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This file contains:
Other Document Notes Regarding the New Media Book. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign], no date
From: H.R. Haldeman To: Patrick Buchanan RE: Monitoring of Democratic Activities. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 12/1/1971
From: George T. Bell To: Charles W. Colson RE: Labor Liason at the White House. 5 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/30/1971
From: Gordon Strachan To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Chapin, Colson, Dean, and Malek: Current and Future Projects. One page of handwritten notes attached. 3 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/30/1971
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WHSF: Contested, 16-6
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26145693
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WHSF: Contested, 16-6
description
This file contains:
Other Document Notes Regarding the New Media Book. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign], no date
From: H.R. Haldeman To: Patrick Buchanan RE: Monitoring of Democratic Activities. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 12/1/1971
From: George T. Bell To: Charles W. Colson RE: Labor Liason at the White House. 5 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/30/1971
From: Gordon Strachan To: H.R. Haldeman RE: Chapin, Colson, Dean, and Malek: Current and Future Projects. One page of handwritten notes attached. 3 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/30/1971
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Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
Contested Materials Collection
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Document Description
16
6
Campaign
Other Document
Notes Regarding the New Media Book. 2 pgs.
16
6
12/1/1971
Campaign
Memo
From: H.R. Haldeman To: Patrick Buchanan
RE: Monitoring of Democratic Activities. 1
pg.
16
6
9/30/1971
Campaign
Memo
From: George T. Bell To: Charles W. Colson
RE: Labor Liason at the White House. 5 pgs.
16
6
9/30/1971
Campaign
Memo
From: Gordon Strachan To: H.R. Haldeman
RE: Chapin, Colson, Dean, and Malek:
Current and Future Projects. One page of
handwritten notes attached. 3 pgs.
Wednesday, February 09, 2011
Page 1 of 1
NOTES REGARDING THE NEW MEDIA BOOK
In 1960, we had a worse job done on us than we did
in 1968, but we never corrected any of it, whereas,
JFK kicked them on every bad shot they gave him.
In 1962, we had the same deal in California.
In 1968, despite the overwhelming pounding we got
from the media, we survived. As a matter of fact,
both 1960 and 1968 were stand-offs as far as the
elections were concerned, despite the pounding that
the media gave Nixon.
One point that has to be gotten across is that the
public distrusts a lot of the press so that the press
has a credibility problem.
We need to set up a team to game plan this whole
thing - get a crew of listeners, run by a pro in the
key states on the local shows - not just the networks,
and then decide how to get at them - have powerful
people call the stations, etc. This has got to be
carefully worked out for the 1972 effort. We must
realize the importance of TV.
We need to work on every broadcast from now on and
the jumpoff point will be the publication of the book.
2
We need to start people talking about the book
how.
Get it out to everyone who counts and kill the networks
with it.
We need to get that study to all key advertisers - to the
Board of Directors of the networks, to station owners
around the country, and all other influential types.
Get a highly credible person or finance
and mail it
esp. got the summary of facts out
THE WHITE HOUSE
MS
WASHINGTON
December 1, 1971
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR:
PAT BUCHANAN
FROM:
H. R. HALDEMAN
SUBJECT:
Monitoring of Democratic
Activities
I want to make sure you understand the responsibility for
monitoring and generating response material for Democratic
candidates rests squarely with your office and that you are
actively involved in this process. There seems to be some
confusion about where this assignment rests and in order to
get rid of this confusion, let me assure you it is your responsibility.
L-FYE
September 30, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
CHARLES W. COLSON
SUBJECT:
Labor Liaison at the White House
Close, personal White House liaison with labor leaders
can result in political gains that cannot be accomplished
by trying to perform this function solely from the Labor
Department. White House liaison should be and now is
apart from involvement in substantive labor problems,
can operate in a freer atmosphere disengaged from these
controversies, and in an atmosphere somewhat above the
fray, be on a personal build-up basis.
As you know, status, recognition and personal prestige
are important ingredients of the total fabric of a
labor leader's wherewithal to control his constituency
and maintain his position. They are sensitive to it,
can exploit it, and respond to it. It is obvious that
White House attention carries with it the aura of
proximity to the President and has the most appeal and
impact. Further, its success builds the standing of
the President with labor leaders, which is the primary
objective.
Listed below are 5 functions which can best be performed
at the White House to serve that end:
1.
Personal cultivation of labor leaders.
There are many means that can be exercised
at the White House with positive results.
Listed below are a number of these which have
been utilized effectively and should be
expanded with full-time diligence:
a.
Personal visits and invitations to lunch.
I have had, and will continue to have,
labor leaders to lunch at the White House
Staff Mess to get acquainted and exchange
views. It has been very productive.
-2-
b.
Arranging invitations to White House
Worship Services, State Arrivals, and
other social events.
C.
Special mailings of items of interest with
personally-signed White House transmittal
letters.
d.
Arranging White House tours for labor leaders
and their wives. This is especially
effective as an adjunct to labor meetings
being held in Washington.
e.
Obtaining speakers for conventions and
meetings.
f.
Staff telephone calls after Presidential
announcements.
g.
Appointments to Presidential Boards and
Commissions.
M.
Most important of all, generating proper
opportunities for Presidential participa-
tion, consisting of:
(1) Non-substantive meetings with the
President in the Oval Office.
(2) Presidential speeches or drop-bys at
union events.
(3) Messages, letters and phone calls from
the President.
(4) Larger Cabinet Room meetings for brief-
ings by the President or exchanges of
views.
2.
Constituent service.
As a result of acquaintances developed from
the above-type activities, I have been presented
with many opportunities for constituent service.
-3-
When accomplished successfully, the impact
is tremendous because it shows tangible
results. This has included:
a.
Assistance in obtaining Federal jobs
for labor types, or individuals
supported by labor. This does not
always involve the Labor Department.
Some jobs have been obtained, and in
all instances constructive interviews
have been arranged.
b.
I have handled a number of problems
sons of labor leaders have had in the
military establishment, to great effect.
C.
Information requests have been fulfilled,
expedited or properly routed which, in
each case, give opportunity for affirma-
tive White House correspondence.
3.
Inter-departmental demands.
Many problems I have run across and seized
upon, or which have been presented to me, do
not involve the Labor Department and can be
handled more expeditiously by White House
liaison. These have consisted of:
a.
Liaison with Justice for the Teamsters
in a non-substantive way, and the pour-
ing of oil on the waters in connection
with actions by Justice.
b.
Expediting and attention at HUD regarding
Firefighters' problems with the Model
Cities program.
C.
Liaison and expediting at State relative
to labor attaches, as well as arranging
extra attention to foreign travels by
labor leaders.
d.
Being a go-between with Commerce relative
to problems with the Bureau of Standards
for the Firefighters, encouraging labor
deposits in minority-owned banks, etc.
-4-
4.
Developing White House attunement with labor.
I believe inclusion of labor leaders in
every activity, briefing, discussion or
function conceivably appropriate, and the
taking into account of their views, is in
the long-range interests of the country,
the Administration and the President. This
presently is not frequently done, not by
conscious decision, but because the staff
is not on the whole attuned to labor. Labor
liaison activity at the White House can help
stimulate this attunement, and find opportunities
to encourage it.
5.
Political development.
From the standpoint of re-election of the
President, White House liaison provides a unique
capability for a labor outreach to locate,
develop and motivate a broad-based labor
resource. Just getting lists of labor
leaders is not enough, it is the actual deal-
ing with them that reveals the motivated
and effective ones and makes them real people
and the President a real person.
In all of the above, state and local leaders
are of key importance, and I am gravely
concerned that we know of none in 33 of the
50 states. I have, therefore, instructed
Jack Padrick in his direction of our 8 newly-
hired young tigers in the key regions to have
as their top priority, meetings with labor
leaders, bringing the message of our economic
plan to union gatherings and, in every way,
spreading the word through the labor community
as well as the business community in their
regions. As a result, they will be sending us
names of labor leaders who are favorably disposed
and can be included in our liaison program.
Finally, when the 1701 operation gets under way
very close coordination will be required to see
that these resources are fully utilized, and
that White House and campaign activities
reinforce each other for maximum gain.
-5-
All of the above can be expanded upon and should require
at least full-time attention of one man, guided by you,
George Shults and John Ehrlichman, and cooperating with
Jim Hodgson and his staff. I would like to tackle it.
George T. Bell
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Administratively Confidential
September 30, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H.R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
G
SUBJECT:
Chapin, Colson, Dean, and
Malek: Current and Future
Projects
Chapin -- My projects with Chapin are limited to occasional
political or financial scheduling requests, RNC film and fund
raising dinner problems, and occasional Magruder/White House
projects, such as Goldwater scheduling. Chapin's staff handles
most of these and he should be encouraged to release more
responsibility for the day-to-day operations because his
staff is competent and Chapin hates the follow-up necessary
to assure implementation. Instead, Chapin should increase
his involvement in the Campaign planning. He is a good
idea man, is experienced, and has the stature necessary
to influence the trends of the Campaign. I can handle the
details of deadlines, memoranda for the Attorney General,
and general political matters that flow to you. However,
Chapin should review some Campaign materials and political
activities and submit a weekly "thought piece" on which
trends should be encouraged or halted.
Colson -- Dealing with Dick Howard on a series of follow-up
items ranging from poll distribution to telephone calls to
Senators Dole and Brooke indicates that Colson is spread too
thin. He could more efficiently handle the routine procedural
matters if he adhered to a schedule of meeting with Howard
twice a day, as you used to do with Higby and Kehrli.
Beyond increased efficiency, Colson could better spend his
time working on the hard Campaign questions. He heads the
Attorney General's task force on Middle Americans and Ethnics
but is two months late in preparing recommendations. The
youth activities of Jamie McLane need the hard nosed direction
of the pragmatic Colson. An attempt should be made to mend
his rift with the Attorney General. This would permit Colson
to get directly involved in the tough planning for the
Campaign instead of harping about the poor quality of the
"second stringers" at 1701. Colson, too, should be encouraged
to write weekly "thought pieces" on where the Campaign is
and where it should be going.
-2-
If Colson's direct involvement in the Campaign is precluded
by the Attorney Generals views, he should concentrate on
getting politically helpful activity (speakers supporting
the President, removal of disloyal aides, and control over
vote oriented programs) from the Cabinet and Congress.
Colson will probably need an infusion of more clout to
perform this role.
Dean -- Four projects serve as examples of Dean's efforts
in the wrong directions. The Presidential - top staff -
NSC papers project is proceeding almost in spite of John
Dean. The "political enemies" project may falter because Dean
doesn't want to be followed up on "for at least one month".
All political surveillance from the EMK tail to Sandwedge is
just where it was two months ago -- nonproductive. The
reason these projects are stymied is that follow-up with
Dean is counterproductive because he wastes his time in
meetings and answering letters requiring the simplest legal
opinions. Fred Fielding could do the leg work and drafting
as well as raise the tough questions that need John Dean's
consideration.
Dean should get mentally out of the clean "in house counsel"
job and into the knees and elbows part of the Campaign. His
security and confidentiality are not suspect. He should handle
the Presidential papers project immediately, the political
surveillance with vengeance, and the down and dirty tricks
with dispatch. He should implement the Buchanan ideas that
are too risky for Magruder. Dean should read Colson and
Chapin "thought pieces" with his goal being undercover
implementation.
Malek -- His excellent staff can handle the daily personnel
matters which will be decreasing to virtually nothing by
January 1, 1972. From now on, Malek should spend his time
on the difficult management problems. Hopefully, he will now
take on the "leaks" project seriously. He should also target
study, and take over if necessary, faltering projects which
mean votes. The Jobs for Veterans and White House Conference
on the Aging are two current examples of pending public
relations disasters and resultant loss of voters who have
supported the President in the past.
Higby has some excellent ideas for target management use of
the Malek staff during the Campaign. However, right now
Malek could act as your top trouble shooter instead of the
signator of well written letters rejecting job applicants.
HRH
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