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This file contains:
Planning for the Re-Election of the President. Cover only scanned. 16 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 7/2/1971
From Strachan to Haldeman RE: Magruder's projects. 87 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/5/1971
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This file contains:
Planning for the Re-Election of the President. Cover only scanned. 16 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 7/2/1971
From Strachan to Haldeman RE: Magruder's projects. 87 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/5/1971
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
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Document Description
25
5
7/2/1971
Campaign
Report
Planning for the Re-Election of the
President. Cover only scanned. 16 pgs.
25
5
7/5/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Strachan to Haldeman RE: Magruder's
projects. 87 pgs.
Monday, June 22, 2015
Page 1 of 1
CONFIDENTIAL
DETERMINED TO BE AN
ADMINIST ATIVE MARKING
E.O.,IBOS, Section 6-102
By EP - HARS, Date 3-23-82
PLANNING FOR THE
RE-ELECTION OF
THE PRESIDENT
Citizens for the
Re-Election of
the President
July 2, 1971
Copy 2
THE WHITE HOUSE
CONFIDENTIAL
WASHINGTON
TO BE AN
July 5, 1971
ADMINIS
6-102
MEMORANDUM FOR: By
3.23.82
H.R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Magruder's Projects
The Attorney General has been pressing Magruder for action by
the task forces. The result is a series of memoranda for the
Attorney General which are attached as tabs and summarized:
1. The Place of Women in the 1972 Campaign
Rita Hauser argues that there is a new social and political
awareness among women that will have to be tapped carefully
to assure their support for the President. The recom-
mendation, which the Attorney General has not acted upon,
is that a separate women's organization within the campaign
should not be created, but rather that a woman be appointed
at the Deputy Campaign Manager level to carry the respon-
sibilities justified by experience and ability regardless
of gender (memorandum attached at Tab A).
Tom Benham of ORC reviewed the polling material available
on "Women's Lib" and concluded that there is no political
significance to the movement per se. He suggests directing
the appeal to equal job opportunities rather than to the
movement itself (memorandum attached at Tab B).
2. Young Voters for Nixon
Ken Rietz has been hired by the Attorney General to be
Executive Director of Young Voters for Nixon. Rietz sub-
mitted a memorandum to Magruder who delivered it to the
Attorney General (attached at Tab C). The Rietz memorandum
relies on the Brock analysis for the President of the uses
of young voters. As to decision items for the Attorney General,
Rietz urges that: a) "Young Voters for Nixon" be the official
title of the group; b) YVN be separate from the regular
campaign organization, expecially on the state level; c) YVN
control the "overall thrust and policy of the Nixon youth
movement", including YRs, New Generation for Nixon, etc.;
d) YVN emphasize "first voters for Nixon" up to age 30; e)
Senator Brock's ad hoc YVN advisory board of selected MCs
under age 40 submit broad policy guidance for the National
-2-
campaign for young voters (members: Senators Brock and
Weicker; Congressmen Steiger (Wisc.), Lujan (N.M.), Frey
(Fla.), Pettis (Cal.), Beister (Pa.), Whitehurst (Va.)
Members of this board will set up regional boards of
Governors, Mayors, etc., who may not all be Republicans;
Brock's Advisory Boards will have a staff which will expand
in the next few months; f) After November 1st, the larger
staff will create First Voters for Nixon, which will be a
targeted, high visibility registration drive among young
voters based on public opinion surveys; g) A campaign plan
will be submitted which will describe in detail the YVN
programs and schedule including hiring and training staff
(Nov.-Jan.); public activities including regional and state
staffs and concentration on Nixon voters among school groups
in the 21 target states (Feb.-April); tighten organizational
structure around the identified Nixon voters (May-July);
target mailing and campaign appeals to deliver the 500,000
young workers for Nixon (Aug.-Nov.).
3. Voter Registration
You asked Magruder to reconsider the decision about non-
involvement with registration drives. (Memorandum attached
at Tab D.) Magruder's response is the plan developed by
Senator Brock and Ken Rietz. The plan, which the Attorney
General approved Friday, suggests that the current Republican
voter drives are of little value; that the Youth for Nixon
Organization (Ken Rietz) will have to control our registration
drive; and that after thorough planning the registration drive
(First Voters for Nixon) will concentrate on target indi-
viduals in key states. The First Voters for Nixon would seek
some publicity during the next four months while the organ-
ization work is being done. Brock and Rietz believe that
any mass registration drive would work to the President's
disadvantage. (Rietz' material also attached at Tab D.)
4. Mock Conventions
You asked for a description of the campaign's plans for mock
conventions (memorandum attached at Tab E). Rietz prepared
the memorandum attached at Tab F which Magruder gave to the
Attorney General for consideration. Rietz urges a scheduled,
organized series of conventions under his direction within
Young Voters for Nixon. No specifics are offered as it is
Rietz' view that organization cannot begin until this winter.
-3-
It is Finch's view that the interest in and number of
mock conventions this year will be much lower because now
youth has the vote and will channel its energies toward
real voter participation instead of substitute politics.
5. Target Voter Strategy
The Delaware test of the target voter strategy is part
of a Magruder memorandum on Research (Tab G) which has been
submitted to the Attorney General. No decision by the
Attorney General has been relayed to Magruder. The Research
memorandum draws heavily on the RNC priority states list,
which you reviewed in the key states memorandum of June 23rd.
Additional points made include descriptions of successful
examples of "rifle-shot communication with target voters
to augment the mass-media campaign". Magruder requests
authority from the Attorney General to (p)roceed with
detailed development of the target voter strategy".
6. Democratic and Republican Contenders
Pat Buchanan is the Chairman of this Magruder task force,
which has concluded that the current system of collecting
data is adequate. This conclusion will be tested this week.
The Buchanan memorandum (attached at Tab H) is excellent,
delightful reading. This summary does an injustice: a) Kennedy
could have the nomination if he wants it; he will decide to
run in December 1971 if he feels the President is a loser;
there is a split of opinion as to whether Kennedy would be
the most difficult candidate; his strengths are: Kennedy myth,
rank and file Democrat support, and the best political
operation; his weaknesses are: Chappaquiddick, too far left,
anathema to South; b) Muskie could unite Democrats and is
strong on new priorities issues, but he has politically bumbled
the clean shot at the nomination, issues, and the center conser-
vative Democrats; c) Humphrey is not considered the strongest
opponent but has the party connections and politically accurate
stand on economic issues, he is also a strong campaigner; his
weaknesses include: old face, hemlock to New Left, weak in
polls, and no appeal to youth; d) Jackson would be an excellent
VP for Kennedy because he is a rallying point for Democratic
conservatives; if Jackson were the Presidential nominee a fourth
party would result; e) McCloskey should be ignored from the
National level but pushed left to tarnish his ex-Marine, honest
White Knight image; f) the result is attack all Democratic can-
didates and party leadership but keep the President aloof by
either keeping the entire official family out of politics or
by using the available Republican guns, except the President,
-4-
to hit the Democrats; g) The current research by the RNC
and Mort Allin is adequate and our resources should be
allocated to increasing the output of attacks by MONDAY,
Dole, letters, and Colson's shop; h) Future activities to
be considered include Walker advance men implemented diffi-
culties for contenders, mid-week version on MONDAY, and full
time use of Ken Khachigian as the White House Staff Man to
handle the contenders' material; i) For the next six months,
output should seek to exacerbate the Democratic rift by
relying on the good RNC collection system and seeking
methods of getting information into media; this would not
require funds for staff from the campaign for now.
7. Mrs. Lombardi
Pursuant to a request after Mrs. Lombardi saw the President,
Magruder has asked the Attorney General to include her on
the Citizens for the Re-election of the President.
8. Businessmen for Nixon
Flanigan urges the Attorney General to accept Don Kendall
as the head of Businessmen for Nixon. The Attorney General
agreed and Kendall has assigned Deke De Loach (former assistant
to Hoover) and Harvey Russell, black, to begin working
immediately with Magruder. The plan is to have the business-
men's group primarily organization, issue, and recruitment
oriented, instead of fund raising oriented. The businessmen's
group should review 1968 and other campaign experience to
prepare a formal recommendation for action for the Attorney
General by August 31, 1971. (Memorandum attached at Tab I.)
9. Advertising
Magruder's memorandum for the Attorney General (attached at
Tab J) recommends that the Citizens form their own advertising
agency in Washington. He cites 1968 experience with Fuller
Smith as the reason against hiring an independent agency
with a Citizens campaign group within it. Magruder argues
that no independent agency could guarantee full time perfor-
mance by the best people in all related fields. Disadvantages
to the creation of a new ad agency such as the simple logistics
of setting up a $20 million advertising agency are dismissed
as being no different than what an independent agency would face.
Assumptions based on the campaign spending legislation, 1968
experience, and fixed commission costs indicate that creation
-5-
of a new advertising agency would save $1,200,000. Magruder
requests authority to form the new agency and recruit an
advertising director and creative director for consideration
by the Attorney General. Magruder concludes by recommending
target advertising that should be pre tested in the primaries.
10. Farm Vote Plan
Whitaker, as Chairman of the Farm Vote Task Force, submitted
the most detailed, considered, solution-oriented proposal of
any of the task forces. It is attached at Tab K. Whitaker's
task force includes Bryce Harlow, Hyde Murray, Donald Brock
(AA to Hardin), and Phil Campbell. Twenty-two recommendations
for action are ready for decision by the Attorney General.
Whitaker prepared a one page summary of the report which makes
these points: a) Some non-political recommendations are being
implemented now; b) positive and negative issues are identified
with suggestions for effective utilization or response; c) poll
information is needed and; d) better communication among
Washington groups concerned about farmers is needed.
11. Planning Schedule for the Re-Election of the President
Bill Horton, of Fred Malek's staff, prepared the planning schedule
for Magruder to deliver to the Attorney General today. Copy 2
of 12 is attached at Tab L. In chart form, all of the major
decisions to be made by the Campaign Director are superimposed
on the 17 month political calendar. Tab A of the schedule is
a summary of the 15 task force principal planning activities.
Subsequent tabs detail each of the major planning task forces
and decision points.
Horton's analysis points out a severe weakness in the coordinated
planning for the re-election of the President; that is, the lack
of unified campaign - State of the Union - Budget approach
aimed at November 7, 1972.
12. Brochure
Magruder directed the RNC to prepare a brochure which could
be used to send to people who write to the White House, the
Citizens, or the RNC asking what they can do to help re-elect
the President. All who write in receive acknowledgements and
are catalogued by Anne Higgins, Rob Odle, and Ed DeBolt,
respectively. (Attached at Tab M is memorandum describing
the system.)
-6-
The Attorney General quickly reviewed the brochure but deferred
to you for any comments. The brochure has not been "staffed"
to Safire, Moore, etc., because of reluctance to put White
House Staff in the position of second-guessing the Attorney
General's campaign operation. If you feel this would not be
a problem, the brochure will be staffed this week. (Mock-up
attached at Tab N.)
Recommendation:
That the brochure be staffed to Chapin, Safire, Moore, and
Klein for comment.
Approve
Disapprove
Comment
GS:1m
CONFIDENTIAL
June 23, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
FROM:
RITA HAUSER
JEB S. MAGRUDER
SUBJECT: THE PLACE OF WOMEN IN THE 1972 CAMPAIGN ORGANIZATION
The purpose of this memorandum is to summarize recent changes in the
attitudes of many women and to recommend an organizational structure
for the 1972 campaign which will be responsive to current concerns
about their status in society.
Prior Voting Patterns
Women made up about 53% of the voting age population in 1968, and
nearly 52% of those who claimed they voted in that Presidential elec-
tion.
1
They have supported Presidential candidates in the following manner
in recent elections, according to Gallup:
Percent of the Women's Vote
Republican
Democrat
AIP
1960
51
49
-
1964
38
62
-
1968
43
45
12
(In 1968, the men supported President Nixon by a
percentage margin of 43 - 41 - 16)
Current Attitudes of Women
A new social and political awareness has been developing among women,
particularly in the last two years. Dr. Jean Spencer, Assistant to
the Vice President, has summarized it well:
1U. S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, Series
P-20, No. 192, "Voting and Registration in the Election of November, 1968,"
U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C., 1969.
-2-
If there is a single concept which can encompass
and express the concern of women today it is freedom of
choice. From this concept the other specific issues de-
rive: a rebellion against the assumption that the "wo-
man's role" is only that of wife, mother and housewife;
efforts to open doors now closed to women who want to or
must pursue other roles, either in addition to or instead
of the traditional role of wife and mother; efforts to
end discrimination in education, including college admis-
sions, fellowships and scholarships, admission to grad-
uate and professional schools; efforts to end discrimi-
nation in employment, advancement, equal pay, overtime,
maternity leave, day care; and efforts to end discrimi-
nation in returning to college or to work after raising
a family--the "reentry" problem for the middle aged woman
is serious.
A recent Harris Poll (Tab A) shows that about half of the women in
America favor efforts to change the status of women in society. Be-
cause this is a relatively new issue, it is likely that the trend of
this support will increase as the concept becomes more widely publi-
cized and efforts at implementation become more organized. The sup-
port and opposition does not necessarily follow established voting
patterns. For example, Black women and women under thirty, who gave
a plurality to Humphrey in 1968, support it, as do college-educated
women, who supported Nixon in 1968. Similarly, normally Republican
categories such as White women and those over fifty do not support
it, nor do women with eighth grade or less education, who tend to
vote Democratic.
Campaign Strategy
This concern for more equal status is something which has become im-
portant enough to influence the political loyalties of many women. We
feel it would be a mistake if the 1972 campaign were conducted without
an awareness of these new sensitivities.
It was the unanimous feeling of those present at the first planning
meeting for the women's vote in 1972 that there should not be a sep-
arate women's division with a women's chairman as has been done in the
past. Women strongly desire to share responsibility side by side with
men, rather than as a part of a women's auxiliary organization. There-
fore, it was recommended that a woman be appointed at the level of
Deputy Campaign Manager and that other women be given responsibilities
within the functional staffs of the campaign organization, based on
their experience and ability. From these positions, they would be
-3-
able to effectively coordinate activities to gain the women's vote
and to supervise the organization of women volunteers.
If you approve of this organizational plan, we are prepared to submit
names of qualified women for your consideration.
Approve
Disapprove
Comments
Women Divided
In Harris Poll
By Louis Harris
Recent efforts to change
parallels the division among
and strengthen the status of
the entire public on issues
American women, such as
such as the war in Vietuam,
women's liberation move-
non-conformity among the
ments, have deeply divided
young, and racial progress
women themselves. While
for blacks. Now the issue of
42 per cent favor such
women's rule in society has
been added to the list.
moves to equalize women
In order to get at won'en's
with men, 43 per cent stand
attitudes In depth on the
opposed.
thrust of women's liberation
The goals and principles
and similar efforts, a series
of the organizations seeking
of six projective questions
were put to the cross sec-
actively to redress the sex
tions:
balance are much more pop-
"Here are some state-
ular, however, than the Nic-
ments people have made
ties of protest which have
about activist women's
been employed. A substan-
groups. For each. please tell
tial 58 per cent of all women
me whether you tend to
feel that "women who picket
agree or disagree."
and participate in protests
Dis- Not
are setting a bad example
Agree agree sure
%
:
,
for children." Nonetheless, a
Lesders of women's or-
geni-alions are Irying to
counterbalancing 62 per
turn worken into men and
cent also feel that "If
that won't work."
62
27
11
"If women can't speak
women don't speak up for
UP for themselves and
themselves a nd confront
confront men on their real
problems. notifine will be
men on their real problems.
done about them."
62
29
9
"Women who picket and
nothing will be done about
participate in protects are
these problems."
setting di bad example
for children."
58
29
13
A national cross section of
"Women are right to be
unhappy with Picir rule
1,600 women were probed in
in American but
depth about their attitudes
wrong in the way may've
protesting."
57
32
11
toward women and their
"II's women who have
nothing batter to CO who
problems.
are causing all the trou.
"All in all, do you favor
ble.'
47
40
is
"It's about time women
or oppose most of the of-
protested the real intos-
forts to strengthen and
tices they've faced for
years."
47
40
:
change women's status in
The results show a con.
society?"
Op.
Not
sistently close division be-
Favor pose Sure
tween basic support and op-
Co
Total Women
42
Be
15
position to the drive to
By Marital Status
change women's status. The
Single
55
34
11
Married
40
45
14
opponents outnumber the
Diverced. separated
63
:
9
Widowed
U
42
20
supporters of women's lib,
By Age
but not by a large nor deci-
Under 30
43
:-
12
30-49
41
A.
14
sive margin.
50 and over
07
45
17
By Education
Taken as a whole, it
3th crace or less
08
02
23
would appear that the re-
High School
4
is
is
Collage
53
=
9
cent outpouring of demon-
By Race
White
=>
45
strations and protests have
15
Black
52
20
3
struck a chord of pent-up
Clearly. the overall close
frustration among women
division among women as a
about the way they have
whole masks a much deeper
fared in American life. But
division aniong different
sizable numbers of women
segments of the female pop-
who are in sympathy with
ulation. Most resistant to
the objectives of the protest
changing women's status are
find it "undignified and un-
older women, those with
womanly" to take part in ac-
less education. whites, and
tivist demonstrations. The
married women. Pr. INI
troops for a substantial
most for cliance are
weatan's movement are
women, the young, and the
there. hut 2° the montent
best educated.
the most effective PARy!:
This seguentier of
women into conditions for
CVT yet to be discovered.
"change" and no
69011
4/26/71
MEMORANDUM: "WOMEN'S LIB" AS A POTENTIAL POLITICAL ISSUE
Thomas W. Benham
OPINION RESEARCH CORPORATION
'Women's lib" is an excellent example of how a highly vocal minority --
through astute use of the mass media -- can create the impression that
it has a broad following. All of the survey evidence (by Gallup) in-
dicates to the contrary.
The following are the ratings of 'women's lib" by a nationwide sampling
of college students using the Stapel Scalometer (a ten point rating
scale). The "highly favorable" and "highly unfavorable" votes shown
are the two extreme rankings on the ends of the scale.
Notice that as many women have a negative view of "women's lib" as have
a favorable view. Surprisingly, 'women's lib" has more appeal to the
students in the low income groups than it does for those from the
higher income brackets.
COLLEGE STUDENT RATINGS CF "WOMEN'S LIB"
Highly
Highly
Favorable
Unfavorable
National
15%
23%
Male
10%
23%
Female
22%
23%
18 years and under
15%
23%
19 years
14%
26%
20 years
18%
22%
21 - 23 years
14%
18%
24 years and older
20%
14%
East
17%
20%
Midwest
15%
23%
South
17%
24%
West
8%
25%
$15,000 and over
15%
23%
$10,000 $14.999
12%
14%
$7,000 - $9,999
8%
23%
Under $7.000
243
16%
--2
Here's how 'women's lib" compares with other institutions and organiz-
ations tested.
FEMALE COLLEGE STUDENTS
Highly
Highly
Favorable
Unfavorable
FBI
32%
13%
Women's Lib
22%
23%
Democratic party
19%
7%
CIA
16%
19%
Republican party
13%
15%
SDS
6%
37%
KKK
2%
80%
Perhaps another surprising finding is that on questions on how women
are treated in this country, male and female views are more alike than
different. Following are views of the adult population 18 and over.
Who gets the best break?
"In your opinion, do women in the U.S. get as good a break
as men?"
Women
Men
Yes
65%
72%
No
35
38
Who has the easier life?
"Which do you think has the easier life in the U.S. today --
men or women?"
Women
Men
Women
46%
49%
Men
30
46
No opinion
24
5
--3
Who has the happier life?
"In general, how happy would you say you are -- very happy,
fairly happy, or not happy?"
Women
Men
Very happy
44%
42%
Fairly happy
46
49
Not happy
7
6
Don't know
3
3
Women business managers?
"Do you think women would run most businesses as well as men,
or not?"
Women
Men
Yes
55%
45%
No
40
49
No opinion
5
6
Women in the executive suite?
"If a woman has the same ability as a man, does she have as
good a chance to become the executive of a company, or not?"
Women
Man
Yes
39%
39%
No
54
56
No opinion
7
5
Women in politics?
However, women are more prejudiced against their sex as presidential
material than are men, but have the same opinion on less affairs.
"If your party nominated a woman for President, would you
vote for her if she qualified for the job?"
Women
Men
Yes
49%
58%
No
44
35
No opinion
7
7
--4
"If your party nominated a woman to run for Congress from
your district, would you vote for her if she were qualified?"
Women
Men
Yes
84%
83%
No
13
13
No opinion
3
4
Among the public as a whole there has been little change in acceptance
of a woman president over the years.
Would vote for a
qualified woman
for President
1958
52%
1967
57%
1969
54%
It seems clear from this it would be a good policy to steer clear of
'women's lib" as a broad political issue. There does not seem to be
any way to win. While the majority oppose militancy in favor of "women's
lib", coming out politically against would raise a howl from a very loud
and raucous minority. On the other hand, there does not seem to be
justification for taking any favorable stand other than that which is
consistent with civil rights legislation dealing with equal employment,
equal pay, etc. The best political posture on 'women's lib" would
seem to be strictly hands off.
June 22, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR
JEB MAGRUDER
FROM
KEN RIETZ
SUBJECT
New Voters Registration
Lots of organizations are getting into the new voter
registration field. These include COPE, Common Cause, Youth
Citizenship Fund, etc. Most of the organizations are cither
controlled by Democrats or conduct drives on a mass basis which
favors the Democrat Party. Initial indicators are that the Republican
Party is being out registered among. new voters by anywhere from
2-1 to 7-1.
Several Republican organizations are presently active in the
new voter registration field. They are:
Young Republican National Federation
First voter program. A new voter committee as part of the
local YR Club conducts a program of identifying and registering new
voters who lean toward the Republican Party. New voters drives are
conducted in apartment houses and other multi-dwelling buildings where
young working people live. To go with this program several items are
available:
1) Apartment organization guide
2) A pamphlet with localized registration information
3) YR reward program which involves rewarding workers for
registering a certain number of new voters.
This program, termed "Your Responsibility" is targeted at
eight states:
Pennsylvania
Connecticut
Ohio
Florida
Indiana
Kentucky
Illinois
North Carolina
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
Enclosed is a memorandum to me from Ken Rietz regarding Young
Voters for Nixon. If you approve, we will begin implementing
this program.
Approve
Disapprove
Comment
a
n
JEB S: MAGRUDER
t
Enclosure
CONFIDENTIAL
June 22, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR
JEB MAGRUDER
FROM
KEN RIETZ
SUBJECT
Young Voters for Nixon
As viewed by Senator Brock, the objective of the "Young
Voters for Nixon" campaign is to "achieve the mobilization and
coordination of more than 500,000 new workers for the President."
Senator Brock and I have met and discussed this program at
length. You and the Attorney General have read his initial proposal.
He describes the philosophy behind the Nixon movement as follows:
"The central fact of this circumstance is that the désire
for participation and constructive activity overrides all other issues,
both emotional and intellectual. It can be capitalized on to the
advantage of not only the Republican party and its presidential
nominee, but of the young people as well.
"Thus it is my contention, and deeply rooted conviction,
that if our campaign not only asks for their help, but also allows
these individuals to become involved in a meaningful way, it can
expect a remarkable response. Let me stress again one additional
factor: for every young person in college, there are two of his
contemporaries either gainfully employed in a civilian occupation,
serving in the military, or acting as a housewife. Even if we accept
the major college political charts indicating tendencies away from
our nominee -- and I would not for one minute do so if we act now to
correct the condition -- the remaining base of 16 million non-college
new voters offers a political opportunity of incredible magnitude."
We built a Brock youth movement in Tennessee because young
people wanted to be involved and we gave them the opportunity. We
can do the same thing in a Nixon youth movement. The purpose should
not be to change their minds but to give them an organized avenue
for expression and action. The emphasis should be on organizing
the President's supporters among the nation's young people, getting
them actively involved so the overall campaign takes on a young flavor,
registering them, and getting them to the polls.
- 2 -
Here are some of the conclusions we have drawn and the time
table we have established.
The title should be "Young Voters for Nixon". This says
more than youth. It says vote, citizenship, activity, etc. Although
they register little and vote less, young people are very proud of
their new right to vote. They don't like to be called "youth",
"young citizens", "young people", etc. Young voters is different.
It shouldn't turn them off.
Agree
disagree
Comment
YVN should be separate but a part of the over-all re-election
effort. Young people want their own thing and it should appear that they
have it. This will be more true and have more effect at the state
level than at the national level.
Agree
Disagree
Comment
While the program should include all similar Republican
activities (Young Republican, College YR, New Generation for Nixon, etc.)
it should have authority for the over-all thrust and policy of the Nixon
youth movement. All other organizations should be folded into it.
Most young voters will be attracted to a candidate not a political party.
While the YR's can do a good job with younger Republicans, our job is
to secure the support of a broad cross section of the young voters.
Agree
Disagree
Comment
- 3 -
The program should include voters up to age 30. They
all consider themselves young and will identify with the program.
The emphasis, however, should be on "first voters.' These are young
people who have never voted for a Presidential candidate, are presently
16 to 22 and on election day will be 18 to 24. The Census Bureau says
there are 25,125,000 such voters or 18% of the entire population eligible
to vote. (see chart attached.)
Agree
Disagree
Comment
Senator Brock has organized selected members of Congress below
the age of 40 into an ad hoc Young Voters for Nixon (YVN) advisory
board to offer broad policy guidance for the National campaign among
young voters. The board members are:
Senator Brock -- Tennessee
Congressman Bill Steiger -- Wisconsin
Congressman Lujan -- New Mexico
Congressman Frenzel -- Minnesota
Congressman Archer -- Texas
Congressman Frey -- Florida
Senator Weicker -- Connecticut
Congressman Pettis -- California
Congressman Beister -- Pennsylvania
Congressman Whitehurst -- Virginia
Members of this board were selected on a regional basis.
They will be asked to set up regional advisory boards which will be
largely honorary but will give added emphasis to the program. Serving
Oh these regional boards will be young State Legislators, State Governors, state
officials, Mayors, City Councilmen, members of the Republican National
Committee, etc. All of these people will be carefully selected and
need not be all Republicans. An effort will be made, however, to
include all Republican groups for better coordination.
Agree
Disagree
Comment
- 4 -
Senator Brock and the Advisory Board will appoint a limited
staff prior to November, 1971.
July 1, 1971
Director
Special Assistant to the Director
Secretary
September 1, 1971
A second Special Assistant to the Director
A second secretary
Agree
Disagree
Comment
After November, 1971, additional staff will be added including
an administrative assistant to the Director, a field man in each region,
a field man in key states, more secretarial help, etc.
During this Phase I which will last until November of 1971,
the staff will develop the basic outline of a national campaign and
begin to develop preliminary state contact lists of Republican leaders,
and through them, potential state youth leaders. Congressional interns
will be utilized as much as possible to do the basic research necessary.
It is expected that the Director will spend a good share of his time
travelling in the later stages of this Phase.
Phase I will also include the introduction of the "First
Voters for Nixon" program. This will be the YVN's introductory stage --
a targeted registration drive among young voters. We suggest this
program be introduced in the "must" states -- Indiana, Iowa, Virginia,
Florida, Tennessee, California, Illinois, New Jersey, and Ohio.
First voters would be the high visibility portion of YVN in
the early stages and would involve appointing a national chairman,
state chairmen, county chairmen, etc. It would allow YVN to be
organized and active in an extremely necessary area and at the same
time do a very important job.
Agree
Disagree
Comment
- 5 -
Within the target states the First Voters program would be
carefully directed at Republican areas within the state and potential
Nixon voters. This will take a lot of research on the part of our
Washington staff. We feel it will also be necessary to conduct
public opinion surveys to find out more about the attitudes of the
non-college young voter.
Agree
Disagree
Comment
Following the preliminary planning stage, a campaign plan
will be presented and initial decisions asked for. A brief discussion
however, of each of the next stages is presented here.
Phase II would run from November through January, 1972, and
would primarily be concerned with completion of the basic campaign
plan and the employment and training of the remainder of the national
and regional field staff required.
Phase III contains those months of February, March and April,
1972, during which time the campaign would begin to move into its
public role. By the end of April, full state and regional staffing
should be completed. At this point we can begin the young voter
education and identification drives. The school phase of this program
would concentrate on identifying positive and possible Nxion supporters
among high schools, vocational schools, junior college and colleges,
concentrating first, of course, on the 21 target states. Simultaneous-
1y the campaign among youth employed in the civilian work force and
the military would proceed apace, with a drive to identify not only all
potential Nixon supporters in this particular group, but to specifically
enlist the young community leadership necessary to organize these groups
and effectuate their voting strength.
Also during this period we would be in position, having completed
the identification program on a community basis, to conduct a registration
drive to maximize the registration of those voters who would tend to
favor our campaign.
Phase IV would be concerned with a completion of our organiza-
tional structure at both the state, county and community level in order
- 6
to be prepared to go into the fall campaign. During these summer
months of May, June, and July the primary emphasis would be upon
organizational structure and upon the completion of our voter identifi-
cation and registration programs among the employed youth. We hope that
maximum attention will be focused on young voters' support of the
President through carefully planned events at the National Convention.
Phase V is of course the climax effort to direct the total
resources identified and organized up to this point toward the maximum
vote turnout for President Nixon. By early October the education,
identification and registration of all voting age youth should be
completed as well as organization of these pro Nixon young people into
campaign teams. During this time the direct mail program to both
employed and college young people will reach its maximum, as will the
organizational effort to direct the encrgies of this group towards
constructive campaign activity which is coordinated with and compli-
mentary to the National Republican campaign and the campaign as it
is conducted on a state and local basis.
The sum total of this effort is directed toward achieving
a goal of 500,000 attractive, articulate, young workers for Nixon to
be made available as a basic campaign team for the national campaign.
They will not only work but receive attention and make President
Nixon the young people's candidate.
Suggested Program Objectives and Projects
PURPOSE - Develop a national leadership team with the capacity to:
1) Train and lead regional state leaders.
2) Create a program which will excite and involve a significant
portion of the 25,000,000 voters between 18 and 24.
3) Support and supplement the program of the national campaign.
GOALS - Involvement through organization and challenge of:
1) YVN teams in every state.
2) YVN organizations among the working and military.
3) YVN organizations in every high school.
4) YVN organizations in every college.
5) 500,000 young workers for Nixon in support of the regular
campaign.
POTENTIAL PROJECTS:
1) National youth education drives.
2) National youth canvass.
3) National youth registration of pro-Nixon youth.
4) National youth voter turnout of pro-Nixon youth.
5) National hospital and nursing home registration of pro-Nixon
aged (CARE program).
6) National absentee voter drive.
7) National bumper sticker, bill board, flyer campaign, etc.
8) National support program for the Nixon campaign in such
areas as poll watchers, precinct workers, baby sitting, drivers, etc.
9) National "kinfolk" operation
10) National YVN newsletter
Suggested Job Description Summaries - by Groups
Employed Staff Planning Group - This group will begin work on the
preliminary campaign design, begin contact with national, regional and
state Republican and campaign leaders, develop lists of potential con-
tacts by states, catalog information on all high schools, vocational
schools, colleges, etc., form and staff the national advisory board,
contact, employ and train regional staff.
National Advisory Board - This group will oversee the entire campaign,
approve budgets, approve major staff appointments, approve major campaign
themes, and act in a continuing advisory role to assist the national
program staff.
National Staff - This group will conduct the national campaign, oversee
and direct regional field activities, conduct fund raising when and where
authorized by the National Nixon campaign, coordinate all activities
with the National Nixon campaign manager, publish newsletter, design
national youth campaign themes, etc.
Regional Staff - Under the direction of the National Director, this group
will supervise and coordinate the activities of state organization within
each region, implement programs as requested by the national staff, train
and supervise state leaders.
State Staff - This group will have direct responsibility of implementation
of the state youth program, coordination and cooperation with the state
Nxion campaign, fund raising as authorized by the Nixon state campaign
manager, organization of every high school, Vocational school, and the
college in the state young voter canvass, young voter registration drives,
young voter vote drive, and such other programs as they are asked to
implement.
Population of
Estimated Total
% of Total
Voting Age
of
Eligible
(18 yrs. & Over)
New Voters
to Vote
United States
139,563
25,125
18
labama
2,291
440
19.5."
laska
193
29
15.0
rizona
1,227
232
18.9
rkansas
1,318
230
17.5
alifornia
14,237
2,580
18,1
olorado
1,532
319
20.8
Connecticut
2,117
343
16.2
elaware
372
68
18.3
ist. of Columbia
543
111
20.5
lorida
5,088
773
13.2
eorgia
3,111
354
11.4
lawaii
528
91
17.2
daho
467
90
19.3
llinois
7,563
1,321
17.4
Indiana
3,487
662
18.9
owa
1,887
347
18.3
Kansas
1,539
304
19.8
(entucky
2,177
254
11.7
Louisiana
2,356
497
21.1
laine
662
122
18.4
laryland
2,715
478
17.6
lassachusetts
3,947
725
18.4
lichigan
5,875
1,127
19.1
linnesota
2,523
478
18.9
ississippi
1,412
297
21.0
lissouri
3,222
569
17.7
lontana
452
84
18.6
lebraska
1,002
191
19.1
Nevada
356
54
15.2
New Hampshire
511
95
18.6
New Jersey
5,018
769
13.3
New Mexico
633
129
20.4
New York
12,714
2,101
16.5
North Carolina
3,493
750
21.5
North Dakota
398
83
20.9
Ohio
7,165
1,313
18.3
Oklahoma
1,791
325
18.1
)reqon
1,473
259
17.5
Pennsylvania
8,136
1,371
16.8
Rhode Island
671
135
20.1
South Carolina
1,715
391
22.7
South Dakota
430
88
20.4
ennessee
2,710
511
18.8
exas
7,589
1,490
19.6
Itah
674
154
22.8
'ermont
301
64
21.3
iroinia
3,232
645
19.9
ashinoton
2,381
460
19.2
lest Viroinia
1,175
217
18.3
isconsin
2,948
565
19.2
ivening
217
40
18.4
Rice
June 17, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
JEB MAGRUDER
FROM:
H.R. HALDEMAN
It is my understanding that no effort 10 currently being
conducted to register people in the IS to 21 year old
age bracket for the upcoming compaign.
e This is an error that I think should be corrected at once.
We should be setting up and, indeed, launching our effort
now to register all of our youths in the 18 to 21 year
old age bracket - this means many people that are not on
college campuses.
Please get this decision reversed and our activity moving
forward now.
00: The Attorney General
June 23, 1971
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
As you have requested enclosed is a program on new voter
registration which was developed by Senator Brock, Kon Rietz,
Bart Porter, and Bob Finch's office.
If you approve of this approach we will begin implementing it.
Approve
Disapprove
Comment
JEB S. MAGRUDER
Enclosure
CONFIDENTIAL
June 22, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR
JEB MAGRUDER
FROM
KEN RIETZ
SUBJECT
New Voters Registration
Lots of organizations are getting into the new voter
registration field. These include COPE, Common Cause, Youth
Citizenship Fund, etc. Most of the organizations are either
controlled by Democrats or conduct drives on a mass basis which
favors the Democrat Party. Initial indicators are that the Republican
Party is being out registered among new voters by anywhere from
2-1 to 7-1.
Several Republican organizations are presently active in the
new voter registration field. They are:
Young Republican National Federation
First voter program. A new voter committee as part of the
local YR Club conducts a program of identifying and registering new
voters who lean toward the Republican Party. New voters drives are
conducted in apartment houses and other multi-dwelling buildings where
young working people live. To go with this program several items are
available:
1) Apartment organization guide
2) A pamphlet with localized registration information
3) YR reward program which involves rewarding workers for
registering a certain number of new voters.
This program, termed "Your Responsibility" is targeted at
eight states:
Pennsylvania
Connecticut
Ohio
Florida
Indiana
Kentucky
Illinois
North Carolina
College Republican National Committee
Project Open Door. This program involves canvassing campus
dormitories. New voters are asked to identify themselves by party
and those stating an interest in the Republican Party are assisted
in registering to vote.
Republican Congressional Committee
Young Voters for a Republican Congress Task Force. This
program is only in the planning stages and it will be at least a
month before the plan is complete. It will be directed at target
Congressional districts.
Conclusion: The above Republican programs are a fragmented
part of overall party programs, and, as such, suffer from a lack of
emphasis and look good on paper but have little impact in the field.
In addition, they concentrate on new voters identified with the
Republican Party. This fails to take into account the thousands of
new voters who will support the President and not the Republican
Party. Registration of Republican voters is not our objective, re-
election of the President is.
If a major effort is to be made to register new voters who
will vote for the President in 1972, the Young Voters for Nixon
Committee will have to undertake it. Following are the options:
Option 1
Allow the programs to continue independently. This will give
all the organizations involved something to do but the impact on the
President's re-election campaign will be minimal.
Option 2
Allow the programs to continue but increase their funding and
give them added stature by including them in the over-all Citizens
campaign. While this might increase the active interest and prestige
of the program the impact would still be minimal due to the diffusion
of effort, coordination, and control.
Option 3
Create an over-all program within the Youth for Nixon campaign
that included these efforts, as proposed by Senator Brock and his
Congressional team. This seems the most logical and the most workable.
It would combine three programs which really are aimed in three
different areas under one umbrella and allow maximum targeting. And,
targeting is the key.
There is too little known about the first voter to move
rapidly. The one assumption we can make is that as the war winds down
the preference for the President among young people will increase. His
opponent in 1972, however, is a key factor that cannot be adequately
analyzed at this stage. Without thorough planning and organization, however,
too many registrants today may become opponents next year. One great
advantage provided by a carefully planned registration drive, lies in
its ability to use registration assistance as an identification and
motivation tool in gaining Nixon support.
We propose in the initial stages to confine our activity to
the following states: Indiana, Iowa, Virginia, Florida, Tennessee,
California, Illinois, New Jersey, and Ohio.
Under the Young Voters for Nixon program we would create a
"First Voters for Nixon" committee. While its main thrust would be
in those states, we would not discourage the program in any other state,
although it would be carefully controlled.
In its initial stage (next 4 months), First Voters for Nixon
(FVN) would receive publicity while the staff put the program together.
A national chairman could be announced and state chairmen in the
target states would be selected. The thrust would be "here are young
people that support the President, have never-voted for a President
before, want to vote for President Nixon, and want to help others who
feel like they do to get registered." The emphasis would not be on
changing minds but on organizing those who already support the President.
While this is going on publicly a careful analysis will be
conducted privately. This state by state analysis in the states mentioned
will show us where the pockets of potential strength are. Through
public opinion surveys we can find out what age groups, occupational
groups, education levels, etc., are most likely to support the President
in '72. A lot of careful planning is necessary and the registration
drives would not begin until this winter.
Let me repeat, we believe a mass registration drive in any given
area works to the President's disadvantage. For maximum impact, and
favorable results, 2 new voter registration drive must be carefully
planned and carefully targeted.
The First Voters program should be formed as part of Young
Voters for Nixon campaign. As part of the working committee now it
will utilize Senator Brock, his regional advisory committee, and the
headquarters staff to register new voters in key states. The aim wil
be to register voters inclined to vote for President Nixon in 1972.
Agree
Disagree
Comment
7u 5/5
Sueh
WTAB
April 28, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR :
GORDON STRACHAN
FROM :
H.R. HALDEMAN
In the long-range political planning be sure that they are
thinking about the mock conventions on college and high school
campuses and make sure that we are going to have a really good
man in charge of our activities at mock conventions. We can't
afford to lose these and it's very important that they be planned
and programmed well in advance. We should know when they are
going to be held. Some of them may even be starting this fall.
This is a long range item, but I'll be sending a number of such to
you as time goes on and I assume you'll set up a system for
stacking them up and getting them implemented at the appropriate
times.
HRH:pm
June 25, 1971
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
Enclosed is a memorandum to me from Ken Rietz regarding Young
Voters for Nixon. If you approve, we will begin implementing
this program.
Approve
Disapprove
Comment
JEB S. MAGRUDER
Enclosure
CONFIDENTIAL
June 22, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR
JEB MAGRUDER
FROM
KEN RIETZ
SUBJECT
Mock Elections
Mock elections can be a very valuable tool if handled
properly. They help in the final stages of a campaign to provide
momentum, to make it look like everyone is supporting the candidate.
The keys are publicity and organization.
Mock elections should be handled locally under the direction
of the national organization -- Young Voters for Nixon. A lot of
planning is necessary so an early start is essential.
For maximum impact the elections in any one state should be
scheduled with enough time between them to provide maximum press
exposure. If the organization feels a particular mock election will
be lost, it should be scheduled early so it can be followed by several
victories. For the sake of credibility of the election series, it is
not bad to lose one as long as it isn't the last one. All mock
elections should take place in the six week period preceding the
general election. Scheduling of each series should be handled state
by state under the direction of YVN.
With more than a year to organize, a mock election series
would be beneficial -- if we out organize our opposition. This means
training next year and actively organizing during the summer of '72.
The key is turnout. If we organize to get our vote out, we can win
most of the series. In 1970, Senator Brock's record in mock elections
on Tennessee campuses was: won 15, tied 1, and lost 1. His campaign
was organized, Gore's was not.
Colleges where mock elections will be encouraged should be
carefully selected. The college image or record in the past is not
the only criteria. The potential for organization should be carefully
weighed.
All mock elections should be sponsored by an "independent"
organization, if possible. The first choice for such an organization
is a non-partisan group which should have a legitimate interest in a
poll, such as student government, school newspaper, political science
department, debate squad, etc. Second choice would be a non-partisan
service group such as the Circle K Club, YMCA, a fraternity, etc. Third
choice would be a bi-partisan poll sponsored jointly by Young Democrats
and Young Republicans. Last choice, but still worthwhile, if all else
fails, is a poll sponsored directly by Young Republicans.
The voting must be entirely optional, and not, for instance,
at a school assembly where everyone must vote. By being better organized
than the opposition, we can deliver more votes to a booth than they can.
We have more control this way. Mandatory voting means we have
no control over who wins.
The key to the success of this program is being better organized
than the opposition. Thus an early canvass (telephone or door-to-door)
of the entire student body to identify candidate support is essential.
On election day, all precautions of a general election campaign
should be taken -- poll watchers, telephone victory squads, literature
squads, etc. If it looks like we'll win the election, advance public-
ity is desirable. Care should be taken, however, to count our votes
before election day and prevent an embarassing situation.
As part of the overall Young Voters for Nixon program, a
carefully planned series of mock elections on selected campuses would
be a big asset. It should be included in the overall campaign plan
for YVN.
Agree
Disagree
Comment
CONFIDENTIAL
June 17, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
FROM:
JEB S. MAGRUDER
SUBJECT: DELAWARE TEST
As a first step in evaluating the proposed target voter strategy described
in an earlier memo, the RNC is preparing to launch an extensive field test
in Delaware. This memo is to describe the nature and purpose of the test
to you, in advance of its inception.
The Delaware test will demonstrate and test several target voter techniques
under controlled conditions and with careful provisions for evaluation of
effectiveness. The test will take place during the period June-September,
1971. The budgeted cost of approximately $40,000 will be borne by the RNC,
which will also be responsible for overall management of the project through
the direction of Ed DeBolt. The Citizens Committee and Mr. Haldeman's staff
will participate in the planning and maintain close liaison with the field
work as it progresses. The planned activities are designed to include the
widest possible scope of coordinated research and target voter techniques:
Past Voting Behavior. By the end of June, a statewide, precinct-by-precinct
vote profile analysis will be completed, using election data over the past
ten years. The geographic location of hard-core Republicans, Democrats, and
swing voters will be determined and displayed on maps.
Socio-Economic Data. The Census Bureau will produce the 1970 Fourth Count
(demographic) data for Delaware in June, well ahead of the scheduled publi-
cation date for the remaining states. The RNC will combine that data with
the vote profile analysis to further describe the various voting groups.
Public Opinion Surveys. Market Opinion Research (MOR) has taken quarterly
polls in Delaware for the past ten years. The most recent poll will be com-
pleted in a week or two. All of that opinion data will be made available
to the RNC, to describe the attitudes of the various voting groups.
Selection of Test Precincts. On the basis of the foregoing data, selection
will be made of five weathervane precincts (typical of the voting patterns
of the entire state), thirty test precincts (embodying a variety of specific
voter groups) and thirty control precincts (closely similar to each of the
test precincts). An in-depth canvass will commence in all 65 precincts on
July 8. Approximately one hundred interviews will be carried out in each
one (25% of total voting population). This will be done to obtain specific,
detailed data on opinions on issues and the image of the President and how
-2-
the voter can best be informed. College students will be hired to carry
out the interviews, under the supervision and training of Bob Teeter of
MOR.
Target Voter Communications. Beginning on July 20, various programs of
direct voter communication will be initiated in each of the thirty test
precincts. The earlier precinct canvass will offer some guidance as to
which types of media might be most appropriate in given areas, and which
issues should be emphasized. The techniques will include direct mail,
telephone banks, door-to-door personal visits, printed flyers, etc. Where-
ever possible, we will allow competent vendors to operate in separate pre-
cincts to demonstrate their capabilities. The purpose of the communication
will be to change voter attitudes toward Administration programs and accomp-
lishments and to improve the support for the President.
Evaluation. In September, all precincts will be re-canvassed to assess
the impact of the campaign tests. The control precincts will serve to
offset attitude changes that occur independently of the test activity.
The survey sample will once again be 100 persons in each precinct: 50
from the original sample, and 50 new ones.
The results and the final report on the test will be completed before final
plans are submitted for the 1972 campaign at the end of October.
CONFIDENTIAL
June 16, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
FROM:
JEB S. MAGRUDER
SUBJECT: RESEARCH
The purpose of this memorandum is to outline the general direction of our
current thinking on strategy for the 1972 campaign, for your information
and comment. We are at the point in our planning process where a broad
strategy should be agreed upon so that the specific plans can be initiated.
Target States
The national campaign can effectively be considered as 50 state campaigns,
since electoral votes are determined in that manner, and since the field
organization can best be coordinated on a state-by-state basis. Obviously,
there are certain states that we are unlikely to win, and the investment
of substantial resources there would not be productive. On the other
hand, there are several states which we virtually must win at all costs
and where we must put up the stiffest possible contest. These are the
target states. A listing of these states, based on latest considerations
of electoral size and probability of winning is given in Tab A. The top
nine target states comprise 173 of the 270 electoral votes required for
election.
Most of the target states can swing either way in a Presidential contest.
In a close election, every vote would be of paramount importance in each
state.
Target Voters
The 1972 election will be different from 1968 in at least two respects.
The President is running on his record, rather than proposed actions on
issues, and his image is well-known to the voters through extensive media
coverage during his first term. Therefore, a campaign appearance of the
President on television would not be expected to have the same impact it
did in 1968. The voters have probably already made up their minds on whether
to support or oppose the image they receive from television.
In some recent state elections, there has been evidence that certain tech-
niques of direct, targeted, "rifle-shot" communications to voters can sub-
stantially augment a candidate's mass media image. These techniques use
past voting data, socio-economic data and public opinion surveys to locate
and identify the target voters: those voters who might vote either way,
but who could be convinced to vote for one candidate if approached speci-
fically on a certain issue. Highly refined techniques of telephone can-
vassing and targeted direct mail have proven to be very effective in influ-
encing these voters. The general public is not accustomed to being involved
-2-
in the campaign process. A telephone call to discuss a particular concern,
or a personalized, computer-typed letter discussing the candidate's stand
on an issue important to them, brings a very positive reaction when done
well. The response also allows a systematic identification of friendly
voters to be contacted on election day.
There are several recent success stories which speak well for these target
voter techniques. In California in 1970, Reagan concentrated such a program
on ethnic precincts of San Francisco County. His vote percentage increased
in that very liberal area, whereas it decreased almost everywhere else in
California as compared to 1966. (Tab B) In New York, Rockefeller used a
highly effective telephone canvassing technique to win 21 out of 29 target
assembly districts in New York City, which ranged from 2-1 to 5-1 Democratic
registration and where he was trailing by a substantial margin several months
prior to the election. Extensive use was made of polls which identified the
target, or pivotal voters. (Tab C)
In Minnesota in 1970, Humphrey refined the process to a high degree. It was
widely acknowledged that much of the success of DFL candidates that year was
due to their focus on identifying and communicating with the target voter.
(Tab D)
In New Mexico, Anderson Carter, a relatively unknown rancher and oilman, de-
feated the heavily-favored incumbent Governor David Cargo for the Republican
Senatorial nomination. The substantial shift in voter preference during the
primary campaign was largely attributed to Carter's emphasis on a professionally
managed direct mail campaign. The letters were produced by computer, addressed
to specific individuals, and contained a message on an issue which was known
to be of interest to the recipient. Cargo's mail, on the other hand, was of
a very general, mass distribution type.
Recommendation
We propose that the planning for 1972 should emphasize rifle-shot communica-
tion with target voters in target states to augment the mass-media campaign.
This will involve substantial preparation in utilizing public opinion surveys,
census data and past voting data to identify the target voters and key issues,
and in applying advanced telephone canvassing techniques and promotional di-
rect mail to influence and deliver votes. Much of the development will be
done in cooperation with the Research Division of the RNC, which has been pur-
suing similar ideas over the past several months. During the planning stage,
specific proposals would be made to demonstrate and test each concept well
before final decisions had to be made for the campaign.
Proceed with detailed development of the target voter strategy to augment the
mass media and field operations planning.
Approve
Disapprove
Comment
Tab A
June 17, 1971
The following target states are the result of analysis of current
statistical, socio-economic and survey data. The electoral vote totals
of each section are noted and followed by a brief description of the
reasons for their selections.
MUST STATES - 173 electoral votes
The Must states are defined as areas that statistically and histori-
cally support Nixon/Republican nominees. It appears that without all
these states in our column, Nixon has little or no chance of being re-
elected. Ohio and California, for instance, have never failed to be in
the winning column if a Republican was victorious. The reasoning behind
the statement, "If Nixon doesn't carry all of the Must States, he won't
be elected President," is that if one of these states is not carried, there
is little chance of finding a second or third priority state which would
make up this loss more easily. Iowa is included because it is a vital
media center for all of the midwest farm belt.
SECOND PRIORITY MUST STATES - 158 electoral votes
The Second Priority Must states represent those states that statisti-
cally have less chance of moving over to Nixon, but, none the less, are
within striking distance. These states represent the next best opportuni-
ties in the large electoral category. It is necessary that some of these
be moved into the win column for Nixon. Connecticut is included because
of recent favorable election trends and because of advantageous media over-
lap with the New York-New Jersey-Pennsylvania area.
THIRD PRIORITY MUST STATES - 64 electoral votes
Third Priority Must states represent those areas that statistically
Nixon can win. These are areas with smaller electoral vote totals, but
about the same odds, as the Second Priority Must states. Nixon must win
some of these.
PLUS STATES - 44 electoral votes
The Plus states are defined as those areas that traditionally support
the Republican Party and Nixon. In 1972, given a favorable national atmos-
phere towards the President, we should do well in these states. They are
also states that tend to be more single issue oriented. For example, if
farmers are feeling fairly comfortable about Nixon and the agriculture pol-
icy of the Administration, the chances are that these areas will be in our
column. If, on the other hand, the attitude toward Nixon and the agriculture
policy is negative, there is very little that could outweigh this attitude.
The method of arriving at these target states included a ten year analysis
of Presidential elections, an analysis of 1966, 1968 and 1970 Congressional,
Senatorial, and Gubernatorial races, an analysis of polling trends of var-
ious regions in the country and state polls where available, RNC state issue
files of the past year to see if there have been any major trends or shifts
June 16, 1971
MUST
2nd PRIORITY MUST
13
Indiana
26 Texas
8 Iowa
12
Missouri
12
Virginia
10
Maryland
17
Florida
13
North Carolina
10
Tennessee
27
Pennsylvania
45
California
41
New York
26
Illinois
11
Wisconsin
17
New Jersey
8
Connecticut
25 Ohio
10
Minnesota
173
158
3rd PRIORITY MUST
PLUS
8
South Carolina
5
Nebraska
9
Washington
4
Idaho
4
New Mexico
6
Arizona
3
Vermont
3
Wyoming
4
Montana
7
Kansas
3
Nevada
4
Utah
7
Colorado
3
North Dakota
4
New Hampshire
8
Oklahoma
6 Oregon
4
South Dakota
9
Kentucky
44
3
Delaware
4
Maine
64
in public opinion that have been evidenced in newspapers or other publi-
cations, as well as the reports of the RNC field staff.
It should be reiterated that this is the status of state priority
selection as of June 15. This is not meant to be definitive, but only
a device to serve the needs of those who must make early resource allo-
cations on behalf of the effort to re-elect the President.
Tab B
Comments by Vincent P. Barabba, Chairman of the Board, DMI
on Reagan campaign
NOW TO AN INTERESTING QUESTION. DID THE GOVERNOR
HAVE AN ALTERNATIVE TO MASS MEDIA? IN 1966 RONALD REAGAN
DEFEATED GOVERNOR PAT BROWN 57.6% TO 42.3%. IN 1970
GOVERNOR REAGAN DEFEATED JESS UNRUH 52.8% TO 45.1%.
IN 1970 GOVERNOR REAGAN DROPPED FROM HIS 1966 VICTORY
MARGIN IN ALMOST EVERY COUNTY. POST ELECTION STUDIES (AND
MOST OF CALIFORNIA'S EXPERIENCED CAMPAIGN WATCHERS) ATTRIBUTE
A GREAT PORTION OF THIS DROP IN SUPPORT TO THE SEVERE AERO-
SPACE AND DEFENSE INDUSTRY UNEMPLOYMENT THROUGHOUT CALIFORNIA.
HOWEVER, SAN FRANCISCO COUNTY STANDS OUT AS AN EXCEPTION.
IN 1970 GOVERNOR REAGAN ACTUALLY INCREASED HIS PERCENTAGE
OF THE VOTE FROM 41.1% TO 43.48, WHILE THE AVERAGE REPUBLICAN
CANDIDATE VOTE IN SAN FRANCISCO COUNTY WAS DROPPING FROM 32.4%
IN 1966 TO 29.2% IN 1970. THE GOVERNOR'S INCREASE CAN BE
EXPLAINED PARTIALLY BY A SPECIAL PRECINCT INDEX PRIORITY
PROJECT THAT WAS UNDERTAKEN BY THE LOCAL REAGAN FORCES
IN THE AREA. THE GROUP IDENTIFIED THE IRISH, ITALIAN
AND CHINESE PRECINCTS FIRST. THEN, THEY UTILIZED A SERIES
OF VOTE STATISTICS FOR PREVIOUS ELECTIONS TO IDENTIFY
THOSE ETHNIC PRECINCTS WHICH HAD, IN THE PAST, INDICATED
A PROPENSITY TO EITHER: VOTE FOR SOMETHING THE GOVERNOR
SUPPORTED; OR, VOTE AGAINST SOMETHING THE GOVERNOR OPPOSED.
THE REAGAN GROUP THEN CONCENTRATED THEIR MESSAGES ON
ALL OF THE NON-REPUBLICANS IN THE SELECTED PRIORITY PRECINCTS.
THEY SENT TWO SPECIAL MESSAGES. ONE WAS A TABLOID THAT HAD
BEEN USED THROUGHOUT CALIFORNIA. THE SECOND PIECE CONTAINED
A LETTER SIGNED BY LOCAL DEMOCRATS SUPPORTING GOVERNOR
REAGAN.
THE RESULTS SPEAK FOR THEMSELVES:
IN THE NON-PRIORITY PRECINCTS
IN THE PRIORITY PRECINCTS
GOVERNOR
REAGAN
35.3%
50.3%
AVERAGE
REPUBLICAN
VOTE
25.4%
32.0%
REAGAN OVER
AVERAGE REPUBLICAN
VOTE
9.9%
17.3%
THE TOTAL COST OF THE PROJECT (WHICH SENT OUT TWO
BULK MAILINGS TO 85,000 DEMOCRAT. HOUSEHOLDS CONTAINING
100,000 DEMOCRAT VOTERS) WAS APPROXIMATELY $12,000.00.
THAT'S A COST OF ABOUT 12¢ FOR THE TWO MESSAGES TO
EACH VOTER -- OR ABOUT 6¢ FOR EACH MESSAGE.
THIS
C.
The Marketing
of Nelson Rockefeller
By Fred Powledge
There was his incredibly competent staff, all that money, and
the willingness to engage in a little deception here and there."
There are some who would have you
not exercised on the basis of the voli-
believe that Nelson Rockefeller got him-
tion of the voters-be it by economic
self re-elected to office because he swung
threats, be it by the gun, or be it by
to the right. It's a satisfying thought for
psychological techniques used to de-
both the paranoids on the left and the
prive the voter of his free choice.
self-pitying folk on the right. For the
"I say it comes down to the same
lefties, it confirms their suspicions that
thing. And that it will very quickly un-
Rocky was an opportunistic closet fas-
dermine the free election system. Nel-
cist all the time; the rightists may revel
son Rockefeller is not a menace in and
in the belief that they've finally accu-
of himself, but his techniques are a
mulated enough megavotes to bring the
grave threat."
governor-a Rockefeller, no less-
crawling for support.
Polls, as everyone knows, are essen-
Unfortunately, like most things, it
tial to a successful political campaign.
isn't all that simple. Nelson Rockefel-
You do not hear a great deal about
ler was returned to office with a 716,-
Rockefeller's polls, just as you do not
061 plurality not because he swung to
hear much about the internal work-
the right, but because he clung to the
ings of his political life, because almost
center. (It is, perhaps, of passing his-
everybody who works for him has been
torical interést that the "center" this
there a good long time, since he first
year may very well have been the
became governor a dozen years ago,
"right" of a few years ago.) More im-
and they all know the job is to win
portantly, Rockefeller was re-elected
elections, not talk about it. Lloyd Free,
because he had the sense to determine
the governor's consultant on polls, has
what the center was and then to aim
been a friend of Rockefeller's for 50
his campaign toward it, utilizing the
years. Political writers seem to equate
most advanced hard- and software
a quiet polling operation, such as Rock-
available, and utilizing it on a scale un-
efeller's, with an extremely smooth and
precedented in a state campaign.
excellent one, and in this case they
That determination of what the cen-
were right.*
ter was, which Rockefeller made last
The Rockefeller people also knew
May when his first campaign poll came
how to not let the polls get the better
in, had a lot to do with his victory, but
of them. The candidate himself spoke.
it would have been just another poll
during the campaign, of his dependence.
without a few factors: The abysmally
not on all the technological gimmicks
poor quality, as a candidate. of his ma-
of campaigning, but on his "intuitive
jor opponent, Arthur Goldberg; the
creative thinking." Polls are nice for
built-in advantage of simply being gov-
finding out what worries people; they
ernor in the first place; a mechanical
are "guides on the emphasis that is
operation that must have been one of
placed on the solution of
the smoothest in history; the incredible
mate and quite likely the only truly in-
Rockefeller said one afternoon 07 3
loyalty and competence of his staff: all
teresting candidate in the whole cam-
that money, and a willingness to en-
paign. commented on this shortly be.
*Shortly after the voting machines
gage in a little deception here and there.
fore election day. "We used to talk
on November 5. as the Rockejoller
Curiously enough, Nelson Rockefel-
about the banana republics and how
was assembling at brother Laurance's for
ler revealed very little of himself the
they held elections." he said. "and we
dinner, Free was asked what the
campaign. It was almost all mechanical
would be. Rockejeller would win 55
talked about economic reprisals and
-and, said some of his critics. the me-
cent of the votes. to said. Someone
threats. What does Rocketeller have
0:: the TV se:; CBS at that montant
chanics sometimes bordered on sub-
to do with this? I Buy the desired prod-
jected a Rockejeller with with 55 per
liminal advertising.
uct is the thing we look at, and the pur-
oj the vote. The candidate accually can
Basil Paterson, Goldberg's running
pose sought is to get a vote which is
in with 52.4 per cent.
NEW YORK
One of the big fears was that supporters would not vote, con-
fident that Rocky would win but eager to watch a rich man sweat. "
flight back to the city after an upstate
A picture was emerging that would
in charge of the New York City opera-
swing. His campaign director, R. Bur-
be valuable to any candidate. especially
tion. His task was not so much to make
dell Bixby, a lawyer on leave from his
one who was inescapably joined 10 the
sure the Republicans got to the polls as
$25,000-a-year patronage job as head of
previous twelve years. The picture was
it was to make converts out of Demo-
the New York State Thruway Author-
sufficiently encouraging to justify a
crats and independents. Perrotta set
ity. agreed. Even a governor who reads
campaign slogan that did not try to
about getting endorsements for Rocke-
the newspapers and watches TV, Bixby
repudiate the record: Rocketeiler. He's
feller from prominent Democrats. He
said, cannot know what bothers the
done a lot. He'll do more.
picked 29 key city assembly districts
people the most: "The polls tell us bet-
But the May poll showed something
where the registration was anywhere
ter than our instincts what it is the peo-
else that was extremely helpful in guid-
from 2-to-1 to 5-to-1 Democratic, and
ple are concerned about," he said.
ing the strategists to the right voters. It
he unleashed a roomful of telephone
Neither Bixby nor the governor nor
picked out those who, at that point,
callers on them.
any other campaign officials who were
thought of themselves as supporters of
The poll also identified those in the
questioned seemed to have given much
Rockefeller, a group that made up only
center-not just the usual "undecided,"
thought to the notion that, theoretically
54 per cent of the total, and it told the
but the 22 per cent who were. in the
at least, you shouldn't need polls to find
strategists something about them: 96
eyes of the Rockefeller people. the Piv-
out what people were thinking. The
per cent of them were white; 26 per
otals." Free devised a ladder-like allair
civies books say that's what legislatures
cent were 60 or over and only 13 per
on which those polled rated the candi-
are for. But polls were used, and used
cent were in the 21-to-29 age group; 41
dates. It a respondent placed Rockefeller
well, and used early and often, al-
per cent were Protestants, 46 per cent
at or near the top of the Indder in Po-
though newspaper assertions that they
were Catholic, and S per cent were Jew-
sition 10, there was no problem. If he
were "almost continuous" were exag.
ish; 25 per cent were Democrats, 59 per
was on the bottom. at 1. the voter (and
gerated. Free completed his first major
cent were Republicans. and 13 per cent
those like him. whom he supposedly
poll in early May. It measured the vot-
were independents; only a third of them
represented in the scientific survey)
ers' attitudes on practically everything:
lived in New York City, while 25 per
was not worth pursuing. But it a re-
what they said they were concerned
cent lived in the city's suburban coun-
spondent rated Rockefeller at 5 or high-
about; their feelings on taxes, abortion
ties and 44 per cent lived upstate.
er. and elsewhere in the poll did not ex-
reform, spending for education, health
Joseph H. Boyd Jr., whose title is
press himself as "for" Rockefeller, then
and welfare; President Nixon; no-fault
special assistant to the governor, a 32-
he was considered a Pivotal. Fair game.
automobile insurance.
year-old man with wavy blond hair
The capture of the Pivotals was es-
Although the Democrats had not yet
who looks like a well-educated tent
sential if Rockefeller was to be re-elect-
picked Arthur Goldberg as their candi-
preacher without the attendant vices,
ed, his strategists reasoned. Re-election,
date, the governor's people felt Gold-
went on leave in June to direct the me-
back then in May, was not at all a sure
berg was the likely opponent. so much
chanics of the campaign outside New
thing; in fact. a question on the poll re-
of the May poll was devoted to com-
York City. One of his big jobs was to
vealed that the incumbent was 11 per-
parisons of the two men. What did they
make sure that the 3+ per cent remained
centage points behind Goldberg
think Goldberg's image was? Rockefel-
supporters of the governor. Boyd's big-
A quarter of the Pivotals were 60
ler's? How much trust and confidence
gest fear, as the compaign progressed
years old or older. About a third of
did they have in the two men? Did they
and as a Rockefeller victory seemed
them had college educations. and 45
feel that Goldberg didn't know much
more and more likely, was that the sup-
per cent had finished high school. Their
about state government? That Rocke-
porters either would not vote, out of
income levels spanned several catego-
feller had been in too long and was
apathy and a conviction that Rockefel-
ries, but the largest group was in the
tired? "The idea," said Free after the
ler was going to win anyway, or that
$10,000-and-over class. Thirty-five per
election, "was to get a basic pattern in
they would vote for Conservative Paul
cent were professional or business peo-
terms of images, trust and confidence.
Adams. confident that Rocky would
ple; 28 per cent were manual laborers.
strengths and weaknesses, of the two
win but eager to watch a rich man
A third were Protestants, a third were
guys all the way through."
sweat.
Catholics, and 27 per cent were Jewish.
EARLY
The sample responded: plenty were
The poll also picked out those who
Half of the Pivotals lived in New York
angry with Rockefeller simply because
considered themselves opponents of
City, and they had lower incomes and
he had been in the job and hadn't done
Rockofeller-44 per cent of the sample
less education and were more likely to
TITUDE
enough, but "they did give him credit
electorate. Ninety per cent or them
be manual laborers than were the Piv-
for trying hard and for having his heart
turned out 10 be white; only 19 per
otals upstate. The differences between
in it," recalled Free. They liked Gold-
cent were 60 years of age or older: 25
the city Pivotals and the country Piv-
berg. and thought he was competent.
per cent were Protestants. 49 per cent
otals. said an aide. was "a constant
poel
but in the final analysis a lot of them
Catholics. and 17 per cent Jewish: 52
problem. A large majority of the gov-
liked Rockefeller better. Asked what
per cent were Democrats. 19 per cent
ernor's supporters were outside the city.
they thought were the maior
Republicans. and 20 per cent indepen-
and half of the Pivotals. on the other
accomplishments. they listed education.
dents. Not surprisingly, +5 per cent of
hand. were in the city. So there was a
highways, roads and bridges, health
the opponents lived in New York City,
constant problem of how to handle it
care and facilities. and transportation.
while 17 per cent lived in the
so he didn't alienate those outside the
in that order. Asked about areas in
and 58 per cent in the rest of upstate.
city in order to go after those who were
which the governor had done too little.
Floravante G. Perrotta, former New
inside."
they named narcotics first, higher taxes.
York City Finance Administrator and
Rockefeller did his best, though. and
crime men various
unsuccessful candidate for City Con-
in the process he maintained his hold
such as housing and transportation.
troller on the Lindsay ticket, was placed
on the center. For example: One day in
DESCRIPTION OF
40
NEW YORK
CPRONENTS
Committees carried the word to 31 differ-
eariy October, the candidate spoke at a
coffee-and-Danish reception at a coun-
ent white ethnic groups that Rocky cared. "
try club in Syracuse: nicely-dressed la-
dies and gentlemen, almost all of them
white, smiling at the candidate, the can-
were known) and the Friends of the
lion; the best bet seemed to be around
didate not only smiling back but going
Rockefeller Team (as the thousands of
$12 or $15 million.) The campaign
through his entire, and somewhat spas-
volunteers and semi-pros were called)
headquarters, an entire floor and then
tic, bit-winking, raising that eyebrow
and such groups as the Associates of
some at 575 Madison Avenue, had been
halfway off his head, winking some
the Rockefeller Team (who were, ac-
rented back in February. The floor had
more. The governor told all those nice
cording to the governor's ethnic-group
previously been inhabited by the Wells,
white folks that what we really needed
specialist, the "so-called Jewish opera-
Rich, Greene advertising agency, and it
was some radicalism. Well, modified
tion") could not just sit and wait for
was fitting that campaign director Bix-
radicalism.
the polls to come in. The record had to
by, a rather dry and straight man who
"The great challenge of the future,"
be defined and defended, and the cam-
nevertheless speaks of the "wholesale"
he said, was whether we are "willing to
paign machinery had to be tuned up.
and "retail" aspects of running a candi-
make the adjustments in our institu-
"The first phase of the campaign was
date, was to be ensconced in the office
tions, and radical adjustments, to meet
to be governor," said Alton Marshall,
that once had belonged to Mary Wells.
the problems of the day-to make our
by which he meant Rockefeller "was
The printing presses were turning,
society today, and its institutions. rele-
active in gubernatorial projects," by
and by the end of the campaign they
vant to the needs of the people." And
which he meant Rockefeller sudden-
would have poured out something like
then: "Government has got to be able
ly started letting contracts for bridges,
50 million pieces of printed matter, al-
to adapt itself to new conditions if we
highways, and other nice things. Rocke-
most all of it with the reminder that the
want to deal with these problems effec-
feller also presided at a number of en-
candidate had done a lot but was never-
tively. And if we don't, then I don't
vironmental forums and antidrug fo-
theless capable of doing more. There
think our system is going to survive."
rums, meetings throughout the state at
was a 42-page discussion of everything
He sounded like those earnest young
which citizens. largely irate ones. could
from education to agriculture; hand-
Students for a Democratic Society of
actually complain to the governor him-
some little brochures on what the gov-
about five years ago. But all he offered
self. The governor was "identifying
ernor had done for the Lower Hudsen
his audience by way of radical adjust-
with good things that were happening
Valley Area, the Niagara Frontier, the
ments were the traditional solutions of
in state government," said Marshall.
Capital District, and the Central New
the right (and maybe, now, of the cen-
"During this period, in the spring, it
York-Mohawk Valley Area (but not
ter) More policemen, special courts to
was Governor, not Candidate, Rocke-
the New York City Area).
handle narcotics crimes, more judges,
feller."
Folders were printed detailing what
more prisons.
By late June, Candidate, not Gover-
Rockefeller had done for and about the
A Rockefeller aide, looking back on
nor, Rockefeller had spent more than
aging. the arts, businessmen, education,
it all, said, "I think he pursued the cen-
half a million dollars, even though he
environment, health, higher education.
trist course. And it did the trick." Free
had no primary challenge and even
labor, the mentally ill and retarded, and
conducted two other major polls-one
though his Democratic opponent was
recreation. Campaign workers in each
in early August and one in mid-Septem-
only then being selected. (Because of
of eleven regions obtained lists of fami-
ber-and three smaller, "trial heat"
loopholes in the election law. it would
lies with special interests and delivered
polls to indicate the candidate's stand-
never be known how much he really
the literature to them. (For instance, a
ing against Goldberg. And throughout
had spent by the end of the campaign.
friendly Republican on a county mental
the summer, the basic patterns stayed
Rockefeller people were projecting
health organization might get a list of
pretty much the same. The Pivotals
something like S6 or $7 million; anti-
its members; each would get copies of
shifted more and more to Rockefeller,
Rockefeller people were saying $20 mil-
"Rockefeller: He's Done a Lot. He'll
undoubtedly because Rockefeller was
Do More for the MENTALLY ILL." Spe-
shifting more and more to the Pivotals.
"It was traditional, one was assured. that
cial mailings were sent to every group
Perhaps the finest piece of shifting-
for which a list could be obtained or
the governor's secretary, his press officer,
and one on which the intriguing details
and his counsel stay on the state payroll
manufactured: there were Travel
are missing-consisted of Rockefeller's
during a campaign for re-election. Many
Agents for Rockefeller; Chiropractors
aligning himself with the Conservative
others among the 580 permanent campaign
for Rockefeller (who were reminded
Senatorial candidate, James Buckley.
workers were normally 011 the state payroll
that the governor had signed a law rec-
without actually disowning his own
but look leaves of absence to work on the
ognizing the profession and enlarging
party's offering, Charles Goodell.
campaign. This raises several intriguing
"the right and opportunity of the peo-
And finally, on election day, when
questions: if those workers are as efficient
ple of this State to consult a licensed
all the shifting was over, the Pivote's
and competent as they appear during a
and appropriate health practitioner of
and the ones who were for the gover-
campaign (and after onc. :00: on Novem-
ber +, they were writing thank-you 1:0:es).
their own choice"). There were Oster
nor anyway went to the polls and
how come the state machinery is not effi-
opathic Physicians for the Rockefeller-
elected him.
cient and competent three and one-half
Wilson Team. Nurses for Rockefeller.
"We had ours," said Alton Marshall,
years out of every four? If they had been
and the Veterans Committee for the
the head of the campaign's "substantive
working for the state last summer. rather
Rockefeller-Wilson Team.
group" and not on leave from his S40,-
than the candidate. would a person apply-
There was. of course. labor for Rock-
075-a-year post as secretary to the gov-
ing for a driver's license in Brooklyn in
efeller. or l'afjaire Kiamesha Lake (see
ernor, "and the other side had theirs,
fune have gotten it scower than Septem-
New York. October 12. 1970), during
and in the middle was a big gold-field.
ber? Are the taxpayers being deprived o!
which Rockefeller received the endorsh
We had to go out and mine it."
these workers' talents 10 per cell oj the
time? If so, is this deprivation more than
ment of what some termed the majority
made up jor by the saving on the workers'
of those present at the state AFL.CIO
The mining was hard work. of course.
sularies? Should the saving maybe be con-
convention. and after which it was com
The Rockefeller Team (as all those pros
timed on a permanent basis?
mon for news stories is simply say #:
on or.not on leave from their state jobs
"
By September, the timetable had him down as 'all candidate.
The TV commercials shifted to and shoulders shots
"
he had "the backing of organized labor
senior citizens who frequented a certain
won; now we're going to make you do
in New York State." The governor had
means of transportation."
the things you ought to do. You're free
been courting the building trades for
Massolo grinned impishly. He didn't
of the political imperatives now.'
years, and he frequently and proudly
want to give away the secret. "They
In August, Rockefeller became what
reported, after the convention, that he
ride in a certain way," he said. "Let's
his aides called a "combination gover-
had the endorsement of "85 unions
say a bus company. And they get a spc-
nor and candidate," and the combina-
with membership of over 1.3 million."
cial rate. And there was a list of people
tion meshed so well it was often diffi-
How the governor arrived at that figure
who do that. Well, that means that
cult to determine which one he was.
is not exactly clear.*
these are active senior citizens. They're
The television and radio campaign
The ethnic campaign was begun.
still moving around; they can vote;
started-30 separate TV ads and 15
Thirty-one different white ethnic groups
they can get to the polls. So therefore
radio messages. Phase One was known
were identified and committees were
you send them a message. We sent
to the staff as The Record, which was
formed to get the word to each of them
them one of the booklets about the
"designed to show what this man's rec-
that Governor Rockefeller cared. The
aging."
ord is, how he had been innovative;
pitch to the ethnics was straight down
One ethnic group that was not dis-
that he cared; that he was interested in
the center: Drug addiction, crime in the
cussed very much was the black New
the problems that the people were in-
streets, and education, both public and
Yorker. If you asked a Team member
terested in," according to Marshall.
private. Some additional efforts were
about this, the reply was usually some
Some of the ads were so innovative
aimed at ethnic groups which the cam-
thing like "Oh, I think Jackie Robin-
themselves that-Goldberg called them
paign staff believed had "special inter-
son's taking care of that." Some pri-
"grossly misleading." Actually, they
ests." For the Germans, the press re-
vately acknowledged that there was lit-
were probably no worse than the aver-
leases and advertisements emphasized,
tle sense in going after blacks since Basil
age TV commercial. They were, how-
in addition to the crime-dope-schools
Paterson was on the opposite ticket.
ever, noticeably devoid of recognizably
issues, Rockefeller's interest in recre-
There was, however, some support of
black actors, except for one in which a
ation and parks because, as a staffer
a more subtle nature for Rockefeller
black nurse brought a soft. pinkish new-
put it, "the Germans are very athletic
from the black community. Arthur Lo-
born baby to a soft, pinkish white lady.
and enjoy the out-of-doors."
gan, a surgeon well respected both up-
By September, Rockefeller's timetable
One group for which mailing lists
town and downtown in New York City,
had him down as "all candidate." The
were difficult to find-but which were
became one of several prominent black
TV commercials shifted from little
essential, according to the profile of the
Democrats to support the governor. Vic-
scenes of people doing great things.
Pivotals that had been developed in
tor Gotbaum, the anti-Rockefeller la-
courtesy Nelson Rockefeller, to straight-
May-where the oldsters. "Senior Citi-
bor leader, said if there was one thing
on, head-and-shoulders shots of the can-
zens was an unusual thing," said Arthur
that really got him visceral, it was the
didate. talking about what he had done.
Massolo, on leave as the governor's as-
specter of people like Dr. Logan sup-
At about this time. Fioravante Perrotta
sistant appointments officer to run the
porting the governor. "And I know
was making telephone calls all over the
ethnic and special-group show, "but
why he's supporting him," Gotbaum
key Demberat-held assembly districts in
somebody had a list-I wouldn't want
said.
the city: it was said. by someone in the
to embarrass the company-a list of
Why?
operation. that there were about six
"He's getting the promise of a hospi-
former workers. male and female. or
*Victor Gotbaum, executive director of
tal," said Gotbaum. "He's been looking
the late Robert Kennedv in the tele
District 37, State, County. and Municipal
for a community hospital, and I'm sure
phone boiler-room at 575 Madison. but
Employees, and a supporter of Goldberg.
he's gotten a promise." He thought a
their identities were kept secret.
said there was considerable application of
moment. "Well," he added, "I guess it's
Joe Bovd was heavily into his up-
the Rockefeller New Math and a general
counting of people twice. In one of Rocke-
legitimate."
state campaign work. Operatives in the
feller's own press releases. the candidate
Dr. Logan. asked about his support,
field were using telephones to call rez-
expressed his pleasure at receiving the sup-
said he was for Rockefeller because he
istered voters and ask them how they
port of 50,000 members of the Internation-
seemed like the better candidate. There
planned to vote. Some of them refused
al Union of Dolls. Toys, Playthings. Novel-
was another reason. he added: "There
to say. Boyd. asked how he followed
ties, and Allied Products (some of whose
are individual projects which I'm inter-
UD those voters. said: "We go back to
members lived in the rest of the U.S. and
ested in." he said. "which the governor
them and SAM we re an independent
in Canada), and attached to the release
has given his support to. For instance,
ing organization."
was a statement from the union itse!! which
placed the membership at 20.000. Gorbaum
a major new health-care complex in the
Wasn't that a bit deceptive?
felt that Rockefeller executed a deliberate
West Harlem-Manhatanville area to
"Well." said Boyd, and then he
and cynical plan of catering to the needs
serve the residents there. who are now
thought a while. "I think it's fair. You
and desires of the building trades in order
without adequate facilities. I think
give a name. You say This is Joseph
to get his "labor support." The governor.
Rockefeller is about to announce some
Bovd Canvassing' or something."
he said, "is a man with 1:0 ideology. He's
very significant financial support-as
In late September and early October.
not a guy who's turned his back on princi-
an individual,' he said. "In fact, I un-
the television campaign shifted from
ple; he's never had any. This is where I
derstand it will be S2 million from the
The Record to Pledges. and the Pledges
differ with a lot of people. They taik about
Rockefeller Brothers Fund."
going from left to right as though he was a
seemed to have a great deal to de with
liberal, left-wing Republican. This is pure,
There was, said Dr. Logan. no swap.
crime in the streets. narcotics and the
arrant nonsense. Rocketeller is a tabula
no deal. The hospital "is a factor in my
like. At about this time, the press
rasa; he's a clean state. You can out any.
decision to vote for he sald. "And
came genuinely interested in the
thing 011 his table and ii the moods oi the
on Wednesd after he's re-elected I'm
paign. and every trip the governor
times call for it, he'll ear it and digest it."
going to see him and say, Okay, you
was watched closely by reporters. who
NEW YORK
On election night, next to grinning Mario,
York. The mailings, which were labeled
"Telegram" (but which clearly were
he spoke of law and order, but not together."
not, inasmuch as they contained lie
typographical errors and they were de-
livered on time), said: I NEED YOUR
welcomed orders from their assignment
signals," he said. "We've been together
HELP. UNLESS YOU VOTE THIS TUES
desks to leave the Goldberg campaign
a long time."
DAY THE ORGANIZED DEMOCRAT PARTY
and follow Rockefeller for a few days,
Joe Canzeri, whose code name on the
OF NEW YORK CITY COULD TAKE ONER
simply because the accommodations
little radios was Little Caesar, was the
YOUR STATE GOVERNMENT. BUFFAME
were better and their luggage was sel-
dean of the advance men on Rocke-
[or ALBANY or WATERTOWN] VOTES ADI
dom lost. There is something essen-
feller's trips out of the city. Canzeri,
VITAL. MALCOLM WILSON AND I NEED
tially satisfying about stepping off a
who is 40 years old and who manages
YOUR SUPPORT FOR GOOD GOVERNMENT
private airplane and being handed an
the governor's estate in Pocantico Hills
GOVERNOR NELSON A. ROCKEFELLER.
envelope which contains the key to
during non-campaign periods. was in
your hotel room, a mimeographed list
the hotel management field before he
RESULTS
Boyd's operation attempted 1.279.1
telephone calls to voters. Of that total.
of all your fellow reporters' room num-
joined the Team. Any hotel should be
932,470 were completed. Bovd estimated
bers, the address of the press room and
so lucky. He made sure everything hap-
that each household contained 2.2
the Hospitality Room, and essential
pened at the right time and happened
OF
voters. "So we probably reached more
information on such items as Western
well. When the governor went bowling
than 2 million voters,' he said, readin
Union, the location of Xerox machines,
in Buffalo one night, Canzeri made sure
the figures from a series of neat
hours for room service, and the closing
-had made sure, a week before-that
on his office wall.
time at the hotel bar.
the alley had a pair of bowling shoes
Perrotta's New York City campainn
It helped, too, that Rockefeller had
that would fit a man whose foot is 12
was similarly successful. Oi his 29
his own private air force-a helicopter,
inches long in shoes. (Actually, Rocke-
high-priority Democratic assembly dis-
a Grumman Gulfstream 2 jet, and a
feller could have brought his own shoes,
tricts, the ones that his batteries of
twin-engined Fairchild which held two
since he has his own bowling alley at
telephone workers assaulted. he said
dozen people and a bar, which someone
the estate.)
afterward, "We banged hell out e:
had the decency and wisdom to open
Canzeri was wont to liken the cam-
them." Rockefeller took eight of those
at precisely 12:01 p.m. when the press
paign to show business. The advance
districts in Brooklyn to Goldberg's fives
was aboard.
men create the atmosphere, he said,
four to one in the Bronx, seven to two
In addition to all the money, the air-
and Rockefeller runs the show. "It's
in Queens, and two to nothing in Staten
planes, the generally friendly press, and
a very creative thing, I think," he said.
Island. The center, the Pivotals
the perquisites of office, Rockfeller also
"You're creating an event. You're cre-
22 per cent, had swung.
was aided incalculably by the fact that
ating the activity. You're creating the
Joe Boyd, asked afterward what had
his logistical people-the advance men,
color, the background." Canzeri's watch
gone wrong, said he couldn't think of
the press officers, the on-the-road ad-
is set five minutes fast, like a good bar-
anything major. The successful candi-
visers, and the people back at 575 Mad-
room's.
date, on election night, appeared at the
ison who manned the "anchor desk,"
Late in October, just a few days be-
Roosevelt next to the grinning Mario
taking and relaying messages to the
fore the election itself, the campaign
Procaccino. He spoke of law and of
candidate, no matter where he might
moved into the Attack phase. In the
order, but not in the same breath: that
be-were probably the best anywhere.
TV commercials, the attacking was
may be the mark of the center these
carried out by defecting Democrats, not
days.
Most of them had been with the gov-
by Rockefeller; the governor did his
Alton Marshall, summarizing it all.
ernor for a long time-since the guber-
part in public speeches. "We had an
urged a visitor to ferret out and read
natorial campaign of 1958, in many
opponent," an aide explained, "who
the speeches Rockefeller had made dur-
cases, then through the campaigns of
was not susceptible to being criticized
ing the last days of the campaign. They
1962 and 1966, the Presidential attempt
as you would criticize other candidates."
weren't reported in the press, he said.
in 1968, and the Latin American trip
The polls were showing Rockefeller
but if someone took the trouble 10 com-
in 1969. The workers, especially the ad-
ahead, and it was further decided that
pare them with the speeches Rocke-
vance men-the people who get the
any really tough tactics might back-
feller had made at the outset. they
candidate from one stop to another,
fire. "However," said Alton Marshall,
would reveal a "growth of philosophy.
who know who should shake his hand
"you almost have to end up with some
a tendency to express concern about
where, and how to keep him from hav-
question of your opponent's credibility.
social movement rather than building
ing his picture taken with a local gang-
People wouldn't want their soap opera
highways and buildings.
ster-were like feisty young captains
to end without some suspense.' So the
The Rockefeller Team had been justly
working hard and bucking for major.
television campaign ended with a series
criticized, Marshall continued. because
Although they whispered surrepti-
of questions for the undecided voter
it often had been guilty of emphasizing
tiously into small radios in the manner
that were designed to attack Goldberg's
the roads and bridges and not paying
of the Secret Service, there was amaz-
credibility.
enough attention to human and the
ingly little confusion. because they had
Then everybody started worrying.
governor's speeches at the end of the
worked together so long and they had
Joe Boyd was particularly worried about
campaign represented an attempt 10
utter and complete devotion to Rocke-
the polls that were being published that
rectify that error.
feller. Hugh Morrow, the governor's
showed a clear Rockefeller victory. He
Somehow it just didn't seem worth-
director of communications ($58,378 a
feared the upstate Republicans would
while to dig out those speeches. A: the
year), who occupied an office at 575
stay home or vote for Adams. On the
end of the campaign, with the
Madison during the campaign, was
Thursday before the election. 400.000
chinery all clicking smoothly. with the
asked how he kept in touch with his
simulated telegrams (astually the print-
center and the Pivotals well in hand.
fellow communicators over at 22 West
out of a computer in California) began
it was easy for Rockefeller :0 exhibit
55th Street, in the governor's official
being received in Republican and inde-
a growth of philosophy. an interest
office. "We communicate by Mandarin
pendent mailboxes in upstate New
humanity. The polls were already in.
CITIZENS FOR THE RE-ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT
WASHINGTON
SUITE 272
July 2, 1971
1701 PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20000
12021 333-0920
MEMORANDUM FOR:
THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
FROM:
JEB S. MAGRUDER
SUBJECT:
Democratic & Republican Contenders
Attached is a report on the current status of our tracking
of the Democratic and Republican contenders. You will note
that the planning committee, under Pat Buchanan, feels that
adequate work is being done in collecting the data. The
emphasis must be on using the information effectively, part-
icularly in this pre-campaign period. Since this does not
require a major change in resources or personnel assignments,
we will proceed along those lines unless you disagree with
the conclusions reached in the memorandum.
GENERAL ANALYSIS
Our prevailing judgment at this time is that if Edward M.
Kennedy wants the Democratic Nomination in 1972, he can win it;
that he will make his final decision around the turn of the year;
that the crucial factor in that decision will be his judgment as to
whether or not the President can be defeated. If he feels the
President is a loser, he will run. If the President appears strong,
he will hang back for 1976 and possibly act in a fashion as to
assist the President's chance for re-election.
If Kennedy hangs back, the group is divided as to whether
Muskie or Humphrey would prevail at the convention. Humphrey
seen as seriously damaged by the McNamara Papers.
Group divided further over who would be the most difficult
candidate for RN. Some feel Kennedy would be an ideal opponent -
others feel Kennedy, because of charisma, myth, enthusiasm, would
be the most difficult. No one mentioned Humphrey as the strongest
of the three. One felt that Muskie did not have it upstairs to
successfully traverse a Presidential campaign. Thus we should favor
his nomination.
Group believed that it was still too early to make flat predictions.
2
CANDIDATES
KENNEDY -- Great strength among young, poor, black. The
only Democrat who can generate great enthusiasm. Good support
in labor movement, among lower-income Catholics. Charisma, the
Repository of the Kennedy Myth, Good Campaigner. Strongest appeal
to 18-21 year-old vote. Look's to bosses in the Northern Cities like
a winner. Strongest among rank-and-file Democrats by Gallup Poll.
Not likely to drop in coming months. His political operation is
among the best. He can generate more and better publicity than any
of the others.
Weaknesses: Chappaquiddick. Impression of immaturity and
irresponsibility to many. Too far left; too associated with hippies
and radicals. Not considered a heavy-weight either by party pros or
fellow Senators. Anathema to the South. Too much of a left-winger;
too jet set for Middle America. Would generate asmuch vehement
opposition on Right as support on the Left.
MUSKIE -- Could unite Democrats. Strongest in polls of
party leaders, and among Independents. Has non-partisan, non-
political image. Strong on environment and "new priorities. 11
Ideal compromise candidate, and current front-runner. Has general
appearance of solid, responsible, able Senator who arouses no great
emotion, but no great animosity. Odds-on-favorite in the early primaries.
3
Weaknesses: Indecisive, fumbling has cost him clean shot
at unopposed nomination. Excessive appeasement of the radical
left has alienated center-conservative Democratic support. Painted
as intellectually and politically timid by both Democrats and GOP.
Not very astute politically in handling of issues. Growing impression
he is not presidential timber. No real enthusiasm behind him. As
he lives. by the polls, SO he may perish by the polls.
HUMPHREY - - Excellent party connections, a good party
man. Ran close in 1968 with LBJ albatross around his neck. Has
risen in party polls. Centrist Democrat. Good on bread and butter
issues, economics; positioned almost ideally on the issues for the
Democratic Party. Good anti-Republican campaigner. Ebullient and
likeable. Gets good publicity. Strong with the Democratic women.
Weaknesses: Old Face. Hemlock to the Gene McCarthy Left
after 1968 -- his nomination, again, in 1972 would risk a party split,
and possible third or fourth party. Despised by intellectual far left.
No real enthusiasm for his nomination. Weak in the polls against
the President. Would bring nothing to a Democratic ticket other
than its basic traditional New Deal strengths. Would be perhaps one
Democratic candidate who would keep the newly enfranchised young
home in droves. Difficult to see how he can win major primaries --
even the late ones, Oregon and California. Removes Vietnam as an
issue to use against Republicans.
4
JACKSON - Strong with South, strong with labor, strong
with conservative Democrats, with Jewish voters and money, with
big labor and aerospace and defense contractors. Only Democrat hard-
liner on Soviets and Defense Policy -- presents clear alternative to
new isolationist sentiment. Choice not an echo. Anti-radical rhetoric.
Has money backing, good support in Senate. Highly regarded,
tremendous victory record in Washington -- 85 percent. Law and
order man. Rallying point for Democratic conservatives. Ideal
Vice Presidential Candidate for Edward M. Kennedy, if party divided
over Kennedy nomination.
Weaknesses: Nomination would surely sunder Democratic
Party. Would generate Fourth Party candidate as in 1948. Party too
far. left to nominate him now. No national recognition. Needs to go
the primary route -- will lose in New Hampshire, a chance in Florida
and Oregon but can't win the big ones. Again, less likely a
potential nominee than a potential Vice Presidential nominee.
MCCLOSKEY What the ex-Marine has going for him is a
general impression of solid, ex-Marine, honest, tough-minded, anti-
war, candid, likely to capitalize on the anti-Nixon sentiment within
the Party on the Left. Strategy against him should be, in our view,
ignore him at the National level and publicize in Republican circles
every far-out position, and statement, and appearance. To tarnish
5
his image as a selfless white knight. Anything that can be seen
as moving him out on the left fringe diminishes the degree of
Republican votes he can possibly win.
GENERAL STRATEGY
-- Attacks should not focus on any single Democrat. All
should be hit now, and hard as attacks coming in mid-or late
1972 will be seen as wholly political, thus less credible, less
newsworthy than attacks in 1971.
-- President should stay utterly aloof from political attacks.
The Democratic Party as an entity should be denigrated,
as so irresponsible, such a disaster in the sixties, as not to be
entrusted with national leadership again. Thus, Clifford, Harriman,
O'Brien, and all potential candidates become fair game.
-- Public should not be allowed to forget the record of the LBJ
Administration, of HHH's role, of EMK's background, of Muskie's
bumblings.
Disagreement was expressed over who should do the attacking.
One view, strongly held, is that American people are fed up with
politics per se, and politicians, and if RN's official family, i. e.
Vice President, White House Staff, or Cabinet, engage in partisan
warfare, this reflects on the President as a politician - and detracts
6
from him. Other view is that while President must-stay aloof,
the deficiency of Republican guns argues that we have to use
what we have, i.e. the Vice President, occasionally Cabinet
members, the RNC Chairman, the RNC, the Republican leadership --
and any Republicans we can find on Capitol Hill to carry the attack
to the Democrats.
General concurrence that the press and media tend to tolerate
more partisan and malicious assault on part of Democrats, which they
would charge off to dirty politics on part of Republicans.
INVENTORY OF RESOURCES
Research Resources
-- RNC is keeping on-going in-depth files on all potential
Democratic contenders, plus McCloskey, Gardner, Lindsay and
Wallace. This material filed in data bank instant retrieval system.
-- Mort Allin News Summary, contains files of all major
Democratic candidates, major comments and stories from 50
major newspapers.
-- RNC runs monthly digest of each potential candidate listing
outstanding developments, etc.
Without going into further depth, we have more than enough
political research, and filing going on. Any future allocation of
resources should bc away from research, and into production. In
short, a diminution of Input, and an increase in output, What is needed
7
now is not more personnel to squirrel away little nuggets for the
winter -- but rather analysts, writers and producers, who can
translate the daily grist into daily news copy.
OUTPUT RESOURCES
-- Monday has a high degree of credibility with the press;
has been successful in moving anti-Democratic propaganda into the
national media, i.e., the Muskie temper, the Muskie indecisiveness,
the McGovern front for Kennedy, the Gardner operation. Each we ek
there should be one or more major political news stories coming
out of Monday.
-- Senator Dole, and the Vice President have carried the attack
in recent months, Senator Dole especially. Our objective is to
provide more raw material and convince more of our people on the
Hill, in the Cabinet, and in the party nationally to use it. To this
end, Ken Khachigian has been put on full time for solely this
purpose. His job broadly outlined will be to daily view the incoming
research materials, and to provide a daily diet of political attack
material for party people -- great and small.
-- The letters to the editor operation out of the RNC will be
tied in directly with this operation, bringing out more attack material
8
-- The Colson Shop, primarily, and less so than the Klein shop,
can move out materials that we find in our research operations and
that need to be moved now.
-- Schedules of the primary candidates, especially, will be
gathered -- and of McCloskey -- so that suitable arrival ceremonies
can occasionally be prepared, issue-rated by Walker's advance men.
Some raw data of significant importance -- such as the Godfrey
Sperling article detailing control of McGovern operation by EMK types --
should be moved unadulterated to national political reporters. We will
have either a covert or open operation onthis later out of RNC to
make sure political columnists are not missing first-rate anti-opposition
material.
Discussion to be held with RNC to consider a mid-week
abbreviated Monday version, which might well be called Watch on the
Potomac, or some such, which would give insider accurate information
on Democrats, etc.
-- Consideration being given to development of possible anti-
opposition ads -- but this is still in the planning process.
-- Because we feel that need to have direct access to government
sources of information, we hav e determined that Ken Khachigian, who is
the first new full time man hired for this specific operation should stay
in the White House complex -- not move outside.
9
THE GUIDING PRINCIPLES OF THE OPERATION FOR THE NEXT
SIX MONTHS
a) Focus not on stock-piling material but on moving it into
the media on output, rather than input. We don't want to wind up
in November of 1972 with 100, 000 unused anti-Democratio documents
in a super retrieval system.
b) Maintain as guiding political principle that our great hope
for 1972 lies in maintaining or exacerbating the deep Democratic
rift between the elite, chic, New Left, intellectual avant garde,
isolationist, bell-bottomed environmentalist, new priorities types on
the one hand - and the hard hat, Dick Daley, Holy Name Society,
ethnic, blue collar, Knights of Columbus, NYPD, Queens Democrats
on the other.
The liberal Democrats should be pinioned to their hippie
supporters. The Humphrey Democrats should be reminded of how
they were the fellows who escalated and cheered the war from its
inception.
c) Get as much anti-Democratic material into the media as
possible. Eschew the ridiculous and wild as counter-productive.
Finally, we have a strong team at the RNC which has not always
been the case; we have some national spokesmen who can take the
10
political attack effectively, which was not always the case in the
last decade -- and we have some tempting targets. As of now --
we see no need for any appropriations from Nixon for President
Fund - -- we can handle it right now with what we have.
If and when we feel we need more people -- writers and
analysts basically -- we will come around.
(There may be a necessity to establish an outside direct
mail group to columnists, editorial writers, and political writers --
in order to get all our negative propaganda into their hands.)
Buchanan
CITIZENS FOR THE RE-ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT
WASHINGTON
SUITE 272
1701 PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. N.W.
WASHINGTON. O.C. 20006
July 2, 1971
(202) 333.0920
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
SUBJECT: BUSINESSMEN FOR NIXON - 1972
Following Peter Flanigan's suggestion that Don Kendall of Pepsico
head our businessmen for Nixon operation in 1972, and your approval
of Kendall, Rob Odle and I met with him and agreed on the following:
1. Kendall will take an active role in leading the Businessmen for
Nixon effort. He has made two of his key aides, Deke De Loach (for-
mer assistant to J. Edgar Hoover) and Harvey Russell (who is Black)
available immediately to assist him.
2. Kendall, De Loach, Russell, and Odle will work together during
the course of the summer to put together a suggested course of
procedure for Businessmen which will be submitted to you for approv-
al in the Fall.
3. De Loach, Russell, and Odle will spend an hour with Messrs. Colson
and Flanigan next week to get their thoughts as to what this suggested
course of procedure should include.
4. The preliminary guidelines under which the operation will function
and under which the set of recommendations will be written are as
follows:
A. Businessmen will be self-supporting and will raise enough
funds to finance its own operations -- but probably no more. It
should be relatively easy for it to raise enough money to keep it
financially afloat and this would not detract from our regular
fund raising efforts.
2
B. Businessmen will probably not emerge primarily as a finance
or fund raising operation as similar groups have in the past. It
will probably not undertake to solicit funds from businessmen for the
campaign's "general fund." Rather, the main purpose of the organiza-
tion will be to recruit as many businessmen as possible to work for
the President's re-election -- from the smallest rural general store
owner to the largest industrialist.
C. Businessmen will blend into the 1972 version of United Citi-
zens for Nixon-Agnew as a major component of the national "Cit Com"
operation. Any other business groups (e.g.: "Barbers for Nixon,"
"Retailers for Nixon," etc.). will fall under the Businessmen opera-
tion which in turn will fall under the national "Cit Com."
Attached is a copy of a paper which was prepared for Messrs.
De Loach and Russell to orient them as to our thinking in
regard to this operation. (The attachments to which the paper
refers are not included because of their volume)
JEB S. MAGRUDER
CITIZENS FOR THE RE-ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT
WASHINGTON
June 24, 1971
SUITE 272
1701 PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. N.W.
WASHINGTON. D.C. 20006
(202) 333-0920
Attached are three documents which may be of help to you --
1) A proposal outlining how the entire national
"Citizens for.
"
campaign might operate in
1972.
2) An analysis of the 1968 Citizens effort.
3) A suggested strategy for the farm vote in 1972 --
which is roughly comparable to the initial manner
in which a businessmen's strategy might be
recommended.
What we should begin to do now --
A study should be made of what form a businessmen's effort
might take in 1972. The objective of this study would be to
develop recommended and detailed proposals for approval re-
garding the 1972 businessmen's committee. The study should be
completed by August 31, 1971.
Drawing on the experience of the businessmen's effort in 1968
and the experience of other businessmen's committees in past
campaigns, this study will chart the ways in which businessmen
throughout the country can be recruited for the 1972 effort.
Lists must be drawn up of the various sub-committees which
should be formed and the individuals who might chair and run
these committees. Also, reçommendations for state committees
should be put together, with emphasis at the beginning on key
states and states with early primaries.
The study should also examine various issues which can or will
be raised in the campaign and find ways in which to key these
issues to various groups and geographical areas.
2
Also, the study must work closely with the Field Organization
and finance people to make certain that leaders in each state
are utilized in the proper area of the campaign.
What areas might be considered in the study --
1) The issues which are of concern to businessmen and
and to which we should be responsive. (E.g.: the
Administration opposes tax credits. Are most
businessmen for them? If so, what is our posture?)
2)
Can we tack on questions to surveys being conducted
by businessmen to determine feelings of businessmen
and people in general on issues of concern to us?
(E.g.: if Pepsi is doing a poll of attitudes toward
soft drinks, can other questions be added?)
3) Catalog positions the President has taken on business
issues and develop suggestions as to how to exploit
them.
4) Survey business leaders to find out who is on our
side, and who needs "friendly persuasion."
5) How can business mailing lists be obtained in 1971 and
how can they be properly utilized in 1972?
6) How can the NAB be properly utilized? How can the
various trade associations be used?
7) "Businessmen" should be self-supporting -- but not
raise SO much money that it would compete with the
Finance operations. How would this be worked out?
8) The projected structure of the businessmen's effort:
a suggested national chairman, executive director,
officers, sub-group chairmen, state chairmen, metro
chairmen, etc. A suggested budget. A time frame for
each activity.
3
Having surveyed these and other areas, a preliminary version
of the entire operating plan could be submitted for approval
on September 1, 1971.
200 - -
RE: Citizens Brochure
Magruder forwarded the mock-up of the brochure to be sent to
people who write in offering assistance to re-elect the
President.
Wouldn't it be helpful to have Dick Moore, Herb Klein, Bill
Safire, and Dwight Chapin review the booklet?
GS:1m
June 28, 1971
June 30, 1971
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
SUBJECT:
Advertising
This initial paper on our advertising effort will deal with the type of
organization most suitable for our needs, the changes that the campaign
spending bill might place on this activity, and some general thoughts
on the state of the art at the present time.
Organizationally there are three options open: (1) form our own agency
in Washington, (2) hire a large full-service agency; or (3) hire a large
full-service agency and create our own campaign group within it, as was
done in 1968.
The advantages of option one are numerous:
1. Because we would control all the hiring, salaries, etc., we could
hire the highest caliber people who are loyal to the President, and we
could be sure they spent all of their time on the Nixon re-election
effort. This is not true of any other option. Under no other arrange-
mont would we have complete control over who worked on our account.
Even if we hired the most creative agency in the country and its top
creative man is loyal to the President, we could not be sure that he
spent all his time working on the re-election effort. By creating our
own agency, however, we could secure that same individual under the
"anchor and loan" program and put him to work full-time. This seems to
be the best means of assembling the most talent on a full-time basis.
2. Wo would have direct control over our advertising offorts. Because
we would know the people involved, there would be none of the usual
agency excuses on delays, unused media buys, etc. Mistakes would still
be made but we would have much tighter control.
3. The agency could be based in Washington rather than New York so
that the campaign would have a direct relationship with the agency.
CONFIDENTIAL
2
4. Savings could amount to as much as $1,200,000. This savings is
the difference between what we would pay in commissions to an outside
agency and what we would have to pay for our own agency. However,
additional placement or production costs incurred by an inside agency
might possibly reduce this projected savings. This will be especially
true if we target the media effort carefully. We should attempt to
regionalize the production and placement as much as possible. At this
point cost savings should not be considered as heavily as the other
points raised.
The disadvantages are:
1. The simple logistics problem of setting up a 15 to 20 million dollar
agency in a short period of time. (However, even a major agency would be
faced with the same kind of need for expansion on receiving the account.)
2. The problem of being hhle to recruit sufficient talented personnel
and have them based in Washington.
With respect to option two, to hire a large agency and have it perform
effectively will be very difficult. The agency would have to be based in
Now York or Chicago which would create logistics problems. of the large
agencies we would have very few to choose from, if any, because (1) some
do not take political accounts, (2) some are run by Democrats, (3) some
have been recently reorganized and would not be suitable for us; and,
(4) all agencies would have difficulty putting their best people on our
account because of their political affiliations (a discreet inquiry was
made of a large conservative agency whose top management is completely
loyal to the President and they indicated they could not handle the
account because of this reason).
The third option speaks for itself. This is what was done in 1968. It
was not satisfactory to either the agency or the Nixon people installed
in the agency. We should not repeat that same mistake. Our people did
the work while Fuller, Smith and Ross made a big profit and provided bad
service.
To set up our own agency we would recommend an organization and time
frame similar to Tab A. You will note on the chart that a skeleton
team would begin work in November, December, and January. This team
would remain stable through the primaries. In July we would begin build-
ing the final team which would remain until election day. If we spend
$20,000,000 in media our commissions to an agency would be $3,000,000.
As you can see at Tab A, our total cost for salaries and overhead would
be $1,816,000, or an approximate savings of $1,200,000. The $20,000,000
figure is a comparison with 1968. If we spend less than the $20,000,000 in
media we can have a proportionate reduction in salaries and overhead.
3
Recommendation
Considering all of these options, it is our recommendation that we
form our own agency.
Approve
Disapprove
Comment
If we form our own agency the most important problem we face is to hire
the right advertising director and creative director. If we find the
right individuals for these positions it should be relatively simple for
them to fill the other positions. Both these positions will be difficult
to fill since they should be filled by the best in their respective fields.
Both these individuals should be picked by late summer so they can begin
assembling the team that would begin working in November.
Recommendation
That we begin to identify these two individuals for your consideration.
Approve
Disapprove
Comment
The campaign spending bill could probably affect our activities to some
extent, although not as much as was felt earlier. If the bill passes,
the probability is that we will have a 5¢ limit on television and a 5$
limit on print with some possibility that they will be interchangeable.
This is based on 140,000,000 voters which would give us approximately
$7,000,000 for each activity in the general election.
It is estimated that we spent approximately $10,000,000 on television and
radio during the last general election. It is difficult to estimate the
print expenditures since much of that was done by local committees, but
in determining the maximum effort that could possibly be done in all 50
states for newspapers, magazines, and billboards, it would be difficult
to spend more than $6,000,000 and, since many states are not as important
as others, our print figures should be much less.
If the bill passes it will probably be appropriate to centralize and con-
trol all of our campaign advertising. If WG are limited to $7,000,000 in
television we should be hble to live within those limits by proper selec-
tion of messages and time slots.
In our initial planning it has become apparent that our advertising effort
should be targeted as specifically as possible. With an incumbent
President the need for identification of a candidate is much less impor-
tant. With the time we have to prepare for the campaign we should be able
to make buys on a more regional and state basis which will give us more
favorable rates. We should also have the opportunity to use the primaries,
4
and the intervening time between the primaries and general campaign to
pretest much of what we do in this area. At the same time, by forming
our own ggency we will have the option of using the best available out-
side talent where it is appropriate. If we are going to do a documen-
tary, our own agency could decide who was best in the field and contract
with him for that documentary. A large agency would have an established
relationship with a documentary producer and this producer might not be
the best in the field. It is generally felt that one of our greatest
advantages over the Democrats is that we have this period in which to
direct our efforts toward November 7, 1972, rather than having to worry
about the primaries and the convention as the other candidates in the
Democratic Party must do. If we do our initial planning work effectively
this should accrue to our advantage and allow us to program the campaign
much more effectively.
JEB S. MAGRUDER
CITIZENS FOR THE RE-ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT
WASHINGTON
June 23, 1971
SUITE 272
1701 PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. N.W.
WASHINGTON. D.C. 20000
(202) 333.0920
MEMORANDUM FOR:
THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
FROM:
JEB S. MAGRUDER
SUBJECT:
Preliminary Plan for Maximizing
the 1972 Farm Vote
Attached is the preliminary plan for maximizing the 1972 Farm
Vote as put together by the Farm Vote Task Force. John
Whitaker is the Chairman of this task force. The report makes
twenty-two recommendations for your consideration. In addition,
it itemizes major issues and gives an analysis of key states
where the farm vote will probably be significant.
A brief discussion for a preliminary budget is also contained
in this report.
June 1971
CONFIDENTIAL
PRELIMINARY PLAN FOR 1972 FARM VOTE
SUMMARY
In a sense, the campaign is already in progress and the recommendations
contained are being implemented to some extent now. However, absolutely
no recommendations that could be interpreted as political campaigning will
be implemented without approval. The enclosed report indicates:
-- Key advisors who have assisted in drawing up this plan;
-- A list of key people who should be consulted in ever-expanding
groups as we move toward the election;
Itemizes major issues we should push as Administration
accomplishments as well as those issues where we are most vulnerable,
and issues for possible development in the months ahead;
Recommendation for poll information among farmers;
Recommendations on better communications at the White
House, USDA, RNC, in Congress and in a proposed "farm division" of
the citizen's operation;
-- Recommendations on key people at the state level who might
fit into the "farm division" of the citizen's organization;
Analysis of key states where the "farm vote" is judged to be
significant;
Budget data (1968) for a farmer's division with the citizen's
group.
The report makes 22 recommendations.
- 2 -
TAB A
Forthcoming local, regional and national
farm events requiring Secretary Hardin
or Presidential telegram
TAB B
Key USDA local contacts to help select
state-wide organization members
TAB C
USDA analysis of key farm target states
TAB D
States with 1/3 plus rural vote
TAB E
USDA analysis of Wallace vote
TAB F
Polling information
TAB G
Budget information - 1968 Citizen's Farm
group
- 3 -
TASK FORCE WHO DREW UP THIS PLAN
Bryce Harlow - Proctor and Gamble
Hyde Murray - Minority Counsel - House Agriculture Committee
Donald Brock - AA to Secretary Hardin
Phil Campbell - Under Secretary of Agriculture
Clarence Palmby - Assistant Secretary for International Affairs and
Commodity Programs - Department of Agriculture
Richard Lyng - Assistant Secretary for Marketing and Consumer
Services - Department of Agriculture
William Galbraith - Deputy Under Secretary for Congressional Relations
Department of Agriculture
John Whitaker, Ken Khachigian and Bart Porter - White House
Whitaker held a separate meeting to get Roger Fleming's (American
Farm Bureau Federation) view. The recommendations of the task force
follow.
RECOMMENDATION #1
The Task Force should be expanded very soon to include:
Bob Spitzer - Murphy Products Company, Head of Citizen's Farmers
in '68
Bill Taggart - Legislative Assistant to Senator Dole
Claude Gifford - Director of Information, Department of Agriculture.
Former Editor of the Farm Journal, the major farm
publication.
Don Waring - Legislative Assistant to Senator Hruska
4 -
George Hanson - Former Idaho Congressman, now Deputy Administrator
at Department of Agriculture
Odin Langen - Former Minnesota Congressman, now Administrator of
Packers and Stockyards Agency, Department of Agriculture
Richard Ashworth - Assistant to Under Secretary Phil Campbell,
Department of Agriculture
David Hamil, Administrator, REA, Department of Agriculture
James Smith - Administrator, Farmers Home Administration,
Department of Agriculture
John Coffee - Administrative Assistant to Congressman Page Belcher
Steve Adams - Legislative Assistant to Congressman Bob Michaels
(the latter two men are "Aggies", a Hill Administrative Assistant
group from rural Congressional districts)
Approve
Disapprove
RECOMMENDATION #2
That there be a once-a-month session, beginning in July, 1971, led by
Bryce Harlow and Secretary Hardin with a key group of Congressmen
and Senators. In this meeting, we should seek to draw out their con-
structive ideas for consideration in a campaign plan.
I.
Senate Agriculture Committee
Jack Miller (Iowa)
George Aiken (Vt.)
Milton Young (N. D.)
Carl Curtis (Neb)
Bob Dole (Kan)
Henry Bellmon (Okla)
II.
Senate Agriculture Appropriations Sub-Committee
Roman Hruska (Neb)
Milton Young (N.D.)
J. Caleb Boggs (Del)
Hiram Fong (Hawaii)
- 5 -
III.
House Agriculture Committee
Page Belcher (Okla)
John Zwach (Minn)
Charles Teague (Calif)
Robert Price (Texas)
William Wampler (Va)
Keith Sebelius (Kan)
George Goodling (Pa)
Wilmer Mizell (N.C.)
Clarence Miller (Ohio)
Paul Findley (Ill)
Robert Matthias (Calif)
John Kyl (Iowa)
Wiley Mayne (Iowa)
J. Kenneth Robinson (Va)
IV.
House Agricultural Appropriations Sub-Committee
Mark Andrews (N.D.)
Robert Michel (Ill)
William Scherle (Iowa)
V.
Other Members
Gerald Ford (Mich)
Ancher Nelson (Minn)
Leslie Arends (Ill)
John Myers(Ind)
John Anderson (Ill)
H. R. Gross (Iowa)
John Rhodes (Ariz)
Frank Bow (Ohio)
Barber Conable (N. Y.)
Delbert Latta (Ohio)
Vernon Thomson (Wis)
Durward Hall (Mo)
Albert Quie (Minn)
Robert Stafford (Vt)
Approve
Disapprove
- 6 -
RECOMMENDATION #3
That the RNC get a fulltime farm specialist: Followup - Harlow is
discussing with Senators Dole and Bellmon on a very preliminary basis.
The Task Force recommends this as essential to get farm information
out to the regular party structure even though there is some duplica-
tion of effort hiring a farm man to lead the citizen's operation.
Approve
Disapprove
RECOMMENDATION #4
That Dr. Robert Spitzer be hired fulltime August 1971 to November 1972
for campaign organization. His objective would be to work fulltime on
political and PR aspects of farmers and agri-business community. He
should be on the road almost continuously making speeches. His title
is under negotiation.
Budget
August '71 - November 172 (inclusive) @ $2, 500 per month ($30, 000
per year), plus $1,000 per month travel, plus secretary @ $1,000
per month = $72, 000
Approve
Disapprove
RECOMMENDATION #5
That a fulltime White House "advisor" on Agriculture to the President
be hired. The President has this under consideration.
7 -
ISSUES
(No specific recommendations are made in this section in the sense
that no major "nuts and bolts" political organization decisions are needed
at this time) Major issues and media plan content to focus positive farm
issues in primary election states can be prepared by this Task Force as
advice to the overall campaign chairman.
PRIORITY ISSUES
Farm-oriented campaign literature and general media plan should never
lose sight of the fact that the major national issues -- peace in Southeast
Asia, and an upswing economy -- are overriding and these themes, plus
others, set in the national campaign, should be the highest priority even
before farm audiences. All polling information places these issues over
farm-oriented issues, even among farmers (at least this is the "conven-
tional" wisdom, unless polls of farmers in depth tell us otherwise).
ADMINISTRATION ACCOMPLISHMENTS
The campaign may focus around a few major farm issues -- it is risky to
lock in to early. For the time being, they can be classified into:
1.
Positive Administration accomplishments;
2.
Accomplishments, but for selective audiences;
3. Negative or defensive positions;
4. Issues that might be developed during the coming year.
I.
Positive Administration Accomplishments
a. Farm prices should be good, even if they are, the Task Force
feels the Administration should not brag about it - - farmers read this as
political "puff" -- they know prices are good. Instead of talking how well
off they are, talk in terms of how the Administration is helping.
b. Farm income -- all-time high realized net per farm was $5, 437
per farm in 1969 - - it slipped to $5, 392 in 1970 and is projected at
$5, 320 in 1971. Forecast with many uncertainties is up moderately over
1971 -- not much chance of making 1969 high again by the late Summer of
1972. The issue must be watched carefully as we proceed into the Spring
of 1972.
- 8 -
c. The Administration has increased farm credit on all fronts
beyond the Kennedy/Johnson years.
(1) farm operating loans increased in FY 172 by $140 million
from $210 million in FY '71 to $350 million in FY '72
(2) an increase of $100 million in FY '71 and $111 million in
FY '72 in the insured loan program to build water and sewar systems
in rural areas.
(3) the Administration was there to help farmers when the
devastating southwest drought of 1971 occurred. (Play this issue by ear)
d. The Soil Conservation manpower budget was incre ased by $12
million to an all-time high and small watershed grants were increased
by $28 million to an all-time high of $105 million in FY '72 so that 75 new
projects could be started. The loan program was quadrupled to help local
communities finance their share of these projects.
e. Major new funding of research on plant and livestock disease
(corn blight, cattle tics, etc.)
f.
Farm exports at all-time high of $7. 6 million in FY '71.
g. Opening grain export market sales to Eastern Bloc and Mainland
China by rescinding the requirement that 50% of the grain be shipped in
American bottoms. Be careful - it may not be enough trade to affect price --
in hard core conservative areas, trade with Communist countries a strong
negative.
h. Passage of Telephone Bank Bill.
i. Increase on REA loans.
j. Price supports for milk at 85% of parity.
k. School milk
1. Stopped bureaucratic meddling on farm truck driving age limits.
m. Restricted feedlot pollution permits to few large operators -- would
not allow Federal harassment of the small farmer with a permit program.
9 -
n.
Careful watch and ample R&D funds for corn blight problem.
O. Never (so far) vetoed a farm bill.
II.
Accomplishments or questionable value as political issues with
farmers or for use with selective audiences
a. Agriculture Act of 1970 -- if it turns sour, it should be plugged.
as bi-partisan. In any event, the key theme is that the Act gives farmers
more freedom to plant, not "straight jacket" control of farmers called for
by Democrats.
b. Food for needy recipients increased.
C. Nutrition education program increased.
d. Migratory labor housing loans authorized.
(Items b,c, d: Task Force feels these accomplishments should be
plugged before city and welfare audiences. Items b and C can be
"plus" in rural areas if coupled with the thought that these pro-
grams "keep the poor and build your market"
III.
Negative issues to be played down
a. Government reorganization.
b. Pollution permit program.
C. Pesticides.
IV. Major Policy Issues that might be developed during the coming year
a. Farm labor bill.
b. Rural community development revenue sharing.
C. Sisk Bill
d. Special milk program.
e. Screw worm work in Mexico
f. Peanuts and tobacco.
- 10 -
so
Agricultural attaches to staff U.S. embassies in Eastern
Europe to give farmers feeling we have salesmen at our new market
frontiers.
h. Presidential appointment of a roving "Agricultural Ambassador. "
Specific responsibilities: negotiate in GATT an end to the "citrus war";
protect U.S. agricultural interests during EEC's expected enlargement;
exert all possible influence worldwide for reduction of existing trade
barriers and against imposition of new barriers. Farmers worry about
protectionist tendencies.
i.
PL 480 - 1972 budget.
j.
Imports of beef and dairy products.
k. Possibility of increasing FHA loans from $700 million to
$750 million in Spring of 1972.
1.
Develop theme of right-off-the-leader's-hip of the Farmer's
Union -- discredit them as being politicians, not farm leaders.
m. Dissolve the "Cement of the Coalition" by inferring that it is
a politically controlled alliance.
A key policy question that must be developed is to decide which of the
above issues should be emphasized in the campaign on the theory that
the farm media plan should focus on as few issues as possible which
are played hard, never losing site of the fact that war and peace and
the pocketbook issue (assuming they turn out favorable) should be pushed
hard in the media plan since they are overriding in rural America
compared to specific farm issues.
- 11 -
COMMUNICATIONS
RECOMMENDATION #6
Claude Gifford, new Director of Office of Information, USDA, and former
Editor of the Farm Journal, take firm control of communications -- over-
all for the campaign. That an advisory committee consist of Claude
Gifford, Bob Spitzer (for the citizens), Bryce Harlow (overall tone), Hyde
Murray (for the Hill), and John Whitaker (for the White House) all working
with Gifford and keyed in with overall campaign policy.
Approve
Disapprove
RECOMMENDATION #7
Claude Gifford assume control of USDA radio spotmaster so positive news
is flowing everyday - repeat - every day. Sp otmaster must be upgraded
by high fidelity tapes placed in many cities in key farm states and "must-
win-to-win" key states even if farm vote in those key. states is small.
This way, radio stations can phone at less cost to get news on their
stations.
Approve
Disapprove
RECOMMENDATION #8
Claude Gifford supply each week to rural GOP Congressmen and Senators
rural news for Hill newsletters. Hyde Murray in the House, Don Waring
and Bill Taggart in the Senate and Bill Galbraith in USDA have additional
responsibility to make sure the Congressmen and Senators get the infor-
mation out. A rigid systematic followup is necessary to make sure the
newsletters get out.
Approve
Disapprove
- 12 -
RECOMMENDATION #9
That the same information supplied by Claude Gifford to the Hill be
supplied to (a) the Bob Spitzer operation for selective farm citizens
publications, (b) to the RNC "farm desk", and (c) to Ken Khachigian
for mailings done by Herb Klein to editors.
Approve
Disapprove
RECOMMENDATION #10
That Hyde Murray lead, supported by Bill Taggart, Don Waring and Bill
Galbraith to take special responsibility for working with RNC to assure
that weekly key Congressmen and Senators use the RNC radio taping
facilities to get the material from Claude Gifford's operation. When
and if we get an RNC farm man, that responsibility moves to him.
Approve
Disapprove
RECOMMENDATION #11
Don Brock organize a speaker's bureau including top USDA people, White
House Farmer, and Bob Spitzer SO that we blanket the key states and
make effective use of TV and radio. There are two guiding principles
to make this work: (1) don't passively accept invitations that come in the
mail, but instead, decide where the target states are and build your own
events, and (2) don't give $8 much emphasis to the speech made because,
what is more important, is the time taken at the location to do the radio
and TV and some hand-holding and stroking with key people as we move
to select the top movers and shakers in each state to build a national
farm political organization.
Approve
Disapprove
- 13 -
RECOMMENDATION #12
Very systematically: (1) every farm event (See Tab A) unless it is
national or regional, should be covered by a letter or telegram from
Secretary Hardin, (2) every national and selective regional meeting
merits a telegram from the President. USDA should send, where
Presidential telegrams are required (at least two week's notice is
required to research the event), a memo to Miss Eliska Hasek,
(Executive Office Building, Room 117, phone 456-2108) with copy to
John Whitaker indicating (1) proposed draft telegram, and (2) who it
should be sent to with proper address and phone number to make sure
the telegram is read at the event, and (3) besides the draft message,
Eliska Hasek needs a memo giving background on the event and what
should be stressed, SO she has a better "feel" for the event and can
change the wording of the draft if she so chooses. Responsibility for
action: Claude Gifford.
Approve
Disapprove
RECOMMENDATION #13
Secretary Hardin should attempt to "break through" into the national media.
This is admittedly hard to do because of the national press lack of interest
in rural America. Recommendations: (1) more press conferences,
(2) background individual meetings with farm editors of Time, Newsweek, etc.
and (3) same with Washington farm bureau AP and UPI men. The "White
House Farmer" when appointed, should do the same. Because of the
"break through" problem with the Washington press corps, Secretary
Hardin should hit key out-of-town media centers with press conferences
(Chicago, St. Louis, Kansas City, Omaha, Dallas, etc.)
Approve
Disapprove
- 14 -
RECOMMENDATION #14
Farm belt "briefings - salutes" - regional event - featuring Secretary
Hardin, Senator Dole and select members of the Cabinet like Secretary
Stans on rural development, Ambassador Dave Kennedy and Pete
Peterson on farm exports for well staged regional events. These should
be well advanced. Responsibility: Claude Gifford
Approve
Disapprove
RECOMMENDATION #15
Claude Gifford should develop "the farm speech", i. e., the basic themes
all our speakers should develop and use now. Secretary Hardin should
write all Cabinet officers giving them just one paragraph loaded with
farm themes that they can work into their speeches.
Approve
Disapprove
RECOMMENDATION #16
By June 1972, Claude Gifford should have prepared a series of questions
and answers to be used for requests from farm publications for
Presidential replies that can be printed in their magazines. These
Q&As will need to be cleared by Ray Price at the White House before
publication.
Approve
Disapprove
RECOMMENDATION #17
A group to monitor Democratic Presidential candidate's farm statements.
Responsibility:
John Foltz - Congressional Relations, Department of Agriculture
Patrick Breheney - Legislative Asst to Congressman Scherle
Garry Madsen - Legislative Asst to Congressman Findley
Bill Taggart - Legislative Asst to Senator Dole
Annrove
Disannrove
- 15 -
RECOMMENDATION #18
The farm vote task force should defer to the overall campaign organization
on the question of whether the farm campaign should be organized under a
citizen's umbrella. It was called "The National Nixon Agriculture and
Food Committee" in '68. This has the advantage of better budget control,
pooling of administrative costs for other efforts (ethnic, doctors, etc.)
but there is a growing concern that a citizen's group is really not "in"
not part of the real decision-making process in a campaign. Yet of course,
the main advantage is that the citizen's organization attracts Democrats
and Indopendents. The key question can probably be resolved with an out-
standing public figure name to run the citizen's group who must be kept in
close proximity to the campaign chairman and more important, show
periodic publicized contact with the President so that he is "in". In a
similar manner, the citizen farmer's chairmen need periodic direct and
highly publicized contact with the President.
Approve
Disapprove
RECOMMENDATION #19
As in '68, the citizen's farm group should solicit members who are
farmers and agri-businessmen. All major commodities should be
represented like cotton, wheat, soybeans, peanuts, etc., but under an
umbrella SO that no one special commodity interest gets a predominant
position and tries to force a public position good only for that particular
commodity but bad for an overall position.
Approve
Disapprove
RECOMMENDATION #20
Selection of state leaders should not occur for some time, but an intensive
culling of potential candidates should begin now. Bob Spitzer should take
the lead assisted by Phil Campbell and Clarence Palmby. Tab B are USDA
Farm Home Administration or Agriculture Stabilization and Conservation
Service state leaders who can be of assistance on consultation in selecting
the key leaders. Emphasis needed here to assure that no state leader is
picked without approval of overall campaign directors. Tab B also contains
state leaders recommended by the Farm Bureau.
Approve
Disapprove
- 16 -
RECOMMENDATION #21
a. The farm citizen's group should operate in all 50 states.
b. The national organization will give direction and a firm guide-
line on the target states and when they are named, additional emphasis
on delivering the vote in those states will be given by the entire citizen's
group including the farm section.
c. Tab C lists the 20 top "farm" states in terms of (1) payments
to producers, and (2) by cash receipts. These are obviously target
states for the citizen's farm effort combined with the 31 states (Tab D)
where the rural voto is one-third or more of the state's population.
Tab E is a Wallace vote analysis which is rather speculative at this point.
Approve
Disapprove
RECOMMENDATION #22
Tab F contains the most current poll information on farm attitudes
available. It is simply information with a small sample. We recommend
a poll of farmers only even at this early date on the chance that some
corrective action could be taken on an issue, not apparent to the task
force. The task force should consult with ORC on the kind of questions
that should be asked. Tab F also contains maps indicating key cash
crops by states. Possibly some key farm states should be polled in
depth.
Approve
Disapprove
- 17 -
BUDGET
(No recommendation)
We defer at this time on a firm recommendation on a citizen's farmers
budget. As indicated in Tab G, Bob Spitzer submitted a proposed budget
of $1,700,000 at Mission Bay in August of 1969. We do not know what
he got for a budget, nor do we have knowledge of actually what was spent,
although the accounting indicates $88, 696. 77 was spent. Tom Evans,
Executive Director of the '68 Citizen's operation, feels this figure is
suspect. The Spitzer Committee evidently raised only $1,660.26. Bob
Spitzer's preliminary recommendation on a '72 budget is included in
Tab G. He also indicates the operation actually spent $69,607.60 in
advertising space (less staff and the tabloid) and suggests for 1972:
Farm paper advertising
$500,000
Farm audience radio
484,000
Farm audience TV
1,200,000
$2,184,000
It seems pointless for this task force to make budget recommendations
until all task forces have reported and an overall analysis of priority
spending against anticipated fund raising can be made.