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From: Jeb S. Magruder To: The Attorney General RE: Compiled Report on Middle America. 73 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 11/2/1971
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
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16
5
11/2/1971
Campaign
Memo
From: Jeb S. Magruder To: The Attorney
General RE: Compiled Report on Middle
America. 73 pgs.
Wednesday, February 09, 2011
Page 1 of 1
COMMITTEE FOR THE RE-ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT
CONF IDENTIAL
November 2, 1971
DETERMINED TO BE KING AN
1701 PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. NW
ADMIL
6-102
WASHINGTON D C 20006
8-18-81
(202) 333-0920
By
Emp.
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
Attached is the report on Middle America compiled by Chuck
Colson, Douglas Hallett (Colson's staff), and Bart Porter.
The report outlines general strategy and is not intended
to be a specific action report. At TAB D, however, there
is one specific recommendation relating to Veterans that
requires a decision.
If you agree with the direction taken with this report, I
will ensure that it is circulated among several key people
here at the Campaign Committee (Youth, Advertising, Ethnics,
Labor, etc.) and those at the White House concerned with
overall strategy (Moore, Dent, Garment).
APPROVE
DISAPPROVE
COMMENTS
JEB S. MAGRUDER
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface
Page 1
Data
Page 2
Issues
Page 3
Wallace Vote
Page 5
Tab A
Political Strategy
Tab B
Subsidized Housing
To Lew Engman
From George Bell
Tab C
A Portrait of the
Wallace Vote
Tab D
Veterans
Tab E
Suburbs
Tab F
Junior Chamber of
Commerce
Tab G
The Aged
PREFACE
As a strategy concept, Middle America is smaller than the
sum of its parts. Although encompassing a wide variety of interests
labor, agriculture, Ethnic/Catholic, veterans, etc. -- the interests
it encompasses all have unique attributes which are independent of the
Middle American framework. Consequently, a Middle American campaign
strategy must be developed on three levels. The first level will deal
with our so-called national issues -- Peace (Vietnam, China, Berlin,
SALT, the Middle East), Prosperity (the New Economic Policy), Social
Order (End of Era of Permissiveness, Law and Order, etc.), and
Progress (Welfare Reform, Governmental Reform, Health Care, etc. ).
The second level will deal with the one or two broad issue bases with
which all so-called Middle Americans are concerned. The third level
will deal with the particular special interests of each group within the
framework.
This report is not comprehensive. Middle America can be defined
in terms of up to 70-80 percent of the nation's population. Instead of
presenting a firm analysis of this group, this report covers what are
considered to be the key elements of a Middle American strategy, first,
second, and third level, key sectors within Middle America, and key
issues which we can and should develop over the next year, again, first,
second and third level.
This report does not cover such subjects as over-all communications,
2.
organizational liaison, and the like. These are obvious, on-going activi-
ties of the government, the campaign, and the party; they do not require
special elaboration in this report. Nor will this report focus on the
national issues of the campaign -- Peace, Prosperity, Progress, and
Social Order except insofar as they uniquely effect one or more of the
component parts of Middle America. Instead, this report will take these
national issues and propose a new way of looking at them and presenting
them to Middle America.
DATA
Up-to-date income breakdowns from the 1970 census will not be
available until the end of the year. But we already have the essential in-
formation. The key fact is that there are 66 million individual homeowners
in the United States today, approximately 40 million of whom are in the
middle ($5, 000--$15, 000) income bracket. Virtually all of them are con-
cerned about the essentially conservative social and economic issues -
crime, property taxes, social order, busing, etc. - which have traditionally
gone along with property ownership. A more thorough analysis of the demo-
graphic layout of Middle America is, in many ways, superflous. Unlike
the individual special interest appeals, our Middle American appeal will be
national. Indeed, it should become fundamental to our basic national
stance, totally interwoven with our Peace, Prosperity, Progress and
Social Order approaches, superseding this first-level appeal in some ways.
3.
It cannot be concentrated in any one geographical or population group.
ISSUES
Within the framework of our second-level, Middle American
appeal, we can probably develop (as opposed to benefit from) two major
issues in the campaign. It is too early to pick them now. It is, therefore,
recommended that two very simple, but very encompassing concepts
be developed now as the base for our second level approach -- the
concept of social security and the concept of income security. Around
the first can be clustered what the President has done to protect the
social security of the individual; his foreign policy as it affects the draft,
his various reform efforts, his opposition to busing and "dispersal"
housing, and the social issue. Around the second can be clustered what
this Administration has done to protect the income of the individual -
the New Economic Policy, tax reform, revenue sharing refocused as a
device to provide progerty tax relief, social security increases.
The development of both of these second-level concepts should
proceed in two directions. The first -- the positive direction -- the
President has already initiated. With his competition, build America,
work ethic rhetoric, the President has begun to establish the idealistic,
uplift, philosophical, if you will, side of these two concepts. Government's
role is to provide basic security and basic protection of personal income.
4.
In doing so, it frees the individual to do what he can for himself and
his family and his country by participating constructively in the
economic system. Whatever the polls show to be the most pressing
concerns - - be they health care or tax relief or whatever - can then be
fed into this positive stance as the campaign progresses.
The other direction in which these two second-level Middle American
concepts should be developed is the negative. Not only have we
provided basic social security and basic income security, but we have
also beat back those who would take them away. The President has
resisted busing; he has ended the era of permissiveness; he has resisted
"dispersal" housing. Whatever the polls show to be the most pressing
concerns next summer -- be they crime or busing - can be fed into this
negative stance, and then used to attack the opposition as the campaign
proceeds.
This over-all second-level approach is built on the two major
concerns of the Middle American -- his concern for his social security
and his concern for his own pocketbook. Integral to both are a positive
and negative appeal. The President is against busing; inversely, the
Democrats are pushing it. The President is for lowering property taxes;
inversely, the Democrats are implicitly for raising them. The principal
advantage of the approach is the flexibility it gives us for our thinking
about the campaign in the months ahead. Right now, busing on the social
5.
security side and property tax relief on the income security side would
seem to be the key issues to focus on. But, six months from now, it
might be something else. In the interim, we need a way of looking at
our issue base which forces us to think in terms of the two principal
concerns of Middle America and allows us to cluster our issues in such
a way that we can later isolate two major issues for the campaign. By
developing the basic concepts now, whatever we choose to push later
will not be perceived as gimmicky, campaign-oriented, etc. Theywill,
instead, be seen as fundamental to our over-all approach and philosophy.
The third level of our approach concerns the particular special
interests of each group within the Middle American sector. Tab A
contains a memorandum Mr. Colson wrote to Mr. Haldeman in the spring.
It reflects his current thinking on how we should exploit the special
interests of key Middle America segments. Tab B contains a report by
George Bell to Lew Engman of the Domestic Council on dispersal housing. It is
Mr. Bell's feeling that HUD may not be following the President's instructions
in this area. Third-level issues are also dealt with in each of the interest
group reports.
WALLACE VOTE
The Wallace vote constitutes perhaps our greatest threat (or opportun-
ity) among Middle American voters, especially northern Blue Collar
types. The evidence clearly suggests that Wallace cut heavily
6.
in our vote last time and he could do SO again. But that does not
mean having Wallace out would necessarily be beneficial for us. Lou
Harris has found that Wallace would take just about evenly from Muskie
and us. But where he takes from Muskie and us is crucial. Wallace
voters who would otherwise support us are more heavily found in the
South. Consequently, having Wallace out could increase our margin in
the South - but it is increasing our margin in states we would win anyway.
Therefore, he doesn't help us or hurt us in the South in electoral vote
terms. In the North, it is a different story. According to Harris,
Wallace draws more from Muskie than from us in the North. Consequently,
having him in - far from hurting us - may have no impact in the South and
a positive impact in the North.
One more factor that is crucial is that Wallace is an anti-establish-
ment candidate. In 1968, he hurt us because he drew anti-LBJ votes
that might otherwise have gone to us. But this time we're the establish-
ment. Therefore, the kind of anti-establishment vote that he took from
us in 1968 may well be taken from the Democrats in 1972.
All of this, of course, is highly speculative. We need detailed,
in-depth research on the Wallace voter in both the South and the North
before trying to figure out how we should deal with him. Right now, it
is dangerous to assume anything about his election impact.
If we do decide that it's helpful to have him in, we should keep our
hands off, harassing him, of course, but doing nothing which would damage
7.
him permanently. If we decide it's not helpful to have him in, we
should develop a carefully planned and executed attack on his claim
that he represents Blue-Collar aspirations. The AFL/CIO did so with
considerable success in 1968, much to our, and not Humphrey's, benefit.
It is not felt that we should compete with Wallace for redneck support.
We can't beat him for that group and the cost of doing so, even in the
South, far outweights the benefits. Rather, we should attack his "Populist"
image, demonstrating that his record does not pair well with his pronounce-
ments and that he can't be elected nor can he solve problems. Our ethnic
and Blue Collar speakers should be particularly effective at this.
Tab C contains a detailed portrait of the Wallace voter as of 1968
and an 1968 evaluation of Wallace's record. We need much more
research than we have now if we are to make the proper decision on how
to deal with Wallace. This should be initiated as soon as possible.
MIDDLE AMERICA: The Special-Interest Groups Within It
There is obviously a considerable degree of overlap among the
groups within what we are calling Middle America. Nevertheless,
there is value in isolating each one and independently analyzing it. Con-
sequently for the purposes of this report, Middle America has been divided
into the following sub-groups. Detailed analyses and recommendations,
where relevant, are made within the reports for each sub-group.
8.
(1) Labor Union Members
Separate Report
(2) Agriculture
Separate Report
(3) Ethnics/Catholic
Separate Report
(4) Veterans
See Tab D
(5) Suburbs
See Tab E
(6) Junion Chamber of Commerce
See Tab F
(7) The Aged
See Tab G
RNC RESEARCH DIVISION
JUNE 10, 1971
A PORTRAIT OF THE WALLACE VOTER
This study of the Wallace vote is presented in
three parts. Part I is a summary of studies conducted
by the University of Michigan, Part 11 is based on
Gallup surveys, and Part 111 is an over-view of the
Wallace vote from miscellaneous books and studies.
PART I
The University of Michigan study contends that George Wallace
actually had little effect on the election's outcome.
Despite that fact, the Wallace ticket drew a larger proportion
of the popular vote than any third party since 1924, and a greater share
of the electoral vote than any third party since the election of 1860.
The majority of Wallace voters were found to be nominal Democrats.
In the South, 68% of the Wallace voters were Democrats, 20% Republicans.
Outside the South, 46% were Democrats, 34% Republicans. The remaining
Wallace voters identified themselves as Independents.
The following table shows the impact of party identification on
the presidential vote.
Party Identification and Presidential
Vote in 1968, SRC Survey Data
Presidential Vote in %
Number of
Party Identification
Humphrey
Nixon
Wallace
Cases
Strong Democrats
84
8
8
222
Not so strong Democrats
58
27
15
241
Independents closer to Democrats
53
30
17
93
Independents closer to neither
party
24
55
21
87
Independents closer to Republi-
cans
4
82
14
102
Not so strong Republicans
10
82
8
163
Strong Republicans
2
96
2
119
The conclusion that Wallace had no major effect on the outcome of
the election is based on the fact that the majority of Wallace votèrs
were Democrats who would otherwise have voted for Mr. Nixon, rather than
Republicans who might have given their support to Mr. Humphrey. Some 38%
of the Wallace voters who had voted previously said they had always voted
Democratic while another 10% said they had always voted Republican.
The Survey Research Center analyzed the Wallace vote and concluded
that, "Of voters with both a party and a candidate preference, more than
four-fifths prefer the nominee of their party. While Democrats are in a
majority, it is clear that the tides are running against them since they
are suffering the bulk of defections. Nixon Democrats so far outnembered
Humphrey Republicans that while Wallace drew at nearly equal rates from
both groups, the majority of his votes were from Democrats who otherwise
prefered Nixon rather than from Republicans who might have given their
favors to Humphrey. 11
The following table represents the data from which the preceding
conclusions were drawn.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE WALLACE VOTE, BY TRADITIONAL
PARTIES AND CANDIDATES
PARTY IDENTIFICATION
Democratic
Independent
Republican
Rating
HUMPHREY
Block I
Block IV
Block VII
over
4%
26%
21%
of
NIXON
(347)
(23)
(24)
Two
Block U
Block V.
Block VIII
Tied
24%
9%
6%
Major
(79)
(11)
(17)
Block 111
Candi-
Block VI.
NIXON
Block IX
over
26%
15%
T%
dates
HUMPHREY
(132)
(53)
(314)
The percentage figure indicates the proportion of all voters in the
cell who reported casting a ballot for Wallace. The number of voters
is indicated between parentheses.
-3-
The chart reads as follows:
1. Block I represents the so called "hard core" "strong" Democrats.
Only 4% defected to vote for Wallace. These 347 voters would have
cast their vote for Humphrey - had Wallace not been a candidate.
2. Block 11 represents those Democrats who could not differentiate
between Mr. Nixon or Mr. Humphrey. It is Impossible to state how
these 79 voters would have voted had Wallace not been a candidate.
3. Block 111 represents those Democrats who could be considered
"marginal. These Democrats probably were not straight voting Demo-
crats in the past. The 132 voters would have cast their votes for
Mr. Nixon had Wallace not been a candidate. 26% of Wallace's votes
were "nominal Democrats."
It is highly significant that this large a number of voters could
have been attracted to the Nixon camp had Wallace not been a candi-
date.
4. Block I.V represents Independents who would have preferred Mr.
Humphrey over Mr. Nixon.
5. Block V represents Independents who had no preference other than
Wallace.
6. Block VI represents Independents who preferred Mr. Nixon over Mr.
Humphrey.
7. Block VII represents "marginal" Republicans. These Republicans
are not "strong" Republicans and would have cast their votes for
Humphrey.
The figures show that had Wallace not been a candidate, more Demo-
crats would have been for Nixon than Republicans for Humphrey. (Com-
pare Block 111 with Block VII)
-4-
8. Block VIII represents Republicans who had no preference had
Wallace not been a candidate.
9. Block IX represents the so called "strong" or "hard core" Re-
publicans. 7% of the Wallace voters would have voted for Nixon
which is represented by 314 votes.
Most of the Wallace votes came from Independents or "weak" or "nominal"
party members. The least came from "strong" party members. The figures do
not add to 100% because it was impossible to classify all Wallace voters.
An analysis of the Wallace vote shows that two-thirds of the Wallace
vote was from Southern or border states where he collected over 30% of the
regional vote. These states include Alabama, Florida, Texas, Georgia,
Louisiana, North Carolina, Tennessee, Mississippi, Virginia, Arkansas, and
South Carolina. Throughout the North and West, Wallace received almost 8%
of the vote. Only in Hawaii and Maine did he receive less than 3% of the
vote.
In the South, Wallace supporters are disproportionately from the small
towns and rural areas compared to Nixon and Humphrey supporters, but in the
North, Wallace has substantial support in the big cities as well as in sub-
urbs and less densely populated areas. In both regions Wallace voters are
more likely to have grown up on a farm, although significant numbers did
come from big city environments.
Outside the South, the proportion of white union members preferring
Wallace over the other major candidates was more than three times as great
as it was within households having no unionized members (19% to 6%). Even
in the South where other appeals were present and the unionization of labon
is more limited, the contrast between the preferences of households with
union members and non-union households remains dramatic (52% to 285) giv-
ing top preference to Wallace over the conventional candidates.
-5-
The Wallace voter is likely to be male as 59% of the Wallace vote
was cast by men. 85% of his vote came from married people. People be-
tween the ages 25-34 were most likely to vote for Wallace while the over
65 age group were least likely voters. Only 3% of people over the age
of 70 outside of the South cast their vote for Wallace, while 13% of the
voters under 30 years outside of the South were Wallace voters. Very
few of the Wallace voters were black as none from a sample of 87 said
they had voted for Wallace. (Only 3 of the 87 said they had cast their vote
for Nixon).
Michigan Research Studies reveal the following breakdowns of the
1968 vote.
Nixon
Humphrey
Wallace
Voters
Voters
Voters
Had some college education
39%
26%
17%
Had only grade school education
12
22
25
Feel identified with a class
61
68
77
Identify with the working class
44
55
64
Feel close to the working class
25
34
38
Family was working class
57
68
80
Below average income
46
50
55
Home owner
76
67
76
Union member in household
20
29
29
Manual occupation
28
36
40
Farmer
6
6
10
Blacks
4
96
0
White Democrats
26
61
13
White Republicans
83
7
10
White Independents
54
28
18
-6-
PART II
In early Gallup studies (April 1968), it was reported that if Wallace
continued to hold his support that "the strong possibility exists that third
party candidate George Wallace would deny either major party candidate the
electoral votes needed to win."
The poll continued to reveal that his largest support outside the
South is among young persons (21-29), manual workers and farmers, and persons
who describe themselves as Independents.
"Although it is generally assumed that Wallace is particularly strong
in the large urban areas of the North, his support is actually greater in
the smaller communities and rural areas."
Gallup found that Wallace is the strongest candidate in the deep South.
In the border states, his vote falls slightly behind Nixon's. Outside the
South, he runs a poor third to Nixon and Humphrey. The Alabamian's appeal
is concentrated among blue collar workers, men and young persons.
Both the Michigan study and Gallup reported that the Wallace supporters
tend to be "hawks" not only on Vietnam but on domestic issues as well. "A
cross-analysis of Gallup Poll findings show that large majorities of Wallace
supporters (among those who express an opinion) think integration is being
pushed 'too fast,' oppose 'open housing,' have a low regard for the U.S. Su-
preme Court, disapprove of President Johnson's performance in office, think
morals in this country are deteriorating and approve of the way the Chicago
police dealt with the demonstrators at the time of the Chicago convention.
The Wallace supporter is disenchanted with both major parties and frequently
describes himself as an 'independent' in politics."
-7-
In September 1968 Gallup reported that If the election were held
at that time Wallace might accrue 21% of the vote. As the election drew
nearer, Gallup reported that Wallace would receive 14 or 15% of the vote.
Humphrey was the candidate to gain from the drop In Wallace support.
Gallup reported that, "key factors in Humphrey's dramatic gains of the
last month have been the decline in the Wallace vote in the Northern states
and the return of Democratic defectors to the party fold."
Many labor union members supported Wallace during the campaign but
left the Wallace camp to support Humphrey on election day. Because of the
"last minute" switch, the election became to close to call. It appeared through-
out the election that Humphrey was being denied the votes that the majority
of Wallace voters would cast -- but in the end it was Nixon who was denied
the majority of the Wallace vote.
Gallup conducted a survey immediately after the election to measure
how respondents voted and whether they had supported another candidate
earlier in the campaign. The following three tables reveal Wallace's support
and the people who considered him but did not cast their vote for him. Table
I is based on the demographics of the whole country, Table 11 on the non-
south and Table 111 on the South only.
-8-
Table I
1968 PRESIDENTIAL VOTING BY SELECTED DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS
(N = 1,479; nonwhites excluded)
(Per Cent)
Total
Wallace
Consid-
Wallace
Non-
Voted for
ered*
Sympa-
defection
Total
Total
Humphrey
Nixon
Wallace
Wallace
thizers
Ratio
Voting
Sample
Political Party Identification
Democratic
75
14
11
9
20
.56
433
567
Republican
5
89
6
7
13
.46
364
431
Independent
30
49
22
11
32
.67
333
449
Congressional Vote in 1968
Democratic
68
18
15
10
25
.59
514
514
Republican
12
78
10
8
17
.55
542
542
Presidental Vote in 1964
Democratic
66
26
8
8
16
.49
558
646
Republican
13
82
15
10
25
.61
380
413
Didn't vote
36
41
24
11
35
.68
167
374
Region
South
21
43
34
s
43
.79
249
373
Non-South
44
50
7
9
15
.43
894
1,106
Northeast*
49
44
7
7
14
.49
344
424
Midwest'
41
52
8
11
18
.42
368
452
West'
41
55
5
8
12
.36
182
230
coupation
Nonmanual
37
54
9
9
18
.50
456
536
Professional
36
57
7
5
11
.59
158
179
Business
37
55
9
9
18
.50
155
193
White collar
38
50
12
7
19
.62
143
164
Manual
43
40
17
11
28
.60
400
563
Skilled labor
43
43
15
12
27
.55
208
284
Unskilled
47
35
19
12
31
.60
140
207
Service
33
44
23
6
29
.80
52
72
Farm'
22
65
13
13
25
.50
74
94
Union family
54
34
12
15
27
.43
210
274
Nonunion
31
47
22
8
29
.75
190
289
Education
Grade school or less
44
37
19
10
29
.67
191
290
High school or less
39
48
13
10
23
.57
537
715
Some college
38
54
9
6
14
.62
330
377
Income
Under $3,000
37
47
16
6
23
.72
132
189
$3,000 to $6,999
38
43
19
8
27
.70
334
487
$7,000 to $9,999
38
50
12
11
23
.53
257
324
$10,000 to $14,999
42
50
8
9
17
.47
243
276
$15,000 and over
35
59
6
9
14
.39
168
191
Religion
Roman Catholic
53
38
9
9
18
.52
311
381
Jewish
86
14
-
2
2
.00
46
54
Protestant
29
56
15
10
25
.60
749
989
Baptist
22
46
32
11
43
.76
147
213
Methodist
29
57
14
8
22
.63
180
231
Presbyterian
23
70
7
12
19
.38
89
103
Lutheran
43
55
3
6
9
.29
85
101
Episcopal
39
54
7
7
13
.43
46
51
Others
29
55
16
12
27
.58
159
222
-9-
1968 PRESIDENTIAL VOTING BY SELECTED DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS-CONTINUED
Total
Wallace
Consid-
Wallace
Non-
Voted for
ered"
Sympa-
defection
Total
Total
Humphrey
Nixon
Wallace
Wallace
thizers
Ratio
Voting
Sample
Size of Place
Rural
31
50
19
8
27
.63
323
416
2,500 to 49,999
36
49
14
6
20
.63
163
224
50,000 to 499,999
38
51
11
8
19
.56
268
361
500,000 to 999,999
43
47
10
6
15
.62
138
189
1,000,000 and over
50
44
7
8
15
.43
250
288
Age
21 to 25
49
35
17
6
23
.77
81
137
26 to 29
37
49
15
9
24
.63
73
104
30 to 49
38
49
13
12
25
.52
488
608
50 and over
39
50
11
6
17
.65
491
618
Sex
Men
39
46
15
11
26
.58
588
723
Women
39
51
10
7
17
.60
555
747
SOURCE: AIPO 771-k, November 7, 1968; rows may sum to more or less than 100 per cent due to rounding error.
.
Thought about voting for Wallace earlier in the campaign, but eventually switched to another candidate.
b
Combination of the "considered Wallace" category and the Wallace voter category.
The ratio of the total number of Wallace sympathizers to the actual number of Wallace voters.
d
Those states making up the old Confederacy plus Kentucky.
New England and the Middle Atlantic states, including West Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, and the District of Columbia.
T Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Missouri, and the Trans-Mississippi states of North and South Dakota, Kansas,
Nebraska, Iowa, and Oklahoma.
#
All states west of the Midwest and South, excluding Alaska and Hawaii.
is
Clerical and sales.
a
Both farm proprietors and workers.
-10-
ble II
1968 PRESIDENTIAL VOTING IN THE NON-SOUTH BY SELECTED DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS
(Per Cent)
(N = 1,106; nonwhites excluded)
Total
Voted for
Consid-
Wallace
Non-
ered
Sympa-
defection
Voting
Total
Humphrey
Nixon
Wallace
Wallace
thizers
Ratio
Number
Number
Political Party Identification
Democratic
83
13
5
9
14
.36
342
424
Republican
6
89
6
8
14
.40
302
356
Independent
37
52
11
10
21
.53
240
303
Congressional Vote in 1968
Democratic
78
16
6
9
16
.40
392
392
Republican
13
80
6
8
15
.43
440
440
Presidential Vote in 1964
Democratic
70
26
5
8
13
.38
469
533
Republican
4
89
7
9
16
.42
275
291
Didn't vote
42
43
14
12
26
.55
123
248
Occupation
Nonmanual
42
53
5
5
10
.52
350
406
Professional
42
55
3
4
6
.43
117
133
Business
39
55
6
4
10
.66
121
144
White collar
44
50
7
8
14
.47
112
129
Manual
49
42
9
13
22
.42
327
426
Skilled labor
47
46
7
13
21
.35
171
212
Unskilled labor
55
33
13
14
26
.48
119
162
Service workers
41
54
5
5
11
.50
37
52
Farm
21
77
2
16
18
.10
57
70
Union family
57
34
9
16
25
.36
189
234
Nonunion
39
52
9
8
17
.52
138
192
Education
Grade school or less
53
40
7
10
17
.41
134
188
High school or less
43
49
7
9
17
.43
436
558
Some college
43
52
5
4
9
.56
257
286
Income
Under $3,000
41
53
5
5
11
.50
93
124
$3,000 to $6,999
46
44
10
9
19
.51
246
338
$7,000 to $9,999
42
52
6
11
17
.37
213
261
$10,000 to $14,999
46
47
6
8
14
.44
201
224
$15,000 and over
39
58
3
7
10
.31
133
150
Religion
Roman Catholic
53
39
8
9
17
.49
292
355
Jewish
87
13
3
3
.00
42
50
Protestant
34
53
6
10
15
.38
527
655
Baptist
33
51
16
10
25
.63
64
82
Methodist
32
65
3
10
13
.21
117
150
Presbyterian
28
68
5
11
15
.30
68
78
Lutheran
43
54
3
6
9
.29
83
98
Episcopal
40
61
-
5
5
.00
38
41
Others
31
59
9
13
22
.43
129
163
Size of Place
Rural
37
56
7
11
20
.36
221
272
2,500 to 49,999
43
52
5
6
11
.42
115
149
50,000 to 499,999
44
51
6
5
10
.48
196
245
- -
1968 PRESIDENTIAL VOTING IN THE NON-SOUTH BY SELECTED DEMOGRAPHIC CHAPACTERISTICS-CONTINUED
Total
Voted for
Consid-
Wallace
Non-
ered
Sympa-
defection
Voting
Total
Humphrey
Nixon
Wallace
Wallace
thizers
Ratio
Number
Number
Size of Place (Cont.)
500,000 to 999,999
46
45
9
6
16
.59
112
152
1,000,000 and over
50
44
7
8
15
.43
250
288
Age
21 to 25
54
34
13
7
20
.64
72
108
26 to 29
35
54
11
6
17
.67
54
79
30 to 49
43
49
8
14
22
.36
393
466
50 and over
43
53
3
5
8
.43
366
443
Sex
Men
43
48
9
11
20
.44
458
550
Women
45
51
5
6
11
.41
436
556
-12-
Table 111
1968 PRESIDENTIAL VOTING IN THE SOUTH BY SELECTED DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS
(Per Cent)
Voted for
Total
Consid-
Wallace
Non-
ered
Sympa-
defection
Voting
Total
Humphrey
Nixon
Wallace
Wallace
thizers
Ratio
Number
Number
Political Party Identification
Democratic
46
17
37
3
40
.92
91
143
Republican
-
90
10
10
20
.49
62
75
Independent
12
41
47
13
60
.79
93
146
Congressional Vote in 1968
Democratic
34
24
42
12
54
.78
122
122
Republican
8
69
24
5
28
.83
102
102
Presidential Vote in 1964
Democratic
49
29
23
8
31
.73
89
113
Republican
1
62
38
11
48
.78
105
122
Didn't vote
19
33
48
10
57
.83
44
126
Occupation
Nonmanual
22
57
22
14
28
.76
106
130
Professional
21
62
18
8
26
.70
41
46
Business
27
55
18
27
46
.40
34
49
White collar
17
53
30
7
37
.82
31
35
Manual
14
33
53
6
59
.90
73
137
Skilled labor
20
31
49
6
54
.90
37
72
Unskilled labor
5
45
50
5
55
.91
21
45
Service workers
13
20
67
7
74
.91
15
20
Farm
27
20
53
-
53
1.00
17
24
Union family
30
30
40
5
45
.89
21
40
Nonunion
8
34
58
6
64
.91
52
97
Education
Grade school or less
23
28
49
8
57
.87
57
102
High school or less
21
42
36
11
48
.77
101
157
Some college
19
60
21
10
31
.68
73
91
Income
Under $3,000
27
30
43
8
51
.84
39
65
$3,000 to $6,999
18
39
44
5
48
.92
88
149
$7,000 to $9,999
17
42
42
12
54
.77
44
63
$10,000 to $14,999
23
63
15
13
28
.55
42
52
$15,000 and over
24
62
15
15
29
.50
35
41
Religion
Roman Catholic
47
29
24
6
29
.80
19
26
Jewish
*
*
*
*
*
*
4
4
Protestant
18
46
36
10
46
.78
222
334
Baptist
13
43
45
11
56
.80
83
131
Methodist
22
43
35
5
40
.89
63
81
Presbyterian
10
76
14
14
29
.50
21
25
Lutheran
*
*
*
*
*
*
2
3
Episcopal
*
*
*
*
*
*
8
10
Others
21
25
45
7
52
.87
30
59
Size of Place
Rural
17
38
45
4
49
.90
102
144
2,500 to 49,999
21
43
36
8
44
.74
48
75
50,000 to 499,999
23
52
25
9
33
.63
72
116
-13-
1968 PRESIDENTIAL VOTING IN THE SOUTH BY SELECTED DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS-CONTINUED
Total
Voted for
Consid-
Wallace
Non-
ered
Sympa-
defection
Voting
Total
Humphrey
Nixon
Wallace
Wallace
thizers
Ratio
Number
Number
Size of Place (Cont.)
500,000 to 999,999
31
58
12
3
15
.75
26
37
1,000,000 and over
*
*
#
*
*
*
-
-
Age
21 to 25
*
*
*
*
*
*
9
29
26 to 29
26
37
37
5
42
.88
19
25
30 to 49
14
52
34
8
41
.82
95
142
50 and over
26
41
33
10
43
.77
125
175
Sex
Men
24
39
37
11
48
.78
130
182
Women
18
51
31
8
39
.80
119
191
* Too few cases.
-14-
In August 1970, Gallup reported that "Governor Wallace is as strong
today as at any previous time since the 1968 presidential election, both
in terms of personal appeal and vote-getting potential.
"Wallace's standing in the South bears particular attention because
it is in this region where, as a presidential candidate, he could gain the
leverage needed to deny either major party candidate the electoral, votes
needed to win in 1972, thus throwing the election into the House of Repre-
sentatives. "
-15-
PART III
This section is based for the most part on The Politics of
Unreason by Seymour Lipset and Earl Raab. Other sources are An American
Melodrama by Lewis Chester, Godfrey Hogson and Bruce Page, The Making
of the President 1968 by Theodore White, The Emerging Republican
Majority by Kevin Phillips, various articles and general conclusions
of the writer of this study.
Wallace's solid support for the most part came from such extreme
right groups as the John Birch Society, the Minutemen, the Ku Klux
Klan, White Citizens Councils, etc. Lipset's book emphasizes the same
supporters as were discussed in the first two sections of this study.
In addition, it emphasizes the support of the police, domestic servants
and the military. Many people admired Wallace and supported him on
the issues but would not vote for him in the election. In April 1967,
when Gallup asked whether the electorate viewed Wallace favorably or
unfavorably, 43.2 per cent viewed him in positive terms while 46.7 per
cent had a negative opinion of him.
In general, Wallace support eroded among those groups and areas in
which his initial support was weakest. "In the North, he lost over
half of his initial support. Only 43 per cent of his original supporters
cast a ballot for him." (Lipset P. 395)
A most important gain for Humphrey was the switch of trade-union
workers. Data from a Gallup survey suggests that the very extensive
campaign of trade-union leaders to reduce Wallace support among their
members had a strong effect in the North. "Almost two-thirds (64 per
cent) of northern trade-union members who had backed Wallace initially
did not vote for him, while over half of the southern unionist workers
(52 per cent) who had been for him earlier voted for him on election day."
-16-
(Lipset P. 395) Regardless of the union vote -- three-fifths of those
who shifted away from Wallace during the campaign ended up voting for
Nixon.
The following table depicts the demographic breakdown of Wallace
defectors.
FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH VOTING CHOICES OF WALLACE DEFECTORS
Actual Vote
Social and Political
Per Cent
Per Cent
Characteristics
Humphrey
Nixon
Number
Region
South
23
77
(22)
North
45
55
(75)
Party Affiliation
Republican
12
89
(26)
Democratic
79
21
(38)
Independent
18
82
(33)
1964 Vote
Goldwater
11
89
(36)
Johnson
63
38
(43)
No vote
47
53
(17)
Religion
Protestant
34
66
(71)
Catholic
60
40
(25)
Age
Under 29
27
73
(11)*
30 to 49
44
54
(57)
50 and over
36
64
(28)
Education
Grammar school
65
35
(17)
High school
46
54
(50)
College
18
82
(17)
Income
Under $5,000
50
50
(18)
$5,000 to $9,999
44
56
(43)
$10,000 and over
26
74
(34)
Occupation
Nonmanual
13
87
(30)
Manual
56
44
(43)
Farm
22
78
(9)
Unionism-Manuals only
Union members
69
31
(29)
Nonunion
29
71
(14)
a Too few cases for a reliable estimate.
-17-
"The pattern of shifting among the Wallace voters points up the
assumption that Wallace appealed to two very different groups:
economic conservatives concerned with repudiating the welfare state,
and less affluent supporters of the welfare state who were affected by
issues of recial integration and law and order." (Lipset P. 396)
THE FUTURE OF THE WALLACE MOVEMENT
The future of Wallace and the American Independent Party is difficult
to predict. "The party brought together almost every right-wing extreme
group in the country and undoubtedly also recruited many new activists
for the extreme right. Many of these new state parties now have a
formal legal status as a recognized political party which may nominate
candidates for local and state office.
"During the 1968 campaign, sharp public divisions occurred in a
number of states, often revolving around the fact that complete control
over the finances and conduct of the party's work was kept in the hands
of coordinators directly appointed by Wallace." (Lipset p. 413) In a
number of states, two separate organizations existed, both of which
endorsed the Wallace candidacy while attacking each other as extremists.
If such internal struggles continue to be prevalent in the Wallace
organization it could put a damper on his 1972 efforts.
The perplexing question is, will Wallace run in 1972? If he does
run, one issue might be the American "defeat" in Vietnam. Wallace
has already condemned President Nixon's plan to gradually reduce
America's troop commitment and Vietnamize the war. He argued that "there's
no way to withdraw combat forces until the enemy is crushed,' that "it
-18-
would take less casualties to win the war than withdraw." (Lipset
P. 420, originally appeared in the Washington Post, December 1, 1969).
Wallace may capitalize on the continued dissatisfaction of the
white working class and lower middle class. "If that disaffection
grows, and at the same time the pressures of an increasingly dis-
affected black population grow, the soil will be fertile, of course,
for a George Wallace kind of movement." (Lipset P. 420)
A major role of Vice President Agnew has been one of appealing
to the possible Wallace supporter. Although he does attract some of
this vote, the Supreme Court decision on busing which will be enforced
by the Administration could influence some voters to favor Wallace.
Kevin Phillips in a column on June 10, 1971 wrote that if Wallace ran
as a purely regional Southern candidate, that such an effort would hurt
President Nixon and help the national Democratic Party. Phillips
stated that there are three options open for Wallace. "First, Wallace
could try to get his American Independent Party on the ballot again
everywhere in the nation. Secondly, he could run in some of the 1972
Democratic presidential primaries. Third, he could simply drop out of
the presidential picture." The best possible choice for the Republicans,
according to Phillips, would be if Wallace ran in the Democratic primaries.
"Such a campaign would tear the Democratic party apart and leave deep,
lasting scars."
-19-
CONCLUSION
To summarize a portrait of a Wallace voter, one would say the
majority of Wallace's support comes from the South. The Wallace voter
from both the South and non-south is most likely to be white, young,
male, and married. His income is low, he is uneducated and lives in
rural America, often on a farm.
It would appear from the data in this study that if Wallace should
run for President, the chief benefactor would be the Democratic nominee.
Even though, in 1968, Wallace cut into some of Humphrey's union vote--
it is Nixon who lost the farm vote and the southern vote because of
Wallace's candidacy. Polls indicate the fact that the majority of
Wallace voters would have cast their vote for Nixon had Wallace not
been a candidate.
As for the 1972 election, it is too early to state who would be
most affected by. a Wallace third party. If liberals dominate the
Democratic ticket, Nixon would be the most affected by Wallace. But
consider the possibility of a "Scoop" Jackson or Senator Ernest
Hollings on the Democratic ticket. These men could conceivably be
injured most by a Wallace campaign. Also, such a man as Harold Hughes
could appeal, through his populist style, to a potential Wallace supporter.
The possibilities are many.
In the final analysis, George Wallace's potential effect on the
election of 1972 depends on the political circumstances that are
revealed in the coming months.
RNC RESEARCH DIVISION
JUNE 7, 1971
GOVERNOR GEORGE WALLACE
1972
There is no doubt that George Wallace Is looking ahead to the 1972
presidential campaign. The evidence is overwhelming - most notably
in two campaign fund raising dinners and a permanent staff at the
Wallace national campaign headquarters in South Montgomery, Alabama.
However, Governor Wallace will not run unless he is sure he can make
a significant impact at least equal to that of 1968.
Governor Wallace considers the economy, school busing, taxes, and
Vietnam the most important issues of the day. If Governor Wallace
does not see what he considers a marked improvement in these areas
he will undoubtedly declare his candidacy.
George Wallace on 1972:
"If it becomes necessary, I will be active again, wherever
you like me to be."
1970 Alabama Inaugural Speech
"I'm keeping my options open."
Pittsburg Press
February 26, 1971
Governor Wallace says three things can get him to run for president:
1. If he can be convinced he will do as well in 1972 as he
did In 1968.
2. If Democrats nominate someone from the "far-left".
3. If President Nixon makes some more "promises" concerning
school desegregation.
UPI
May 8, 1971
Strategy
South
George Wallace's goal for 1972 will be the same as that of 1968, that
-2-
is to undermine both traditional parties. The difference will be in
strategy. Tom Turnipseed, national campaign director for Wallace,
says, "We'll concentrate in five or six other states and go for the
balance of power." What he means is they may concentrate on five or
six states in the South and gather enough Electoral College votes to
deny either major party candidate an Electoral College majority.
Fund raising dinners have been held in Dallas, Texas, and Nashville,
Tennessee. Further, Tulsa, Oklahoma, and Cincinatti, Ohio, have been
mentioned as future fund raising sites.
Style/Image
Since 1968 George Wallace has become a considerably changed man - at
least on the surface. The tone is softer, more reasoned, and the
statements more moderate.
Examples:
"Alabama belongs to all of us - black and white, young and old,
rich and poor alike."
Inaugural Speech
January, 1971
Representative Fred Gray of Tuskegee, says of Wallace:
"George is Interested in his image being as nationally oriented
as possible, along with that, he wants a good racial image."
Detroit Free Pressi
March 21, 1971
On Vietnam:
"We could have won if we had wanted to win. Now we are going
to have to fight just to pullout."
Birmingham News
April 3, 1971
Issues
In no specific order, Governor Wallace has said the issues for next year
will be schools, the economy, high taxes and foreign policy.
In his appeal to the blue-collar worker Wallace has recognized the im-
portance of the economic issue.
-3-
The issue that will most likely determine Wallace's candidacy is the
economy. He said:
"if the economy is bad and the inflationary spiral continues,
that would increase the likelihood of another campaign."
Pittsburg Press
February 26, 1971
"What Mr. Nixon failed to point out is that his own policies
of deficit federal spending have far more to do with causing
Inflation than do the honest wages earned by construction
workers.'
The Wallace Stand (Newsletter)
April, 1971
"Since our working men and women form the backbone of our
economy, America is faced with economic peril. A tax revolt
Is brewing! Until the unfair burden is taken from the
shoulders of the average taxpayer -- we shall continue our
cause.
George Wallace Newsletter
February, 1971
emphasis not added
Recently, the Supreme Court busing decision provided Wallace with another
1972 campaign issue. Governor Wallace plans to file suit to force the
reopening of some of the schools and to stop busing.
The Governor said that if he decides to run in 1972, the Supreme Court
decision on busing would be a key issue.
Governor Wallace made an issue of the Calley verdict saying that the
President should pardon Lt. Calley; however, there is no indication now
that this will be an issue in 1972.
Polls
A poll of machinists' union members in Illinois showed surprising strength
for Alabama's Governor Wallace for President.
The poll taken in mid-April, indicated that the machinists favored Senator
Muskie, followed by George Wallace and President Nixon third.
-4-
President Nixon and Governor Wallace matched with various Democrats:
Muskle
58%
Wallace
21
Nixon
20
Humphrey
52%
Wallace
25
Nixon
25
Kennedy
52%
Wallace
26
Nixon
21
Birmingham News
May 6, 1971
A Gallup poll shows that if the presidential election were being held to-
day, the candidacy of Governor Wallace would eliminate the slim lead Mr.
Nixon has over Mr. Muskie. The poll says the lead Mr. Nixon holds can be
attributed largely to the South where Mr. Nixon has a 3 to I edge over
Muskie.
With Wallace in the Race
Muskie
44%
Nixon
44
Wallace
9
Undecided
3
Wallace Not A Candidate
Nixon
48%
Muskie
46
Undecided
6
Baltimore Sun
January 28, 1971
of State
of National
A. State
Wallace Vote
Total Vote
Wallace Vote
*Alabama
689,009
66.0%
6.96%
Florida
624,207
28.6
6.30
Texas
584,269
19.0
5.90
*Georgia
535,550
43.3
5.41
*Louisiana
530,300
48.3
5.35
North Carolina
496,188
31.3
5.01
Tennessee
424,792
34.1
4.29
*Mississippi
415,349
63.5
4.19
Virginia
321,272
23.7
3.23
*Arkansas
235,627
38.7
2.38
South Carolina
215,430
32.3
2.17
*States carried by Wallace
B. Candidate
Vote
Nixon Plurality of Total Vote
Nixon
5,120,960
34.63%
Humphrey
4,573,254
+ 547,706
30.93
Wallace
5,072,554
+ 48,406
34.30
Other
21,108
.14
14,787,876
II
Non-Southern States (39)
Candidate
Vote
Nixon Plurality : Total Vote
Nixon
26,662,823
45.52%
Humphrey
26,692,752
-
29,929
45.57
Wallace
4,825,989
+ 21,836,834
8.24
Other
390,528
.67
58,572,092
111 Major Metropolitan Areas National Summary
(Based on the 35 largest metropolitan areas)
GOP
Democrat
AIP
Total
Plurality
of National Vote
AIP % Total Vote
Cities
4,418,542
7,310,668
990,862
12,720,072
2,892,126D
17.34%
7.78%
Suburbs
8,420,152
7,247,367
1,724,572
17,392,091
1,172,785R
23.71%
9.91%
Totals
12,838,694
14,558,035
2,715,434
30,112,163
1,719,3410
41.05%
5.70%
IV Population Group Voting (Wallace Percent)
Source: NBC Sample Precinct Analysis on Election Night
Urban-Suburban
Income
High
Middle
Low
Rural
Negro
Italian
Slavic
Union
Jewish
Latin American
East
2
8
7
10
I
9
9
8
2
3
Midwest
2
9
10
9
0
12
13
13
3
--
South
16
32
25
41
2
--
--
--
--
I
West
2
8
4
9
2
--
--
9
--
2
National
5
13
12
21
I
10
11
10
2
--
Population Group Voting
Source: CBS Sample Precinct Analysis on Election Night
% Total Vote
GOP
Democrat
AIP
A. Urban-Rural Cleavage
Cities 500,000 +
34%
59%
7%
Cities 50,000 - 500,000
40
51
9
Small Cities
45
46
8
Suburbs
51
40
9
Rural - SmallTowns
48
37
16
B. Party Identification
Highly Democrat
19%
75%
6%
Moderately Democrat
39
51
10
Independent
47
44
9
Moderately Republican
57
35
9
Highly Republican
62
25
13
C.
Income Levels
High Income
54%
39%
6%
Middle Income
43
47
10
Low Income
40
49
11
VI Lower-Income Whites: Source of Wallace Strength
Source: U.S. News & World Report, November 18, 1968
Areas
GOP
Democrat
AIP
Philadelphia - 2 wards
33%
55%
12%
New York City - 4 assembly districts.
33
61
6
San Francisco - 5 precincts
44
48
8
Los Angeles - 7 precincts
35
47
18
% Total Vote
GOP
Democrat
AIP
Detroit - 5 precincts
9%
73%
18%
Chicago - I ward
23
66
II
Cleveland - 5 precincts
12
67
21
Winston-Salem - 3 precincts
47
18
35
Charlotte, N.C. - 4 precincts
54
18
28
Asheboro, N.C. - 3 townships
50
18
32
Houston - 5 precincts
18
50
32
V11 Union-Labor Vote: Many Defected to Wallace
Source: U.S. News & World Report, November 18, 1968
Areas
GOP
Democrat
AIP
Philadelphia - 4 wards
32%
54%
14%
New York City -- 4 assembly districts
35
60
5
San Francisco - 5 precincts
14
80
6
Los Angeles - 6 precincts
56
35
9
Detroit - 5 precincts
17
69
14
Chicago - I ward
30
53
17
Gary, Ind. - I precinct
42
29
29
Cleveland - 2 precincts
35
47
18
Houston - 5 precincts
35
35
30
196
WALLACE PROFILE
In their efforts to find solutions to the last eight years of Democratic
mismanagement and maladministration, many conscientious Americans have
become increasingly aware of Alabama's former governor, George Corley Wallace.
Once thought to appeal only to the small percentage of segregationists
in the United States, Governor Wallace has made large gains in public popular-
ity since the beginning of his third-party Presidential campaign. The basis
for that rise in popularity may be traced to two sources within the electorate.
First. Before Wallace began taking his campaign to the whole country,
he was largely unknown outside the South. Many knew of Wallace -- perhaps
from his stand in the school house door; but few knew about Wallace.
Second. Wallace has based his campaign on four important but -- in his
mouth -- ambiguous concepts. In their normal or ordinary sense, these concepts:
1. increased emphasis on law and order;
2. reduced government spending;
3. reliance on local government, and
4. respect for the Constitution,
are well regarded by responsible Americans. However, in the rhetoric of
George Wallace their meaning becomes obscured and often disappears,
It is becoming apparent that many Americans who harbor no ill-will toward
Negro Americans, who are encouraged that generations of discrimination and
inequality are finally coming to an end, are nevertheless also interested by
these other aspects of George Wallace.
The Wallace record before 1968, however, stands in flat contradiction to
what Wallace says in 1968. The disparity between Wallace words and Wallace deeds
is evident at every point in his appeal to voters in 1968. This profile seeks
to provide a sketch of George Wallace by comparing his words and his deeds.
(Further background and biographical material can be found at the end
of this paper together with some of the unfortunate aspects of Wallace's
career.)
Law and Order
George Wallace talks about cutting the crime rate and establishing more
law and order. During Wallace's Administration the crime rate in Alabama
increased faster than it did in the nation as a whole even though during that
same period the crime rate in the nation was rising faster than ever before.
Government Spending
George Wallace often promises an end to big government spending and
an end to heavy taxation. During his Administration Wallace became the biggest
spender in Alabama's history. These increases were largely supported through
deficit finance and increased taxes.
Reliance on Local Government
Wallace has supported every Federal grant-in-aid, every Federal welfare
program, every Federal construction project, every Federal aid to education
program. He has sought every dole available from the Federal government, publicly
denounced the accompanying controls, and quietly accepted those controls in order
to receive the funds.
The Constitution
Polls show that many citizens feel they are for Wallace because he is calling
for a return to sound, constitutional government. George Wallace often talks about
new or renewed respect for the Constitution. He derides the way in which the
Supreme Court of the United States interprets the Constitution.
-3-
He is deceiving our citizens. He had no qualms, for instance, about
trying to have Alabama's constitution changed when he found that he was barred
from succeeding himself by the laws of Alabama. His response was to run his
wife, the late Governor Lurleen Wallace, as his stand-in. One must have doubts
about how our nation's Constitution might fare under such a man.
In sharp contrast with the flavor of his current promises, both
Wallace administrations were marked with many scandals -- some involving
men high in the Wallace campaign organization. His record is not that of a
man who did anything about problems -- except of course to talk about them.
These are the kinds of things that George Wallace has said to Americans
in those areas in which his racial appeal finds little support. These are
the records of his performance in the past. It is to those Americans who
have been misled by this phase of the Wallace appeal that this profile is
directed.
PROFILE
George Wallace is a student and protege of former Alabama Governor James
(Big Jim, Kissin' Jim) Folsom. Whenever Governor Wallace criticizes the "liberal"
past of men like Governor Reagan or Mr. Nixon, his own record of Folsomite liberal-
ism should be sharply brought to his attention.
Folsomism was a mixture of the old southern populist "share-the-wealth"
statist economics that brought Huey Long, Lyndon Johnson, Eugene Talmadge,
Theodore Bilbo and other Southern big spenders to national attention. Wallace
was nurtured in this tradition.
-4-
George Wallace spent six years in the Alabama legislature, four of them
during Folsom's Administration when he was a consistent and loyal supporter
of Governor Folsom and his policies. He managed the South Alabama campaign
of Governor Folsom in 1954.
Folsom's 1948 platform, when he tried to get an abortive third party
presidential movement going, included a pledge to "cover the entire United
States with TVA to expand Federal benefits for roads, schools and buildings
and urged a general welfare tax to support everybody over 65 years of age. In
those days Wallace enthusiastically supported those programs. He was all for
big government spending.
During the term of Governor Gordon Persons, who served between Folsom's
two administrations, Wallace was considered to be, according to one Persons
dministration official, "the leading liberal in the legislature, no doubt
about that. He was regarded as a dangerous left-winger. A lot of people
even looked on him as downright pink. "
Like the Wallace program of today, Folsomism supported all the Federal
aid programs that were available -- and asked for more. And again, like the
Wallace program of today, Folsomism wanted this Federal money to be supplied
with no Federal control over its use -- in other words, the people of the
nation who were to supply the money to the State of Alabama were not supposed
to be able to say whether the money was to be spent wisely, fairly, honestly,
and without discrimination. According to Wallace and Big Jim Folsom, this
was just a matter of local control.
Wallace repudiated Folsomism in his race for governor in 1958, although
up to that time he had been one of Folsom's strongest supporters. The real
reason for the bresk was brought out recently in a biography of Wallace:
-5-
Nallace was afraid that public sentiment had turned against Folsom because of
his drinking and because he had entertained then-Congressman Adam Clayton Powell
2/
in the Governor's mansion.
Because of this fear, Wallace decided to run
against Folsomism. Voters noted, however, that the George Wallace who was now
promising to clean up Folsomism was the same George Wallace who had been Big
Jim Folsom's south Alabama campaign manager only four years earlier, and that
during that campaign Wallace had repeatedly told audiences that he thought the
big spending Folsom Administration, which had been noted for graft and corruption,
was a good one. "If that's Folsomism, then I'm for Folsomism," Wallace repeatedly
told crowds.
Wallace's Campaigns
The most noteworthy feature of Wallace's two campaigns for the governor-
ship was his vote-bidding and his sudden turn away from Folsomism.
In the 1958 race, when his opponent was former Attorney General John
Patterson, Wallace campaigned on a promise to "save the state from Folsomism."
Nevertheless, most of the old Folsom supporters were in Wallace's camp when
the votes were counted.
But his ability to be all things to all men also won the Wallace campaign
the support of the leading Alabama dailies, and the leading Alabama businessmen,
both of whom supported him because of his "anti-Folsomite" stand, and the sup-
port of the Alabama AFL-CIO. It should be noted that Wallace, in order to get.
the support of the Alabama labor bosses, promised to repeal the state right-to-
work law if elected.
As for the vote-buying, Wallace learned his lesson well. Patterson, in
the 1958 campaign, promised a state old age pension averaging $75 per month.
-6-
Wallace never committed himself to a specific figure. Big Jim Folsom is reported
to have told Wallace during that campaign:
George, I taught you better than that, didn't I?
the only answer to a $75 pension program is an
$80 pension promise.
Wallace never forgot that. In the 1962 campaign, running against Folsom.
himself, Wallace heard his opponent come out for an $80 monthly pension pledge.
Wallace kicked off his campaign with a promise of $100. Then, declaring he had
studied the state' revenues and found some extra money, he upped that to $110.
5/
(The average old age pension in Alabama today is about $80.)
The other thing that Wallace never forgot was the race issue. In 1958
Wallace, who to that time had taken somewhat of a moderate stance on the ques-
tion of race (though he always supported full segregation) was faced with an all
out racist campaign from Patterson, who campaigned with support from the Ku Klux
Klan. After his defeat, Wallace stated that Patterson had "out-segged" (some
versions say "out-niggered") him, but that he would never be out-segged again.
He wasn't. In 1962, it was Wallace who had support from the Klan.
Wallace refused to repudiate his support from the Klan, even though he had
come down hard on the Klan during the 1958 race. At that time he said his oppo-
nent was "rolling in a new wave of the Klan and its terrible tradition of lawless-
"
ness.
Wallace received the support of Jewish groups and the NAACP, mostly
because of his opposition to the Klan.
But four years later, determined not to be "out-segged" again, Wallace
launched no attacks on the Klan. Turning his back on his earlier repudiation
of the Klan, Wallace at the same time repudiated the good people who believed
him when he promised to oppose lawlessness and terror. The Klan was for Wallace,
and Wallace never repudiated them. Four years carlier he had told the voters
-7-
of Alabama that the election of John Patterson "would put starch in all those
dirty bedsheets. " In 1962 the starch in the sheets was manufactured by George
Wallace.
Wallace as Governor
Wallace's term as governor was a mixture of racist policies where there
was publicity to be gained, loud talk against the Federal government, and being
always first in line for the Federal handouts.
Wallace always maintains that he is only taking back what the Federal
government took from Alabama in the first place in taxes. Yet there is no
record of Wallace ever calling for a reduction in Federal domestic spending
programs that make high taxes necessary in the first place. Moreover, the
statistics show that between two and two and a half dollars are received by
Alabama from the Federal government for every one dollar Alabamans pay in
8/
Federal taxes.
One Member of Congress once said of Wallace, "he's a fiscal liberal if I
ever saw one. In fact, he's a liberal on just about everything except civil
rights. He cusses the Federal government, but it's always on something relating
to civil rights. He doesn't turn down a nickel of Federal matching funds on
anything. If there's a Federal-State welfare program that he's against, I
9/
don't know what it is. "
The meaning of fiscal integrity has escaped George Wallace. Indeed, it is
difficult to say which government has the worse record on the question of fiscal
sanity -- the Administration of Lyndon Johnson or the Administration of George
Wallace. But then they both come out of the same Southern-populist "something
for nothing" economic philosophy.
-8-
During Wallace's term as governor the State spent more money than under
any governor in the State's history, according to "Congressional Quarterly. "
An indication of Wallace's "constitutionalism" can be seen in the way
he changes the meaning of his words to suit the political winds. In his
inaugural address in 1963, Wallace promised "Segregation now, Segregation
tomorrow, Segregation forever. " But in 1967 and 1968, as he is seeking to get
national approval of his candidacy, he tells newsmen who remind him of his
words, "That could have been phrased very well as, 'local government today,
10/
local government tomorrow, and local government forever. 111
Americans must ask themselves whether they want a man to give meaning to
our laws who is himself capable of distorting the meaning of words when it suits
him?
RECORD
Crime
George Wallace says the big issue in 1968 is going to be "law and order.
11/
Crime in the streets. The people are going to be fed up
"
Governor Wallace
should know. IN EVERY CATEGORY BUT TWO THE CRIME RATE INCREASED FASTER IN ALABAMA
DURING THE WALLACE ADMINISTRATION THAN IT INCREASED NATIONALLY DURING THE SAME
YEARS.
Here are the figures, taken from the FBI Uniform Crime Reports for 1963
and 1966 -- the years George Wallace was Governor of Alabama:
The TOTAL CRIME rate (per 100,000 inhabitants) increased NATIONALLY
29.0 percent.
The TOTAL CRIME rate increased IN ALABAMA 42.4 percent.
The FORCIBLE RAPE rate increased NATIONALLY 40.2 percent.
The FORCIBLE RAPE rate increased IN ALABAMA 70.2 per cent.
-9-
The AGGRAVATED ASSAULT rate increased NATIONALLY 30.1 percent.
The AGGRAVATED ASSAULT rate increased IN ALABAMA 39.9 percent.
The BURGLARY rate increased NATIONALLY 24.9 percent.
The BURGLARY rate increased IN ALABAMA 39.9 percent.
The LARCENY rate increased NATIONALLY 32.8 percent.
The LARCENY rate increased IN ALABAMA 44.5 percent.
The AUTO THEFT rate increased NATIONALLY 32.3 percent.
The AUTO THEFT rate increased IN ALABAMA 44.5 percent.
Only in the categories of murder and robbery did Alabama not outpace
the national crime rate increase.
Fiscal Policy
During Wallace's term as governor the State spent more money than under
any governor in the State's history, according to Congressional Quarterly.
Here is the fiscal record of George Wallace:
- Highway bonded indebtedness -- up $125 million.
- Education bond issues -- up $146 million.
- Seaport facilities improvement -- $10 million.
- Expansion of state docks -- $3 million.
- Industrial development -- $2.6 million.
- Huntsville Space Center Museum -- $1.9 million.
TOTAL HIGHWAY AND GENERAL BONDED INDEBTEDNESS -- $288.5 million.
State spending increased under Wallace from $963 million in 1962 to $1.44
billion today.
-10-
Under Wallace's "second Term" in which his wife, Lurleen, served as a
figurehead to get around the Alabama Constitutional provision prohibiting a
governor from succeeding himself, indebtedness continued to increase -- Governor
Claude Kirk of Florida estimates the total increase in Alabama's debt at $750
million -- a tripling of the State's debt existing before Wallace took office.
Taxes:
- Beer tax -- doubled, to 4 cents a bottle.
- Sales tax -- up from 4 to 5 cents on the dollar.
- Cigarette taxes - up from 6 to 7 cents a pack.
- Additional taxes were imposed on hotel and motel bills.
Constitutional Government
In his famous "Stand in the School House Door" in 1963, Governor Wallace
called for "strict adherence to the Constitution of the United States as it was
written." But he doesn't believe in that same strict adherence to the Alabama
Constitution. That document clearly states that a governor may not succeed
himself. George Vallace first tried to get the Alabama legislature to amend
the constitution, and failing that, ran his wife promising that he would
continue as de facto governor. Wallace promised that if his wife was elected,
"I'm gonna be her No. 1 assistant and we're gonna go on doing things just like
we've been doing them." (Ray Jenkins, New York Times Magazine, 4/24/66).
Wallace " still acts as governor from his office directly across the hall
from the executive suite (sometimes, late in the afternoon after Lurleen has
returned to the mansion, he abandons even that appearance, quickly crosses the
hall and serenely continues his work, his telephone calls and conferences,
from behind her desk). He still personally draws up the programs and strives
with the legislatures to get them passed, and the lobbyists and legislators
-11-
still approach him directly
"
(Atlantic Monthly, August 1967). Does
this sound like a man who respects the letter and spirit of constitutional
government?
In addition to the evasion of the clear intent of the Alabama Constitution,
George Wallace has been misusing Alabama State employees in his campaign for
the Presidency. Governor Kirk estimates that the salaries and expenses of the
Alabama state employees working full-time on the Wallace Presidential Campaign
come to $300,000 a year. Kirk estimates that if all costs to the State of
Alabama were figured in, instead of just salaries paid to State employees to
do non-official political work for Wallace, the total cost would come to
$750,000.
Wallace's "constitutionalism" consists mostly of rhetorical attacks upon
various figures in the Federal Court system. He does not offer any interpretation
12/
of the Constitution, he states only that he "believes in it as it was written.
That statement has, by itself, absolutely no meaning. Anyone who says it does,
does not know what he is talking about. The Supreme Court of the United States is
the only body officially authorized to say what the Constitution says. Wallace's
"constitutionalism" is quite simply a lot of long-winded, semantic jiggery pokery.
Anytime anyone says George Wallace is for constitutional government, ask
him what he means -- how does George Wallace propose to change the way we live
under the Constitution.
Scandals in Government
In 1968 two scandals threatened Wallace's repeated claims of honesty in
government.
-12-
A suit was filed in Montgomery on April 4, charging that State Finance
Director Seymore Trammell -- who also serves as manager of the Wallace for
President campaign -- was a party in a conspiracy to fix prices for asphalt
paving contracts, and to force kickbacks or campaign contributions from the
favored bidders.
Trammell was appointed to his job as state finance director when Wallace
took office in 1962.
According to the suit, the conspiracy costs Alabama taxpayers from $2 to
$4 million more than they need to pay for asphalt if the bidding were not rigged.
Among the companies named in the suit were the Wiregrass Construction Co.
of Montgomery, incorporated only a year after Wallace took office. Its presi-
dent is the brother of the company secretary, who was Wallace's aid and chauffeur
during the 1962 governor's race.
Another company involved in the price fixing charges is the American
Materials & Supply Co. of Gadsden, the State's biggest single supplier of
asphalt. The firm was incorporated just a week before Wallace's inauguration
as governor in January 1963. The secretary-treasurer of the firm was a long-
time Wallace backer and advisor to Wallace on Minority groups in his 1964
13/
Indiana primary campaign.
Another growing scandal is the liquor situation. Alabama has a state-
owned liquor system, with county-option prohibition. In 1962 Wallace campaigned
on a promise to "abolish the evil practice of paying off political debts with
commissions on the sales of whiskey to the State of Alabama. Up to that time
agents of distillers were under heavy pressure to contribute to political powers
in order to get contracts for their companies 1.0 supply liquor to Alabama's
state-owned monopoly.
-13-
When Wallace took office he immediately ordered the State's Alcoholic
Beverage Control Board to notify the distillers that paid agents were no
longer necessary.
Wallace then imposed a 3 percent license tax on the distillers who sold
to the State of Alabama. The distillers, who had agreements with other state-
owned liquor agencies not to sell to anyone at a lower price then was offered
them, chose not to sell to Alabama, under the license agreement. Immediately,
The Montgomery Wine Company, headed by a long-time friend of Wallace who had
no previous experience in the liquor business, was formed, and landed a fat
contract with the State. The tax, it turned out, was to be figured on the
basis of the distiller's previous year's sales to the State -- which clearly
favored the new company at the expense of the established sellers. Montgomery
Wine bought whiskey from a small distiller and bottled it under unknown brand
names. The company has no employees and isn't listed in the phone book.
Two other firms, located in Baltimore, Maryland, also were formed imme-
diately after the Wallace Administration took over. Neither firm, Montebello
Liquors, Inc., and Majestic Distilling Company, ever had produced whiskey before
the Wallace reign. Montebello retained the Montgomery law firm of Gallion and
Hare to represent them in Alabama. MacDonald Gallion, at the time the firm WE.S
retained, had just finished a term as Alabama's Attorney General, a post to
which he was re-elected in 1966. His firm still represents Montebello Liquors.
The three firms, using private "house-brand" labels, today dominate
Alabama's liquor business. National brands are available only in large-size
bottles. The prices of the house brands are generally higher than the prices
for the same quality nationally advertised bran's that prevailed before the
Wallace Administration Look office.
-14-
The situation has become so bad that a lawsuit was filed in 1966 charging
that the three companies "paid substantial monies directly or indirectly, by
way of commissions, fees or otherwise one or more agents or persons" in Alabama
14/
because of ABC Board purchases. The suit is awaiting trial.
BIOGRAPHY
Born: August 25, 1919, Clio, Alabama
Education: University of Alabama Law School, LL.B., 1942
Religion: Methodist
Affiliations: American Legion, Veterans of Foreign Wars, Masons,
Alabama Council for Better Schools.
Profession: Lawyer
George Corley Wallace was born in Clio (Barbour County), Alabama, in the
southeastern corner of the state. His father, George C. Wallace, was a farmer
and local politician. Upon the elder Wallace's death, mortgage holders
foreclosed on all the family property except the home in Clio.
Wallace has two brothers and one sister. Jack, now Alabama's Third
Judicial Circuit Judge, succeeded Wallace to that position in the November
1958 election. Gerald, a Montgomery attorney, was a close confidant of George
Wallace during his gubernatorial term. Wallace's sister, Marianne, married
Montgomery salesman Alton Dauphin.
Wallace attended Barbour County High School, where he was senior class
president and a member of the debating team, quarterbacked for the school foot-
ball team and twice won the State Golden Gloves bantam-weight boxing title
(1936-37). He entered the University of Alabama in the fall of 1937. He occasion-
ally fought under both his own and an assumed name on the "smoker" boxing circuit
of those days.
-15-
Wallace received his law degree from the University of Alabama Law School
in 1942. In the same year, he enlisted in the Air Corps and contracted a
nearly fatal case of spinal meningitis that left him partially deaf.
On May 23, 1943, Wallace married Lurleen Burns, who 23 years later succeeded
him as Governor of Alabama. They met while she was a clerk in a Kress chain
store.
Early Political Career
Wallace's first political venture occurred at age 13 when he knocked on
neighborhood doors in behalf of Fred Gibson, a Democratic candidate for secretary
of state. Although Gibson lost the race, he did carry Wallace's hometown of Clio.
In 1935, Wallace served as a page in the Alabama Senate. Always active in
campus politics, he won election as president of his freshman class at the
University of Alabama, but lost a race for president of the student body in
his senior year. Wallace was particularly close to former Gov. Chauncey
Sparks of Barbour County.
After his discharge from the Army Air Corps, Wallace was appointed an
assistant attorney general of Alabama earning $175 per month. In November
1946, he won election from Barbour County to the Alabama House of Representa-
tives as a Democrat. Two of the more important bills bearing his name are the
Wallace Trade School Act (1948), providing for the construction of vocational
schools, and the Wallace Industrial Act (1952), which authorized Alabama
towns to issue municipal bonds and was credited with bringing 100 new industries
into the state within 10 years of its passage. Wallace was twice voted an out-
standing legislator by his fellow state Representatives. Throughout his six
years in the state House, Wallace maintained a law practice in Clayton, dealing
primarily with wills and estates. He also undertook the defense in several
criminal cases.
-16-
Wallace began to receive national attention during the 1948 Democratic
National Convention, when he led an unsuccessful floor fight against a strong
civil rights platform plank submitted by Northern Democrats -- an occasion
that brought Hubert Humphrey national fame. He backed Sen. Richard B. Russell
(D-Ga.) for the Presidential nomination in 1948. Representing Alabama on the
1956 Democratic National Convention Platform Committee, Wallace was instrumental
in achieving adoption of a compromise civil rights plank acceptable to Southern
Democrats.
While a member of the state Legislature, Wallace ran successfully for
judge of the Alabama Third Judicial Circuit, serving from 1953 to 1959. In
1955, he sentenced a white man to life imprisonment for slaying a Negro; it
was the first such conviction in Alabama in several years. A friend of Wallace's
recalled that "George was a good judge, fair, courteous, decisive in his rulings,
15/
but his heart wasn't in it. He's a fighter, not a referee.
In 1958, Wallace and state Attorney General John Patterson qualified for
the Democratic gubernatorial run-off primary, edging out 12 other candidates.
Wallace received 26.3 percent of the total vote. Although both men's platforms
were similar, Wallace appeared to be the more moderate of the two candidates.
He disavowed the Ku Klux Klan, which backed Patterson, and received a "favorable"
rating from the Alabama Labor Council (AFL-CIO) and the support of several
prominent Negroes. Patterson won the June 3 runoff, tantamount to election in
November by a 64,902-vote plurality (55.7 percent). Wallace reportedly declared,
16/
"They out-niggered me that time, but they'll never do it again. "
Wallace then returned to his court to complete the remaining months of his
judicial term.
-17-
After his judicial term expired Jan. 19, 1959, Wallace joined his brother,
Gerald, in a Montgomery law office. But for the next three years he devoted
the bulk of his time to campaigning for the 1962 gubernatorial race, making
numerous appearances throughout the state. Keeping his 1958 pledge in mind,
Wallace ran on a militant segregationist platform. He promised to resist all
efforts "of the Federal courts, the Justice Department and the Civil Rights
Commission to destroy our social and educational order." He vowed to keep
Alabama schools segregated "to the point of standing in the school house door
if necessary. This time he was backed by the Ku Klux Klan.
Election as Governor. At the May 1, 1962, primary election, Wallace was
the frontrunner in a seven-man contest, winning 207, votes (32.5 percent).
In the May 29 runoff election he faced the late Ryan deGraffenried, then a
state Senator and considered more moderate than Wallace on racial matters.
In the runoff, Wallace stepped up his campaign attacks on the Federal
courts, describing the Supreme Court as not having "the legal brains to try
a chicken thief." He called Federal Judge Frank Johnson, of the Northern
District of Alabama, "an integrating, scalawagging, carpetbagging, bald-
faced liar. " Wallace won the May 29 runoff primary with 55.9 percent of the
vote (a 608-vote plurality). He had only token opposition from independent
Frank Walls in the November general election.
Election of Mrs. Wallace
When Wallace, in October 1965, failed to get legislative approval of a
bill allowing him to seek a second consecutive term as Governor, he backed
his wife, Lurleen, for the post.
-18-
She won the May 3, 1966, Democratic primary by overwhelming nine other
candidates. In the Nov. 7 general election, she defeated her Republican
opponent, then U.S. Rep. James D. Martin (1965-67), by 537,505 votes (63.4 percent).
Elected Governor at age 40, Mrs. Wallace was the first woman to fill the
position in Alabama and the third woman Governor in U.S. history.
George Wallace became special assistant to his wife at a dollar-a-year
17/
salary. As Governor, she received $25,000 a year.
Conclusions
The record of George Corley Wallace speaks for itself. It is the record
of a man strongly interested in power politics. His unsubstantial kind of
something-for-nothing economic attitudes are an affront to the electorate which
he asks for support. His ideas of social harmony are an affront to the million
of Americans who look for decency in the relations between Americans. His
campaign "pledges" cannot but be of little value in the light of his past
performance. He is a man preying upon the genuine fears of troubled Americans.
A vote for George Wallace in November is not a protest against the Democrats
or the Republicans. It is a vote for no government at all. It is a vote against
the interest of all but a few people who would rather live in the 19th century
than the 20th. A vote for George Wallace is scarcely the act of a responsible
American.
FOOTNOTES
1/ "The Little Man,' by Marshall Frady, Saturday Evening Post, June 15, 1968,
P. 66. Excerpts from the biography, Wallace, by Marshall Frady, to be
published this year by New American Library.
2/ Ibid., PP. 66-67.
Human Events, January 27, 1968, P. 8.
4/ Montgomery Advertiser, May 1, 1958.
Human Events, January 27, 1968, P. 9.
6/ See Note 2.
71 Montgomery Advertiser, May 12, 1958.
8/ According to figures published by the Tax Foundation, Alabama received $2.00
in Federal grants-in-aid alone for every $1.12 it pays in taxes. These
figures do not take into account the vast expenditures Alabama receives
through the Redstone Arsenal, the Huntsville space center, Maxwell Air
Force Base, or the Federal salaries paid to Federal employees in Alabama.
Nor does it account for many forms of Federal welfare received by Alabama,
where the rate of people on welfare is the second highest in the nation.
When these items are included the estimates of Federal money spent in Alabama
per $1.00 of Federal taxes paid by Alabama rises to $2.50 -- or higher.
9/ Congressional Quarterly, September 1967, No. 39, Part I, P. 1923.
10/ Meet the Press, April 23, 1967.
11/ Interview with James Jackson Kilpatrick, National Review, April 18, 1967.
12/ Meet the Press, April 23, 1967.
13/ Washington Post, April 15, 1968, April 29, 1968; Birmingham News, Apr. 7, 1968.
14/ Washington Post, May 5, 1968.
15/ National Review, April 18, 1967, P. 405.
16/ This widely-quoted statement has appeared, among other places, in
Congressional Quarterly, Human Events, January 27, 1968, P. 9, and
Saturday Evening Post, June 15, 1968, P. 68.
11/ The foregoing biography of Wallace was prepared by Congressional Quarterly
and is reprinted by permissions from that publication's profile on George C.
Wallace, which appeared September 1967, No. 39, Part I, PP. 1920, ff.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction (Veterans)
Administration Programs
What The Critics Say
Census And Statistical Analysis
Veteran Organizations And Contacts
Calendar Of Veteran Events
Veteran News Outlets
Veterans and their families comprise 49 percent of the American
population. There are over 5 million Vietnam era veterans alone.
Including their immediate families, Vietnam veterans represent well
over 17 million potential votes. A successful, well-played campaign
to win their support could have a decisive impact on the 1972 elections.
This group is particularly critical in the 18 to 25 age category and may
well provide a balance to the volatile campus community.
We have already done fairly well with this sector. Quite literally,
we own the American Legion and the Veterans of Foreign Wars, the
two largest veterans' groups. Chief Rainwater of the Legion is now
running the Jobs for Veterans program and doing a full-time PR job for
us, traveling around the country developing contacts for us. With Mel
Stephens on the staff, we have also begun to make important in-roads
into the ranks of younger veterans; John O'Neill, the anti-Kerry man,
is only one example. But we can probably still do better. Veterans'
groups are one of the best organized and politically powerful special
interest groups in the country. Their press is sophisticated and potent,
reaching literally tens of millions of people each month. We can and
should take every advantage of this.
The two principal concerns of veterans' groups are our foreign
policy and our veterans benefit programs. We have them sold on the
first despite considerable conservative criticism of our military posture
and the President's trip to China. As for the second, our program is
basically very good, but one for which we get little credit. The Vietnam
Veterans is a largely untapped potentially Republican resource. To
encourage his movement in our direction, it is recommended that GI
education benefits be increased (under consideration) and the recruitment
of bright, young people for the Veterans' Administration be stepped up
(in process).
It is recommended that a substantial part of our efforts this year
and next be focused on the younger veteran. We believe that building
up the younger veteran and his support for President Nixon can not only
bring us veteran votes, but also increase our support in the broader
national community. If the public has other kinds of youth with which to
identify, we believe that it will be less likely to focus its attention
exclusively on the campus community and its particular concerns.
Whether we like it or not, we live in a youth-worshipping society. This being
so,we can and should make an effort to identify and develop alternative
youth symbols which can be brought before the public. In doing so, we will
help to "legitimize" support for President Nixon from youth-concerned
parents and others.
For all these reasons, it is recommended that we get somebody
to work full-time at the Citizens' Committee on veterans. He should
coordinate with Chuck Colson and work with Colson and Don Johnson on
PR and, as time permits, substantive initiatives as well. His duties
would include communications (supplementing present VA releases
with articles, columns, interviews, etc. for veterans' magazines),
speakers (working with Pat O'Donnell in placing key spokesmen at key
meetings; working on his own in key states to develop local Nixon
speaking teams and placing them in local veterans' events), organizational
liaison (continual stroking of major veterans' groups, pushing Colson
for Presidential letters, messages, possible visits, etc. ), and
development of a solid Nixon veterans' organization. Mel Stephens, who
has returned to law school, has already done a considerable amount of
work in this field and he should be plugged in at Citizens next summer,
but we should not suspend what has been done until then.
Charles P. Collins (resume attached), now at Labor, should be
tied in. As an outside contact Anthony McDonald, a young veteran now
serving as Director of National Security for the Veterans of Foreign
Wars, is useful.
Approve
Disapprove
If approved, please indicate an approximate date when this person
should be brought on board the campaign staff.
Date to Hire
CHARLES P. COLLINS, III
Address
5919 Birchbrook Drive, 126
Dallas, Texas 75206
Telephone (214) 363-4838
Job
Objective
Seeking a challenging career where advancement and management opportunities are not
solely based on seniority or longevity but rather on the talent and ability of the
individual to perform the job.
Education
B.A. in Psychology from Marquette University, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, June 1966.
Marquette Institute of Foreign Language, Koln, Germany, 1964.
Military
Service
U.S. Navy. Three tours in Vietnam as Officer in Charge of U.S. Navy Beach Jumper
detachments. Military service completed in 1969.
Previous
Positions
September 1965 to April 1966 - Varsity Travel Bureau, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Business
and Sales Manager.
June 1966 to July 1969 - U.S. Navy, Beach Jumper Unit ONE, Coronado, California,
Officer in Charge BJU Team ELEVEN.
August 1969 to October 1969 - Computer Age Industries, Inc., Fairfax, Virginia,
Placement Officer.
November 1969 to April 1971 - Electronic Data Systems Corporation, Dallas, Texas,
Recruiting Staff and Industrial Management Staff.
Experience As Business Manager of the Varsity Travel Bureau, had responsibility for management of
the company. Directed and conducted consulting activities with area universities and
business enterprises. Planned and implemented several large charter contracts with
major U.S. transportation services. As sales manager, developed marketing schemes and
sales presentations; also designed promotional materials for travel tours.
As Officer in Charge, U.S. Navy BJU Team ELEVEN, supervised technical, logistical and
administrative functions of 50 officers and enlisted personnel. Directed all planning
and training operations in support of special Pacific Fleet operations and exercises.
As three times an Officer in Charge of U.S. Navy detachments deployed in Vietnam,
advised task force commanders concerning the employment of special operations in their
area of responsibility. Prepared and presented many briefings and reports to senior
Army and Navy Commanders.
As Chief evaluator on several projects, conducted research, development, testing and
evaluation of electronic warfare and psychological warfare equipment for the U.S. Navy.
Consulted with civilian contractors and made and implemented many equipment design
changes.
As Placement Officer for CAI, assisted in obtaining employment upon completion of
their education through contacting employers of EDP personnel and coordinating inter-
views with them.
As a Recruiter for EDS, worked daily with senior staff members and traveled extensively
in the Mid-west and North-east areas in search of qualified system engineers and
computer center operators. Have approximately 1,000 hours of direct interviewing
experience.
While on Industrial Management staff of a major EDS account, had overall respon-
sibility for planning, coordinating and implementing major internal data processing
procedures for the customer. Customer contact centered around working with division
vice presidents and department managers to develop and maintain manuals covering
procedures (both EDP and manual) and general administrative policies.
Honors and
Awards
National Honorary German Fraternity - Vice President, 1964-1965.
Awarded Navy Achievement Medal by the Secretary of the Navy, 1967.
Receiving Presidential Unit Citation, 1967.
Awarded Gold Star in lieu of second Navy Achievement Medal by the Secretary of the
Navy, 1968.
Received Meritorious Unit Commendation with one Bronze Star, 1968.
Received Letter of Commendation from Commanding Officer, Beach Jumper Unit ONE, 1969.
Personal
Single; Born 6-21-43 in Bradford, Pennsylvania; Interests: All athletic sports and
stock market.
References
Gary M. Griggs
Philip L. Moncrief
Electronic Data Systems Corp.
Electronic Data Systems Corp.
Dallas, Texas
Dallas, Texas
The following is a summary of where we stand with the nation's
20 million older Americans on issues. Arthur Flemming, Jamie
McLane, George Bell and Bud Evans have been charged with developing
a comprehensive political strategy as well.
Without taking anything away from what follows, we should
remember that it will only effect a minority of the older population.
"Our elderly" are generally very conservative and very interested in
essentially conservative issues; inflation and the social issue parti-
cularly. We're after Southern California and Florida retired people and
people in the farm belt. These are not people to whom the attached
will appeal significantly. They don't care as much as other sectors
about special benefits. They're used to working and what they care about
is keeping what they work for. What we must do is impress upon the
elderly our conservative issues and such special-interest action as the
provision in H. R. 1 raising the amount the elderly can earn while
retired without losing Social Security benefits. This will have much
more effect than what we do for the poor who cannot work.
We need some hard thought on how to reach the elderly. The
largest group of retired people, the Senior Citizens Council, is solidly
AFL/CIO. The American Association of Retired Persons, whom the
President addressed last month, is favorable, but only represents
3 million people. There are no other really large-size groups. Presi-
dential events following one another - the AARP speech followed by the visit
to the nursing home - is good, but not enough. We need to think
seriously about what we can do in reaching the retired person.
Presidential speeches and visits to Senior Citizen Centers and
Population Centers should give us the mass media attention we need.
Direct mailing may be another answer.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
August 18, 1971
DOMESTIC COUNCIL STUDY MEMORANDUM #16
MEMORANDUM FOR DIRECTOR, OMB
SECRETARY OF HEW
SECRETARY OF HUD
SECRETARY OF AGRICULTURE
SECRETARY OF DOT
SECRETARY OF LABOR
SECRETARY OF COMMERCE
FROM
JOHN EHRL
SUBJECT
Administration Strategy for the Aging
As you know, the President is anxious to develop a comprehensive
national strategy, with specific action programs, to improve the
quality of life, the dignity, and the productivity of the country's
20 million older people. As he stated recently in Nashua, New
Hampshire:
"The vast majority of Americans over 65 years of age are
eager and able to play a continuing role as active, independ-
ent participants in the life of our country. Encouraging
them to play this role and providing greater opportunities
for them to do so is a cornerstone of this Administration's
policy concerning older Americans. 11
We need a fundamental strategy for the aging along the same lines
as the strategy we have developed for this country's poor --- our in-
come strategy. One element of this strategy has already been developed
in the area of nursing homes. The President outlined the basic
plan of action in this area on August 6 (Tab A).
ORGANIZATION
To develop the overall comprehensive strategy with specific program
recommendations, the President asked that we create the Domestic
Page 2 - Aging
Council Committee on the Aging. This Committee will include
the addressees of this memorandum, as well as Arthur Flemming,
Chairman of the White House Conference on Aging. Joe Blatchford,
Director of Action; and Leonard Garment, Special Consultant to
the President are being asked to serve as consultants to the Committee.
Elliot Richardson has been asked to chair the Committee.
Each of the members of the Committee and the consultants to the
Committee are to appoint an assistant secretary level lead man to
the interdepartmental Working Group being formed to accomplish
the Committee's staff work. Jamie McLane, of the Domestic Council
staff, will chair the Working Group and will be the White House/
Domestic Council coordination point for all Administration activity
on the Aging. Your member of the Working Group should be desig-
nated to Jamie McLane not later than close of business August 20
in order that we may meet the tight time schedule imposed upon us
by events.
To conform to the budgeting decision cycle and to the demands of
the forthcoming White House Conference on the Aging, a prelimin-
ary options paper should be sent to the President by October 6.
Tab B outlines the proposed timetable for the next seven weeks.
FIRST STEPS
We have reviewed the 1970 report of the President's Task Force
on Aging, the Domestic Council Review on Aging conducted last
year, and the White House Conference on Aging's most recent find-
ings and have identified ten major areas of broad concern. These
areas are listed in Tab C, together with the Department which is
primarily responsible for developing and implementing our policy
recommendations for the particular area.
Tabs D (1) through D (10) contain a more detailed summary of this
review. The problem of each area has been outlined and the proposa
which have been advanced for both short-term administrative
actions and longer term initiatives have been listed.
Page 3 - Aging
These preliminary fact sheets need to be reviewed in depth, re-
vised and expanded into comprehensive background papers by each
of the lead agencies. A requested format for the background papers
is contained in Tab E. These background papers should be ready
for initial review by September 15 so that the Domestic Council Com-
mittee and Committee Work Group might begin deliberations as soon
as possible.
Attachments
cc:
Arthur S. Flemming
Joseph Blatchford
Frank Carlucci
Leonard Garment
James W. McLane
Information Cupies
All Domestic Council Members
Tab D - ]
1. HEALTH CARE
Almost all of the reports on Aging emphasize the need to make top
quality health services available to every American as a matter of
right, without regard to social position, income, race, or religion.
Current proposals for meeting the needs of America's elderly
include:
A. Nursing Homes
1. Action on the President's Chicago speech in which he
emphasized the critical condition of substandard
Nursing Homes.
2. The authorization of Rep. David Pryor's proposed
investigation of nursing homes in the House of
Representatives.
3. The training of nurses aides and orderlies in nursing
homes. Sen. Percy proposes a $17.5 million bill
to aid this over the next four years.
4. The training of medical assistants for nursing homes.
Sen. Percy proposes a $17.5 million program for
grants to medical schools over the next 4 years. He
suggests the schools' retraining of discharged armed
forces medical corpsmen.
5. The removal of the 100-day time limit on skilled nursing
home care for patients who continue to need care.
6. Strict federal enforcement of present standards for
nursing homes receiving federal funds. This will mean
elimination of the "substantial compliance" approval
given homes that are in violation of the law. Standards
needing upgrading and enforcement include:
a. physical environment (safety, electrical and mechanical
systems, elevators, nursing unit, all rooms)
b. manpower
C. plarmaceutical services (through FDA)
2
d. dietary services
e. restorative services
f. housekeeping services
7. Training of standards inspectors.
8. Publishing ratings, through HEW, for homes that
receive federal funds.
9.
Licensing of administrators and educational programs
for health administrators.
10. The identification, through, Congress and HEW, of nursing
home owners. These owners should be held legally
accountable for conditions in their homes.
B. Health Insurance
1.
The enactment of the Health Security Bill (S-3 and H. R. 22)
because it would pay 70% of the average citizen's health
expenses under a federally sponsored, national health
insurance. This could only be possible if we dissolved
Medicare and Medicaid.
Medicare
2.
Action on the President's Health Proposals which are still
in the Ways and Means and Finance Committee. The proposal
is aimed at a total reform of the medical system, creating
a partnership between governmental and private medical
programs to provide better services and facilities for all
citizens. The elderly are most affected because of increased
incidence of ill health. The Administration's proposal to
absorb the monthly Medicare premium of $5.60 is roughly
equivalent to an average of a 5 percent Social Security
increase.
3. Elimination of Part B premium charged for Medicare
doctor insurance. Medicare Part A.and Part B should be
combined with B paid for through taxes on rising payrolls
and federal general revenues.
3
4.
Health services for Medicare beneficiaries under
prepayment group health plans or other health
maintenance organizations.
5.
The full coverage of out-of-hospital prescription drugs
by Medicare. Presently Medicare only pays for drugs
or other medication prescribed during hospitalization.
Other proposals relating to drugs include:
a. The listing and selling of drugs by generic names.
b. Lowered drug costs.
c. The reimbursement of pharmacies at a rate to
include a fee for professional services not exceeding
that particular state or region's median fee.
6.
The abolishment of limitations on medical care. The
Medicare benefit program should cover the entire period
of treated illness or disability. Presently the patient
must pay a $60 initial fee, additional fees beyond 90 days
hospitalization, and additional fees after the limit of 100
visits during a spell of illness.
7. Complete Medicare coverage for the cost of dental care,
hearing aids, eye glasses, foot care or other prosthetic
services.
8.
Medicare coverage for health services provided in the
patient's home. Presently many patients remain in the
hospital too long or become confined to long-term care
institutions.
Medicaid
9.
Improvement and expansion of Medicaid not phasing out
as contemplated under a pending amendment to the
Social Security Act.
10. The control of Medicaid costs through the use of pre-
determined reimbursement rates for doctors and other
providers of health services and not through additional
charges to the patient.
4
C. Long-Term Care
1.
A bill which authorizes $35 million over the next four
years for grants to cover all or part of the cost of
projects for rehabilitation programs of aged in-patients
of long term care facilities or to assist such in-patients
to attain self-support or self-care.
2.
Coverage by Medicare for extended care facilities.
3.
The immediate development of programs of long term
care including such innovations as day care hospitals
and neighborhood health services. The Presidential
Task Force recommends financing of these services from
the Medicare Trust Fund.
4.
Development of a training program for those responsible
for patient care in order to emphasize rehabilitation of
long term care patients.
5. A bill to provide for a training program within the Public
Health Service for State inspectors of long term health
care facilities. $17.5 million is proposed to finance the
Public Health Service.
6.
An HEW study or federal programs which provide assistance
to the facilities and patients of long-term care in order to
develop greater uniformity under these programs and their
standards.
7.
An HEW study of the feasibility of one state agency having
the responsibility for administering the Medicaid program
and for licensing and inspecting long term care facilities.
D. Preventive Care
1.
The establishment of health centers, by the federal govern-
ment, across the nation offering patients diagnostic and
referral service and other preventive medical care.
2.
The development of these centers either adjacent to or part
of hospitals. In areas where this is not possible, mobile
health centers, with full preventive medical services should
be provided.
5
3.
Training of paramedical personnel at the proposed
health centers.
4. Medicare coverage for early diagnostic and preventive
measures.
5.
Financing from the Medicare Trust Fund for geriatric
health services which include preventive techniques
such as screening and health education.
E. Mental Health
1.
More psychiatric treatment for the elderly. This can
reduce personnel problems as well as many medical
costs for distrubed older persons.
2.
Complete Medicare coverage on out-patient psychiatric
care.
3.
Complete Medicare coverage for in-patient psychiatric
treatment after the 190 day life-time limitation.
4. The establishment of a commission on the Mental Health
of the Elderly.
LAWRENCE M. HIGBY
-
BIO SKETCH
1.
Age -- 26 years
2.
Married to the former Dolores Vivian Bramblett
One child -- Jennifer
3.
Residence -- Maryland
4.
Worked as an Executive Assistant at the Los Angeles
office of J. Walter Thompson -- 1967-1968.
5.
In June 1968 joined the Nixon for President campaign
and then on the Nixon transition committee as a staff
assistant.
6.
In January 1969 -- Became Staff Assistant to H. R. Haldeman
and is currently the Administrative Assistant to Mr. Haldeman.
7.
From Southern California -- Attended University of
California at Los Angeles -- Received BA June 1967 - Political
Science; one year additional in MBA program.
Activities:
(1) General representative to student legislative council;
(2) Vice President of student body;
(3) Selected outstanding student upon graduation;
(4) Member of Sigma Nu social fraternity;
(5) Vice President of Blue Key National Men's Honor
Society.