the viewers
with the scene of the McGovern confrontation with the hippies
in the Doral lobby which got pretty good notices. I think an
overnight at Key Biscayne would be running a real risk because,
even though you can seal off the causeway, there would probably
be a confrontation there or outside the President's compound.
Any defensive maneuver like that would just be played as the
President ducking these strident types whom McGovern at least
had the guts to talk to.
Thus my suggestion for the President's personal involvement with
Miami Beach would be for him to leave about eight o'clock on
Wednesday night (possibly with live TV from the South Lawn of
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ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
his departure, either consulting with HAK or JDE on pressing
State business, or even pouring over papers in his residence).
I would fly directly into Homestead Air Force Base (TV but
closed arrival and no comment to press), and chopper to the
convention site timed for the President to make his acceptance
speech about 10:15. (By 9:00 p.m. EDT people are not off the
Los Angeles freeways and in front of their TV sets.) Immediately
after his acceptance speech, I would have him make an unex-
pected visit to a separate location where a large, screened
youth group would be having a meeting, unwarned that the
President would join them. The point would be to have all
under 25, and even some screened long-hairs, to drive home
the point that everybody under 25 with long hair isn't for
McGovern. After about a 30-minute hard-hitting speech to
this group (maybe even some Q&A's, if we trust our screening
enough), I would have the President get back in his helicopter
and get back to Washington so that on Thursday he could be
back at his usual stand being President. On Thursday, I would
try to get lots of film in the White House (bill signing, National
Security Council or Cabinet Meeting) -- in other words, strictly
"playing President. 11
If our media types have hard data showing that the Wednesday
TV audience will be a bust if we have a dull Tuesday night show,
I would like to see a scenario such as I have just outlined moved
up to Tuesday night if we can possibly get away with it without
ruining the convention to the extent that Wednesday is purely
anti-climax. Even a precedent-shattering move like having
a two-day convention would be better in my mind than having
the President spend two days in Miami Beach. One final thought - -
if the problem is to build some drama into Wednesday night to
assure a good TV audience, might it be possible to delay announce-
ment of the President's choice of a running mate until then?
That's "bassackwards" to tradition, but why not - provided the
President doesn't plan to announce the V.P. pre-convention.
Particularly if we restrict the President's time in town, the
risks of confrontation with hippies apply nearly as strongly to
Mrs. Nixon and the rest of the First Family and to the Vice Presi-
dent. I agree that we should do everything we can to avoid their
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ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
being in direct proximity to the demonstrators, but this kind of
defensive strategy argues even more strongly for having the
President do a youth-oriented event while in town such as the
youth forum described above.
General Campaign Strategy
We have become the heir of the old FDR coalition -- almost - -
and the South for sure - ethnic groups in the North (Jewish and
Catholic in particular) and, to a lesser extent, Labor. We should
push Jewish and Catholic events for the President and embrace
the tax credit for private schools more visibly -- beyond just
endorsing the Mills bill. - - I know some Christian Scientists
who don't buy this.
Assuming that the President's lead in the popularity polls is now
about 16%, I think that we should run a low-risk campaign unless
that gap gets down to 8%, or is dropping toward 8% precipitously.
The question, as I see it, is how to run such a low-risk campaign
without appearing to be doing SO. Here is my list of don'ts:
-- Don't do any large political rallies - not one.
- - Don't engage in any debates.
- - Don't hold any press conferences for only the national press
that are advertised in advance. -- East Room format.
The press is vital. The President has won when the press was
with him (1968) and lost when the press was not (1960 and 1962).
(1) I think he has to give them some deep-think liberal red
meat to pontificate about and give at least the appearance of ac-
cessibility. The thought pieces, I think, can be delivered as
radio addresses. The theme would be of a thoughtful, forward-
looking President winning the peace abroad and of solving our
domestic problems, but with the job only half done. Interviews
with pundits would be good.
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ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
(2) As for press conferences, on the national level maybe
2 or 3 from now to the election. I would have the President do
quickie press conferences in the Oval Office so that the national
scribes don't come in loaded for bear.
(3) In addition, I would concentrate on the regional media
in places like, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Dallas, St. Louis,
Detroit and New York by calling press conferences without warn-
ing. While the national press would have to be included in these,
and would be primed with their questions in advance, the softer
questions from the more numerous regional reps should pre-
dominate. In addition, properly chosen regional sessions like
these can ensure that the President's message gets to the voters
in areas which he needs to win, but can't afford the time to pick
his way through personally. For example, we could cover the
southern media effectively from Atlanta and New Orleans, and
New England by visiting Boston (a town which is tough to get in
and out of because of the huge numbers of students, but where the
New England impact should be worth the aggrevation). -- Denver
for the Rocky Mountains and Portland for the Pacific Northwest.
We may want to consider paying for campaign air time to televise
these in the particular region. The first few we might get away
with scheduling without any advance notice on staff time in areas
where the local media speaks to a particular constituency without
having to pull the reporters out of the boondocks (such as Chicago
for the farm belt). The strategy of suddenly-called press conferences
in cities could change to announcing press conferences in advance --
buying regional TV time and sucking in reporters from the boondocks
if his point spread with McGovern narrows, and he wants to increase
the risks.
I recognize that the appearance of large crowds applauding the
President is desirable on the nightly TV news. While I think the
risk of rallies (hippics and a bore to the press) to produce them
is too great to run, I think we can accomplish the same result in
the eyes of the TV cameras by doing motorcades on the way to
substantive events. The motorcade can stop occassionally and,
if the crowd is friendly, the President could step up on his car
1
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ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
and deliver a short general purpose speech. (By this time we
must have something better than the old LBJ bullhorn.) This
will require us to develop a pithy five-minute speech, or a
series of them -- but not the 25-30 minute "the speech" for
rallies that he has used in past campaigns.
One thing that we often talk about but seldom get done is a local
color event. This is another easy way to free TV time and can
help portray the President as a human being as opposed to the
Machiavellian politician that McGovern will seek to make of him.
I remember the success of the President's early morning visit
to the peace demonstrators at the Lincoln Memorial, and hope
that we can be imaginative enough to work in some similar
"unplanned" scenes like dropping by a local diner at 7:00 a.m.
and sharing a cup of coffee with a couple of truck drivers.
I have a general aversion to telethons, but if we are looking foro
a television extravaganza, I like the format of the international
town meeting. By satellite, we could have the network repre-
sentatives in a number of international capitols relaying live
questions answered by the President here in Washington. This
would play to his strength -- international affairs, and even
hostile questions, unlike those that come from domestic hecklers,
tend to unite our citizens as "us" against "them. " A "foreign
heckler" will unite the country just like the Jews and Arabs would
love each other if attacked by moon men. I like that format so
much that I think we should consider paying for it. If we can
get it free (and equal time for McGovern), then let him sympathize
with the foreign heckler a good trap.
Pace of Campaign
Before the convention I think the President should schedule one
major domestic event out of town. He should also continue to be
visible going about the serious business of Government. Right
after the convention, on Friday, August 25 (the day after his re-
turn from Miami), I think he should do a substantive domestic
- 7 -
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
event in either Philadelphia or Chicago. (I would prefer Chicago
because I think we ought to save Philadelphia for Labor Day,
although I don't have any specific event in mind for that important
date -- I'm just tempted by the Rizzo angle.) The Chicago event
could be a meeting with midwestern farm media together with
Butz and Peterson highlighting the Russian grain deal. Although
I don't know how, it would be nice to get Daley involved. A noon-
time motorcade sounds like a natural, but that brings echoes
of '68 which is a definite negative. On August 29, I think he should
go off to Texas to do screwworms with Escheverria and John
Connally (don't laugh, it's really a good regional story), but be-
cause that would be a joke as a national newslead, we need
another event besides screwworms with a Mexican-American flavor
done the same day.
As the campaign progresses, I would attempt to schedule no more
than one trip a week -- and always substantive. The only out-of-
country trip I can foresee might be one to Mexico, depending on
how we read the effect on and need for the Chicano vote. The rest
of the newsleads would come from Washington and, with the
exception of paid radio talks and paid TV, would be natural outgrowths
of being President.
The First Family
I think we should bend every effort to get them out of Washington
and keep them on the road. Human interest shots in the Washington
papers aren't going to be of any help. The only specific thought
I have is that Mrs. Nixon's Legacy of Parks national tour was so
successful that we may want to replay it -- if there is one thing
that we can find in all of the key states, it's parks.
Theme of Campaign
From the disarray of the Democratic years, the President has made
an important start at restructuring international and domestic
affairs to bring us peace, stability and progress. But his reforms
- 8 PM
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
are still in the process of becoming -- his Presidency is only
halfway home. We need to put that theme into a catchy phrase
to compete with McGovern's (Fauntroy's?) "Come home,
America. 11 The major danger, as I see it strategically, is that
McGovern will succeed in identifying himself as a general spokes-
man for discontent and the need for change -- a mood that the
polls show is shared by a majority of the people. We have got
to avoid being cast as defenders of the status quo. We should
try to show, rather, that the President's first term has been one
of change -- in restructuring international relationships, in pro-
posing basic governmental reform, in salving the American spirit
from the divisiveness of 1968 -- but that his type of change builds
on the past that has made our country great and does not repudiate
it.
July 21, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
LARRY HIGBY
FROM:
BRYCE HARLOW
SUBJECT:
Follow-Up on Campaign
Strategy
I stand on my previous memo as amended in the
two meetings I have just attended with HRH.
(I talked with Mr. Harlow this morning and he
asked that I submit this comment.) CaR
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 21, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
HARRY S. DENT
ASD
SUBJECT:
Update on June 16 Campaign Strategy Memo
I still agree with the basic suggestions contained in my June
16 memo. I add these post-convention suggestions:
1) A special organization to enlist blue collar workers similar
to the proposed Democrats for Nixon organization.
2) Play up the snubbing of all the groups not given a quota at
Miami--like farmers, blue collars, ethnics, senior citizens,
veterans, et al. This can be done at our convention.
3) Establish McGovern's campaign emblem as the white flag--
pictures of him with the white flag behind his head.
4) Devise a PR program for Wallace people showing that RN
got "the message." Voter ID programs and polls should reveal
potential Wallace votes for us and how to get them.
5) Set up a realignment operation now to exploit switchover
possibilities while the convention is fresh and as campaign
heats up. This can be continued after the campaign to encourage
and speed switching which should be good between now and 1976.
The South is particularly ripe on this. If we don't program
and plan on this, we won't reap our potential.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 20, 1972
EYES ONLY/ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
Update on Campaign not Strategy
ROBERT H. FINCH
SUBJECT:
(In light of the pemocratic
Convention)
In addition to what was set forth in my earlier memo,
I would argue that the only way we can lose the election
is to foul up our own convention.
We must not make Miami Beach an armed camp.
We must tag those who want to embarrass and confront us
as McGovern supporters.
It must be a Party convention simply re-nominating the
President for re-election ---- not a White House operation.
The Convention must not disintegrate into youth VS. the
President.
How do we accomplish this?
Let's have Republican senators (i.e. Scott, Brooke, Javits
et al) take the Senate Floor and insist that McGovern,
Eagleton (and the few avowed Democrat senators who support
their ticket) ask their supporters to refrain from violence
at Miami Beach.
MacGregor and/or Dole should lay down a firm line dis-
tinguishing protest from violence. In other words, the
Party wants discussion but will allow no disorder.
-2-
We should see to it that a large number of our young
people move among the demonstrators. A few thousand
Billy Graham Dallas-Explo types committed to non-violence
could dilute the critical mass of hot and frustrated
militants.
The Party should organize a group of young Administration
spokesmen as a "communications corps" to offer to talk to
demonstrators or be near by any television situation.
Young Administration officials and Republican office
holders who have had experience handling young, explosive
crowds can be sent out where needed to avoid dangerous
confrontations and to show the television audience that
this Administration does communicate and listen. The
group should have the proper racial, ethnic, and sex
balance as well as being able to withstand verbal and
physical abuse.
Let's have other events at the Convention which show
continuity and confidence in our system, and in our Party,
like the President meeting with former Republican
National Chairmen. This will appeal to a lot of
organization Democrats who have been badly treated and
points up the ignoring of the LBJ types SO obvious at
their convention.
One final thought: Let's not indulge in overkill to the
point where McGovern becomes a sympathetic figure. We
have enough good, substantive material on the issues
without getting into personalities.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 20, 1972
EYES ONLY/ADMINISTRATIVELY CONF IDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
Update on Campaign 005 Strategy
ROBERT H. FINCH
SUBJECT:
(In light of the Democratic
Convention)
In addition to what was set forth in my earlier memo,
I would argue that the only way we can lose the election
is to foul up our own convention.
We must not make Miami Beach an armed camp.
We must tag those who want to embarrass and confront us
as McGovern supporters.
It must be a Party convention simply re-nominating the
President for re-election --- not a White House operation.
The Convention must not disintegrate into youth VS. the
President.
How do we accomplish this?
Let's have Republican senators (i.e. Scott, Brooke, Javits
et al) take the Senate Floor and insist that McGovern,
Eagleton (and the few avowed Democrat senators who support
their ticket) ask their supporters to refrain from violence
at Miami Beach.
MacGregor and/or Dole should lay down a firm line dis-
tinguishing protest from violence. In other words, the
Party wants discussion but will allow no disorder.
-2-
We should see to it that a large number of our young
people move among the demonstrators. A few thousand
Billy Graham Dallas-Explo types committed to non-violence
could dilute the critical mass of hot and frustrated
militants.
The Party should organize a group of young Administration
spokesmen as a "communications corps" to offer to talk to
demonstrators or be near by any television situation.
Young Administration officials and Republican office
holders who have had experience handling young, explosive
crowds can be sent out where needed to avoid dangerous
confrontations and to show the television audience that
this Administration does communicate and listen. The
group should have the proper racial, ethnic, and sex
balance as well as being able to withstand verbal and
physical abuse.
Let's have other events at the Convention which show
continuity and confidence in our system, and in our Party,
like the President meeting with former Republican
National Chairmen. This will appeal to a lot of
organization Democrats who have been badly treated and
points up the ignoring of the LBJ types so obvious at
their convention.
One final thought: Let's not indulge in overkill to the
point where McGovern becomes a sympathetic figure. We
have enough good, substantive material on the issues
without getting into personalities.
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 20, 1972
2:00 p.m.
MEMORANDUM FOR:
LARRY HIGBY
FROM:
DWIGHT L. CHAPIN
of
Regarding your July 19 memorandum on campaign strategy,
any alterations I would make in my original remarks are
minute. Therefore, I'll let my original memo stand as is.
Regarding a separate memo on the best scheduling use of
Mrs. Nixon, Tricia and Julie, Parker and I have a memo
on the way to Bob. It covers the President plus the ladies
and their husbands. That memo will be in to you tomorrow.
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 20, 1972
2:00 p.m.
MEMORANDUM FOR:
LARRY HIGBY
FROM:
DWIGHT L. CHAPIN
If
Regarding your July 19 memorandum on campaign strategy,
any alterations I would make in my original remarks are
minute. Therefore, I'll let my original memo stand as is.
Regarding a separate memo on the best scheduling use of
Mrs. Nixon, Tricia and Julie, Parker and I have a memo
on the way to Bob. It covers the President plus the ladies
and their husbands. That memo will be in to you tomorrow.