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Source Description
This file contains:
From Jeb Magruder to Gordon Strachan. RE: An attached copy of Max Fisher's memo to the Attorney General. 1 pg. [Subject: White House Staff] [Memo], 9/15/1971
From Max Fisher to John Mitchell. RE: The support of the Jewish community in the 1972 campaign. 6 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Letter], 8/16/1971
Indecipherable handwritten note dated 9/11. 1 pg. [Subject: White House Staff] [Other Document], no date
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: Florida Primary. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/8/1971
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: Young People on State Committees. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/8/1971
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: RNC Research Program. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/8/1971
From Thomas B. Evans Jr. to John Mitchell. RE: An attached outline that provides information on the uses of the redistricting base file. 8 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/3/1971
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: Lee Edwards, an organizer who runs several public relations projects for conservative groups. 2 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 8/31/1971
An article from the United Press International entitled, "FBI Friends Lack Pals in Tax Service." 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Newsletter], no date
From Ken Rietz to Jeb Magruder. RE: New Voter Day at Winrock. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/2/1971
From Ed Harper to Jamie McLane. RE: Salute to the Young Voter Speech. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/2/1971
A report entitled, "Salute To the New Voter: Information for Introduction." 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
A typed telegram from the President addressing the "Salute To the Young Voters" in Pettyjean Mountain, Arkansas. 5 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Other Document], 8/28/1971
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: Georg Babbe's attached resume, and his possible selection as the new Campaign Manager in California. 3 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/8/1971
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: An attached report by David A. Keene on the the YAF convention. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/9/1971
From David A. Keene to Jeb Magruder. RE: The YAF Convention. 3 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/8/1971
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: The continued use of Bill Timmons as the head of the convention activities. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/1/1971
From Ken Cole to Haldeman. RE: An attached memo from Bill Timmons recommending that John Rhodes be appointed the Chairman of the Platform Committee for the '72 Republican National Convention. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Letter], 9/9/1971
From William Timmons to John Ehrlichman. RE: The 1972 Convention. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/8/1971
From William Timmons to Jeb Magruder. RE: The '72 Convention Appointments. 13 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/8/1971
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: The '72 Convention, and an enclosed memo from Bill Timmons concerning hotel accommodations, transportation, and seating for major officials in the Administration. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/1/1971
From William E. Timmons to Jeb Magruder. RE: The 1972 Convention, and a head count of the number of subcabinet and agency heads in attendence. 3 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 8/30/1971
From Harry Dent to The Attorney General and Haldeman. RE: The Kentucky Governor's Race. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/8/1971
A detailed analysis of the gubernatorial race in Kentucky. 4 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/2/1971
Unknown sender to John Kerr. RE: Thoughts concerning the public opinion survey conducted in Kentucky during the week of August 15. 4 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Letter], 8/26/1971
From Harry Dent to Haldeman. RE: The "good play" that was received from the Kissinger briefing for the Billy Graham group. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/3/1971
An article from the Baptist Press. RE: The Southern Baptist Home Mission Board, and impending changes about to be made. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Newsletter], 8/12/1971
An article from the Baptist Press entitled, "30 Religious Leaders Briefed by White House on Red China." 1 pg. [Subject: Foreign Policy] [Newsletter], 8/12/1971
An article from the Religious News Service entitled,"Southern Baptist Leader Reports on White House China Briefing." 1 pg. [Subject: Foreign Policy] [Newsletter], 8/13/1971
From Charles Colson to Haldeman. RE: The Monitoring of Democrats. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/14/1971
From Thomas B. Evans to Haldeman. RE: The attached summary and analysis of the Delaware poll. 23 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 8/30/1971
From L. Higby to Strachan. RE: Message that reads: "Ok, I don't believe he could pay him $29,000. What does Jeb make?" 1 pg. [Subject: White House Staff] [Memo], no date
From Gordon Strachan to Larry. RE: Different assignments of cabinet members such as: "Rob Odle handles office management." 1 pg. [Subject: White House Staff] [Memo], no date
From Gordon Strachan to Larry Higby. RE: Magruder's Administrative Assistant. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/15/1971
The resume of Robert L. Herrema, and the employment history which includes: The U.S. Senate, U.S. House of Representatives, and a position at The George Washington University in Washington D.C. 3 pgs. [Subject: Personal] [Other Document], no date
From Jeb Magruder to The Attorney General. RE: An attached report from David A. Keene on the YAP convention. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/9/1971
From David A. Keene to Jeb Magruder. RE: YAF Convention. 2 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/8/1971
Indecipherable handwritten note dated 9/14. 1 pg. [Subject: White House Staff] [Other Document], no date
From Stephen Bull to Dwight Chapin. RE: Scheduling of Senator Goldwater and Other Surrogate Candidates. 7 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/14/1971
From Gordon Strachan to Haldeman. RE: Andrew Glass/National Journal Article on Polling. 2 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 8/16/1971
An article in the National Journal written by Andrew J. Glass entitled: "Political Report/Pollsters Prowl Nation as Candidates Use Opinion Surveys to Plan '72 Campaign." 14 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Newspaper], 8/14/1971
From Gordon Strachan to L. Higby. RE: National Journal Article on Polls--Andrew Glass. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 8/3/1971
From Haldeman to Andrew Glass. RE: Mr. Glass' letter commenting on the lack of "official cooperation" concerning an article on political polls. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Letter], 8/16/1971
From Haldeman to Andrew Glass. RE: Mr. Glass' letter of August 10, where he comments on the lack of "official cooperation." *Document repeated six times. 6 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Letter], 8/16/1971
An addressed envelope to Andrew Glass, editor at National Journal. 1 pg. [Subject: Personal] [Other Document], no date
From Andrew Glass to Haldeman. RE: Mr. Glass' offense at being "slighted" by Gordon Strachan when trying to get information for his article in the National Journal. 1 pg. [Subject: Personal] [Letter], 8/10/1971
From Gordon Strachan to L. Higby. RE: The National Journal Article on Polls--Andrew Glass. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 8/3/1971
From Andrew Glass to Haldeman. RE: Mr. Glass' complaint of Gordon Strachan's treatment of him as a member of the press. 1 pg. [Subject: Personal] [Letter], 8/10/1971
Scholar Source Context
Document identity
localId
26145902
label
WHSF: Contested, 26-3
core
doc
dtoType
document
citationUrl
pageCount
1
Source metadata
id
26145902
sourceUrl
contentType
document
title
WHSF: Contested, 26-3
description
This file contains:
From Jeb Magruder to Gordon Strachan. RE: An attached copy of Max Fisher's memo to the Attorney General. 1 pg. [Subject: White House Staff] [Memo], 9/15/1971
From Max Fisher to John Mitchell. RE: The support of the Jewish community in the 1972 campaign. 6 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Letter], 8/16/1971
Indecipherable handwritten note dated 9/11. 1 pg. [Subject: White House Staff] [Other Document], no date
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: Florida Primary. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/8/1971
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: Young People on State Committees. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/8/1971
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: RNC Research Program. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/8/1971
From Thomas B. Evans Jr. to John Mitchell. RE: An attached outline that provides information on the uses of the redistricting base file. 8 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/3/1971
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: Lee Edwards, an organizer who runs several public relations projects for conservative groups. 2 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 8/31/1971
An article from the United Press International entitled, "FBI Friends Lack Pals in Tax Service." 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Newsletter], no date
From Ken Rietz to Jeb Magruder. RE: New Voter Day at Winrock. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/2/1971
From Ed Harper to Jamie McLane. RE: Salute to the Young Voter Speech. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/2/1971
A report entitled, "Salute To the New Voter: Information for Introduction." 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
A typed telegram from the President addressing the "Salute To the Young Voters" in Pettyjean Mountain, Arkansas. 5 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Other Document], 8/28/1971
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: Georg Babbe's attached resume, and his possible selection as the new Campaign Manager in California. 3 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/8/1971
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: An attached report by David A. Keene on the the YAF convention. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/9/1971
From David A. Keene to Jeb Magruder. RE: The YAF Convention. 3 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/8/1971
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: The continued use of Bill Timmons as the head of the convention activities. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/1/1971
From Ken Cole to Haldeman. RE: An attached memo from Bill Timmons recommending that John Rhodes be appointed the Chairman of the Platform Committee for the '72 Republican National Convention. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Letter], 9/9/1971
From William Timmons to John Ehrlichman. RE: The 1972 Convention. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/8/1971
From William Timmons to Jeb Magruder. RE: The '72 Convention Appointments. 13 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/8/1971
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General. RE: The '72 Convention, and an enclosed memo from Bill Timmons concerning hotel accommodations, transportation, and seating for major officials in the Administration. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/1/1971
From William E. Timmons to Jeb Magruder. RE: The 1972 Convention, and a head count of the number of subcabinet and agency heads in attendence. 3 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 8/30/1971
From Harry Dent to The Attorney General and Haldeman. RE: The Kentucky Governor's Race. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/8/1971
A detailed analysis of the gubernatorial race in Kentucky. 4 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/2/1971
Unknown sender to John Kerr. RE: Thoughts concerning the public opinion survey conducted in Kentucky during the week of August 15. 4 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Letter], 8/26/1971
From Harry Dent to Haldeman. RE: The "good play" that was received from the Kissinger briefing for the Billy Graham group. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/3/1971
An article from the Baptist Press. RE: The Southern Baptist Home Mission Board, and impending changes about to be made. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Newsletter], 8/12/1971
An article from the Baptist Press entitled, "30 Religious Leaders Briefed by White House on Red China." 1 pg. [Subject: Foreign Policy] [Newsletter], 8/12/1971
An article from the Religious News Service entitled,"Southern Baptist Leader Reports on White House China Briefing." 1 pg. [Subject: Foreign Policy] [Newsletter], 8/13/1971
From Charles Colson to Haldeman. RE: The Monitoring of Democrats. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/14/1971
From Thomas B. Evans to Haldeman. RE: The attached summary and analysis of the Delaware poll. 23 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 8/30/1971
From L. Higby to Strachan. RE: Message that reads: "Ok, I don't believe he could pay him $29,000. What does Jeb make?" 1 pg. [Subject: White House Staff] [Memo], no date
From Gordon Strachan to Larry. RE: Different assignments of cabinet members such as: "Rob Odle handles office management." 1 pg. [Subject: White House Staff] [Memo], no date
From Gordon Strachan to Larry Higby. RE: Magruder's Administrative Assistant. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/15/1971
The resume of Robert L. Herrema, and the employment history which includes: The U.S. Senate, U.S. House of Representatives, and a position at The George Washington University in Washington D.C. 3 pgs. [Subject: Personal] [Other Document], no date
From Jeb Magruder to The Attorney General. RE: An attached report from David A. Keene on the YAP convention. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/9/1971
From David A. Keene to Jeb Magruder. RE: YAF Convention. 2 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/8/1971
Indecipherable handwritten note dated 9/14. 1 pg. [Subject: White House Staff] [Other Document], no date
From Stephen Bull to Dwight Chapin. RE: Scheduling of Senator Goldwater and Other Surrogate Candidates. 7 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 9/14/1971
From Gordon Strachan to Haldeman. RE: Andrew Glass/National Journal Article on Polling. 2 pgs. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 8/16/1971
An article in the National Journal written by Andrew J. Glass entitled: "Political Report/Pollsters Prowl Nation as Candidates Use Opinion Surveys to Plan '72 Campaign." 14 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Newspaper], 8/14/1971
From Gordon Strachan to L. Higby. RE: National Journal Article on Polls--Andrew Glass. 1 pg. [Subject: Domestic Policy] [Memo], 8/3/1971
From Haldeman to Andrew Glass. RE: Mr. Glass' letter commenting on the lack of "official cooperation" concerning an article on political polls. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Letter], 8/16/1971
From Haldeman to Andrew Glass. RE: Mr. Glass' letter of August 10, where he comments on the lack of "official cooperation." *Document repeated six times. 6 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Letter], 8/16/1971
An addressed envelope to Andrew Glass, editor at National Journal. 1 pg. [Subject: Personal] [Other Document], no date
From Andrew Glass to Haldeman. RE: Mr. Glass' offense at being "slighted" by Gordon Strachan when trying to get information for his article in the National Journal. 1 pg. [Subject: Personal] [Letter], 8/10/1971
From Gordon Strachan to L. Higby. RE: The National Journal Article on Polls--Andrew Glass. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 8/3/1971
From Andrew Glass to Haldeman. RE: Mr. Glass' complaint of Gordon Strachan's treatment of him as a member of the press. 1 pg. [Subject: Personal] [Letter], 8/10/1971
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Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection
Contested Materials Files
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
Contested Materials Collection
Folder List
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
26
3
9/15/1971
White House Staff
Memo
From Jeb Magruder to Gordon Strachan. RE:
An attached copy of Max Fisher's memo to
the Attorney General. 1 pg.
26
3
8/16/1971
Campaign
Letter
From Max Fisher to John Mitchell. RE: The
support of the Jewish community in the 1972
campaign. 6 pgs.
26
3
White House Staff
Other Document
Indecipherable handwritten note dated 9/11.
1 pg.
26
3
9/8/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General.
RE: Florida Primary. 1 pg.
Wednesday, June 22, 2011
Page 1 of 10
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
26
3
9/8/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General.
RE: Young People on State Committees. 1
pg.
26
3
9/8/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General.
RE: RNC Research Program. 1 pg.
26
3
9/3/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From Thomas B. Evans Jr. to John Mitchell.
RE: An attached outline that provides
information on the uses of the redistricting
base file. 8 pgs.
26
3
8/31/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General.
RE: Lee Edwards, an organizer who runs
several public relations projects for
conservative groups. 2 pgs.
26
3
Domestic Policy
Newsletter
An article from the United Press
International entitled, "FBI Friends Lack Pals
in Tax Service." 1 pg.
Wednesday, June 22, 2011
Page 2 of 10
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
26
3
9/2/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Ken Rietz to Jeb Magruder. RE: New
Voter Day at Winrock. 2 pgs.
26
3
9/2/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Ed Harper to Jamie McLane. RE:
Salute to the Young Voter Speech. 1 pg.
26
3
Campaign
Report
A report entitled, "Salute To the New Voter:
Information for Introduction." 2 pgs.
26
3
8/28/1971
Campaign
Other Document
A typed telegram from the President
addressing the "Salute To the Young Voters"
in Pettyjean Mountain, Arkansas. 5 pgs.
26
3
9/8/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General.
RE: Georg Babbe's attached resume, and his
possible selection as the new Campaign
Manager in California. 3 pgs.
Wednesday, June 22, 2011
Page 3 of 10
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
26
3
9/9/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General.
RE: An attached report by David A. Keene
on the the YAF convention. 1 pg.
26
3
9/8/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From David A. Keene to Jeb Magruder. RE:
The YAF Convention. 3 pgs.
26
3
9/1/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General.
RE: The continued use of Bill Timmons as
the head of the convention activities. 1 pg.
26
3
9/9/1971
Domestic Policy
Letter
From Ken Cole to Haldeman. RE: An
attached memo from Bill Timmons
recommending that John Rhodes be
appointed the Chairman of the Platform
Committee for the '72 Republican National
Convention. 1 pg.
26
3
9/8/1971
Campaign
Memo
From William Timmons to John Ehrlichman.
RE: The 1972 Convention. 2 pgs.
Wednesday, June 22, 2011
Page 4 of 10
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
26
3
9/8/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From William Timmons to Jeb Magruder.
RE: The '72 Convention Appointments. 13
pgs.
26
3
9/1/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Jeb Magruder to the Attorney General.
RE: The '72 Convention, and an enclosed
memo from Bill Timmons concerning hotel
accommodations, transportation, and seating
for major officials in the Administration. 1
pg.
26
3
8/30/1971
Campaign
Memo
From William E. Timmons to Jeb Magruder.
RE: The 1972 Convention, and a head count
of the number of subcabinet and agency
heads in attendence. 3 pgs.
26
3
9/8/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Harry Dent to The Attorney General
and Haldeman. RE: The Kentucky
Governor's Race. 2 pgs.
26
3
11/2/1971
Campaign
Report
A detailed analysis of the gubernatorial race
in Kentucky. 4 pgs.
Wednesday, June 22, 2011
Page 5 of 10
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
26
3
8/26/1971
Campaign
Letter
Unknown sender to John Kerr. RE: Thoughts
concerning the public opinion survey
conducted in Kentucky during the week of
August 15. 4 pgs.
26
3
9/3/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From Harry Dent to Haldeman. RE: The
"good play" that was received from the
Kissinger briefing for the Billy Graham
group. 1 pg.
26
3
8/12/1971
Domestic Policy
Newsletter
An article from the Baptist Press. RE: The
Southern Baptist Home Mission Board, and
impending changes about to be made. 1 pg.
26
3
8/12/1971
Foreign Policy
Newsletter
An article from the Baptist Press entitled,
"30 Religious Leaders Briefed by White
House on Red China." 1 pg.
26
3
8/13/1971
Foreign Policy
Newsletter
An article from the Religious News Service
entitled, "Southern Baptist Leader Reports on
White House China Briefing." 1 pg.
Wednesday, June 22, 2011
Page 6 of 10
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
26
3
9/14/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From Charles Colson to Haldeman. RE: The
Monitoring of Democrats. 1 pg.
26
3
8/30/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From Thomas B. Evans to Haldeman. RE:
The attached summary and analysis of the
Delaware poll. 23 pgs.
26
3
White House Staff
Memo
From L. Higby to Strachan. RE: Message
that reads: "Ok, I don't believe he could pay
him $29,000. What does Jeb make?" 1 pg.
26
3
White House Staff
Memo
From Gordon Strachan to Larry. RE:
Different assignments of cabinet members
such as: "Rob Odle handles office
management." 1 pg.
26
3
9/15/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From Gordon Strachan to Larry Higby. RE:
Magruder's Administrative Assistant. 1 pg.
Wednesday, June 22, 2011
Page 7 of 10
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
26
3
Personal
Other Document
The resume of Robert L. Herrema, and the
employment history which includes: The
U.S. Senate, U.S. House of Representatives,
and a position at The George Washington
University in Washington D.C. 3 pgs.
26
3
9/9/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From Jeb Magruder to The Attorney
General. RE: An attached report from David
A. Keene on the YAP convention. 1 pg.
26
3
9/8/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From David A. Keene to Jeb Magruder. RE:
YAF Convention. 2 pgs.
26
3
White House Staff
Other Document
Indecipherable handwritten note dated 9/14.
1 pg.
26
3
9/14/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From Stephen Bull to Dwight Chapin. RE:
Scheduling of Senator Goldwater and Other
Surrogate Candidates. 7 pgs.
Wednesday, June 22, 2011
Page 8 of 10
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
26
3
8/16/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From Gordon Strachan to Haldeman. RE:
Andrew Glass/National Journal Article on
Polling. 2 pgs.
26
3
8/14/1971
Campaign
Newspaper
An article in the National Journal written by
Andrew J. Glass entitled: "Political
Report/Pollsters Prowl Nation as Candidates
Use Opinion Surveys to Plan '72 Campaign."
14 pgs.
26
3
8/3/1971
Domestic Policy
Memo
From Gordon Strachan to L. Higby. RE:
National Journal Article on Polls--Andrew
Glass. 1 pg.
26
3
8/16/1971
Campaign
Letter
From Haldeman to Andrew Glass. RE: Mr.
Glass' letter commenting on the lack of
"official cooperation" concerning an article
on political polls. 1 pg.
26
3
8/16/1971
Campaign
Letter
From Haldeman to Andrew Glass. RE: Mr.
Glass' letter of August 10, where he
comments on the lack of "official
cooperation." *Document repeated six times.
6 pgs.
Wednesday, June 22, 2011
Page 9 of 10
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
26
3
Personal
Other Document
An addressed envelope to Andrew Glass,
editor at National Journal. 1 pg.
26
3
8/10/1971
Personal
Letter
From Andrew Glass to Haldeman. RE: Mr.
Glass' offense at being "slighted" by Gordon
Strachan when trying to get information for
his article in the National Journal. 1 pg.
26
3
8/3/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Gordon Strachan to L. Higby. RE: The
National Journal Article on Polls--Andrew
Glass. 1 pg.
26
3
8/10/1971
Personal
Letter
From Andrew Glass to Haldeman. RE: Mr.
Glass' complaint of Gordon Strachan's
treatment of him as a member of the press. 1
pg.
Wednesday, June 22, 2011
Page 10 of 10
Presidential Materials Review Board
Review on Contested Documents
Collection: H. R. Haldeman
Box Number: 305
Folder:
6 Campaign - Aug 13, Sept 17, Sept 18, 1971 [1 of 2]
Document
Disposition
47
Retain
Open
48
Retain
Open
49
Return
Private/Political Note, Magruder to Strachan, 9-15-71
Private/Political Notes, " Jsm...."
11
50
Return
9-11-[71]
51
Return
Private/Political Memo, Magruder to the A6, 9-8-71
52
Return
Private/Political Memo, Magruder to the AG, 9-8-71
53
Return
Private/Political Memo, Magruder to the A6, 9-8-71
54
Return
Private/Political Memo, Magruder to the A6, 8-31-71
55
Return
Private/Political Memo, Rietz to Magruder, 9-2-71
56
Return
Private/Political Memo Magruder to the AG, 9-8-71
57
Return
Private/Political Memo, Magruder to the AG, 9-9-71
58
Return
Private/Political Memo, Magruder to the A6, 9-1-71
59
Return
Private/Political Memo, Cole to HRH, 9-9-71
60
Return
Private/Political Memo Magruder to the AG, 9-1-71
61
Return
Private/Political Memo, Dent to the AG & HRH, 9-8-71
62
Return
Private/Political Memo, Dent to HRH, 9-3-71
63
Return
Private/Political Memo, Colson to HRH, 9-14-71
64
Return
Private/Political Memo, Evans to HRH, 8-30-71
65
Return
Private/Political Note, Higby to Strachan, n.d.
66
Return
Private/Political Memo, Magruder to the AG, 9.9.71
67
Return
Private/Political Notes. "Chapin, cwc, S.Bull, JSM," 9-14[7]]
68
Return
Private/Political Memo, Strachan to HRH, 8-16-71
CITIZENS FOR THE RE-ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT
September 15, 1971
FOR:
GORDON STRACHAN
FROM:
JEB MAGRUDER
Attached is a copy of Max Fisher's memorandum
to the Attorney General on the Jewish Community.
Note that Larry Goldberg will be joining the
staff October 1 to work in this general area.
Attachment
&
:
MAX M. FISHER
2210 FISHER BUILDING
DETROIT, MICHIGAN 48202
August 16, 1971
The Honorable John Mitchell
Attorney-General
Justice Department
Washington, D.C.
Re: Jewish Community
Dear John:
It is my feeling that a swing could be made in the voting
pattern of the Jewish Community in the 1972 campaign, if we
understand the basic issues and we start organizing now on a
low key basis.
If you recall, the polls showed that the Jewish vote was about
21% for President Nixon. It is my feeling there can be a very
distinct switch of 10% in the upcoming election of 1972.
I have outlined what I consider the basic issues concerning the
Jewish community from my own experiences and contacts with
a broad spectrum throughout the whole country. The issues of
primary concern are as follows:
BASIC ISSUES
(1) Israel. If there is one thing that the Jewish community is
united on it is the preservation and security and viability of Israel.
(2) Economic Policies: Because of their predominance in the
industrial and financial world, the economic situation in the
country is of great concern. I might mention that from a survey
of leaders in this area, I find a strong, strong tendency towards
some sort of controls, plus a stimulation of the economy through
investment tax credits, as well as an adequate money supply
to keep such industries as housing moving. This is now part of
the President's policy.
The Honorable John Mitchell
August 16, 1971
Page Two
I have lumped together the next four issues, because various
sectors of the community have very strong, positive feelings
about each of them:
(1) Law and Order: There is a strong feeling on this issue among
the Orthodox and Conservative members of our community.
Among these groups, of course, are large numbers who live in
proximity to other minority groups. You will find this true
particularly in the large cities where the population has not been
able to move about because of lower income status and of age
limitations. They have suffered considerably from the effect of
high crime and violence in these areas. To them the safety of an
area is a very, very important item.
(2) Soviet Jewry: There is a great emotional response throughout
the country on this issue, and it is interesting that this is one of
the great issues of the youth. They feel that the intolerance of
the Russian government with the Jewish minority is not right,
and that all efforts should be made to give them every opportunity
to freely emigrate. The President has a very deep understanding
of this problem, as I have discussed it with him on a previous
occasion.
Along this line, the matter of the Yiddish broadcasting in Soviet
Russia by Radio Free Europe is a very important issue. In
addition, a substitute for the Koch Bill, which would be a statement
by the Department of Justice and the State Department, allowing
entry into the U.S. I understand this was done in the case of Cuba.
The next issue has become very controversial. Its early resolve
would be helpful.
(3) Civil Rights: The Jewish community has been in the forefront
of civil rights, but I find in this particular issue there has been a
dropping down in the matter of priorities, and this is probably
more important among the Reformed Jewish community and some
of the college youth and faculty. There is no question that even in
a liberal oriented Jewish community that this no longer stands as
high on the priority list as it previously did.
(4) Urban problems and welfare reform.
The Honorable John Mitchell
August 16, 1971
Page Three
In conclusion, bearing in mind these priorities, one can
structure an approach to the Jewish community which could be
very meaningful.
STAFFING
I think it highly important that a staff be set up along the following
lines:
One full time man in Washington, who has a thorough knowledge
and understanding of Jewish community life. I have in mind
someone in the 30's or 40's, who has had experience in leadership
in his own community, who also understands the pluralistic nature
of the Jewish community as it relates to its high degree of
organization life. The community, I believe, is over-organized
with many organizations, but this is a fact of life and one must
recognize it, though one must not be taken in by the claims of
organization as to the control of constituency. For example,
B'nai B'rith may say they have a million members they control.
They may have one million members, but they hardly control the
votes, but having their help can be very constructive, especially
among their leadership.
As far as staff is concerned, I have a couple of candidates in mind.
One of them is a very active Republican from Providence, Rhode
Iland, Lawrence Goldberg, who has good credentials and who has
wanted to get into government. There are one or two others who
may be needed before we get through. I believe the involvement
at the beginning this person could make with all the larger
communities and organizations throughout the country is important.
I have another man who would be a great addition. I have mentioned
previously Mr. Albert Adelman of Milwaukee, who has great
credentials all through the major cities in the country because of his
involvement and leadership in many of the organizations and who
also is a life-long Republican.
I believe we could make a deal with Ollie to spend considerable
time on this, as he has a definite interest to get into foreign service
or in Washington life, as he has sold his business and has a desire
to do something else. I mention this man to you, because I have
talked with him several times, and I believe that after meeting
with both of us, we can get him on board.
The Honorable John Mitchell
August 16, 1971
Page Four
These men would be of help in establishing various contacts
throughout the country, at the beginning, and would help me in
bringing a representative group of leadership into Washington
for our meeting.
Next, I would like to bring to Washington a group of 30 to 40
outstanding men who would form the nucleus of our committee.
This leadership would have the opportunity to meet with the
President -- along the lines of our meeting in 1968. In addition,
I think one or two other meetings might be necessary with you,
which could be very helpful.
COMMUNICATIONS
We have to make plans to be able to communicate to the rank and
file of the country what the President has done as far as Israel
is concerned. Though a broad section of the leadership knows of
his deep interest and involvement, this has not filtered down to
the rank and file, and I believe the following procedures are
necessary:
(1) That a man with broad experience in the Jewish media be
made available, and I have a man in mind for this, who woul d do
the following:
a. Using a systematic approach to the Anglo-Jewish Press,
see that proper information is carried on the issues involved
through the news or editorial section.
In a very limited way, I have been able to make my views known,
and they have been broadly interpreted, but this has to be followed
up on a more systematic basis.
b. There are lists available of all the Rabbis, prominent men,
etc. at the White House and the Republican National headquarters,
which should be used as a basis for some letters written by myself
on the above issues, starting immediately. This list must be
updated with opinion makers and leaders from the various
communities. Along this line, our staff should be assembling large
numbers of lists from the various organizations for future mailings.
The Honorable John Mitchell
August 16, 1971
Page Five
This kind of operation has to be started as soon as possible,
because it will be much more effective than it would be if we had
a crash program just a few months before the election.
One of the things I have tried to do very carefully in my relations
with organizations and leadership of the communities (and I might
mention that I make almost 40 or 50 appearances a year before
some of these organizations) is to be as factual as possible
without being apolitical. The fact that I have been able to do this
is evidenced by a great deal of newspaper coverage that I have
received from the Jewish press, which makes me believe that we
have built a base from which we can become political. I might
mention also that all of this work would be coordinated with the
Republican Party, so as to obtain the maximum amount of leader-
ship in the various communities.
Also, we have today statements and information from various
Israeli leaders, praising President Nixon, and we would have to
research all the available information on this to be used in our
communications. I have some of this, but we need much more,
and this is available.
One of the greatest opportunities we will have is on the matter of
publicizing the assistance Israel receives in credits, grants and
arms, when these issues are clarified in the near future. It will
then be necessary to move in real depth in communicating to
people throughout the country.
Next, it is highly important that the President make an early
decision about the meeting on November 13 in Pittsburgh. Besides
the leadership of the communities, the President of every major
organization will be there. I, personally, have solicited their
attendance, and they have agreed to attend, though no one knows
of the possibility of the President being there. This could be a
very important stimulus, as it would be the only meeting of the
Jewish community the President has addressed since his Inaugural.
John, we have an opportunity, knowing what the basic issues are
in the community, of setting up an organization and communications
network promptly, and I believe it can make a very meaningful
impact on what we are trying to accomplish.
The Honorable John Mitchell
August 16, 1971
Page Six
In addition, I believe a fund-raising activity, which would be part
of the general fund-raising activity, could be developed. I would
agree to organize this, but it should be part of the regular structure
and not on an ethnic basis.
We would be able to enlist people for the overall effort from the
leadership group we would assemble, and as far as the large
contributors, I'm afraid this will have to be my responsibility.
What it would mean is the following: One full-time staff man;
one part-time non-paid man; one man on communications.
I am prepared to move on this, but would like to have your comments.
Kindest personal regards,
may
9/11
J8m
1
sunog candy D.C/Ball
Spollesman Resource man
2
max Fisher - gewish operation.
therry Goldberg Σ into
committee LLR.I
3
Pol Mty -welk by mon.
4
AG -breakfast mtg
10/2 in LA all Cal
YAF poe personalities in 1 room
5
6
Brochure - -print
TO AN
UNG
September 8, 1971
1
6-102
By
3 24-82
y
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
SUBJECT:
Florida Primary
I discussed with Congressman Frey the opportunity to keep
agrees
McCloskey's name off the ballot for the Florida primary. Frey
feels it would be a PR mistake for us to do that because he
feels strongly that we will win handily and it would be much
more effective if we win against McCloskey rather than if we
are running against ourselves.
Of more concern is probably the Democratic side of that primary
in that if we assume it is to our advantage to have Jackson win
in Florida to offset Muskie's predicted New Hampshire win, we
maybe should consider whether there is anything we can do to
keep Wallace off the Democratic ballot.
Frey feels that in a race between Lindsay, Muskie, and Jackson,
Jackson would who whereas, with the addition of Wallace Muskie's
chances increase greatly. Two wins in a row that early could be
very helpful to Muskie.
Would you like me to pursue this subject further?
Yes
X
No
Comment
bcc: Mr. Haldeman
JEB S. MAGRUDER
CONFIDENTIAL+
DETERMINE
AN
September 8, 1971
ADMIN
KING
0-102
By
22
3-24-82
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
SUBJECT:
Young People on State Committees
Mr. Haldeman has suggested that we consider placing a high percent-
age of young, responsible people under the age of 30 on our various
state committees. Evidentially, he feels these young people should
not only be anvolved in the Young Voters for Nixon, but should also
be actively involved in our senior state political operations.
If you approve, I will work with Ken Rietz and Harry Flemming to
assure that we get as many youth members on our state committees
as possible.
Approve
Disapprove
Comment
JEB S. MAGRUDER
bcc: Mr. Haldeman
CONFIDENTIAL
September 8, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR: THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
FROM:
JEB S. MAGRUDER
SUBJECT:
RNC RESEARCH PROGRAM
Attached is a memo prepared by Ed DeBolt, at Tom
Evans' direction, describing the $350,000 RNC
research program to compile a comprehensive census
and political data base for the 1972 campaign.
Briefly, the RNC has contributed varying sums of
money to each of 18 state party organizations ($153,850
total - See Attachment C) to aid in developing base
files for use in legislative redistricting. An addi-
tional $130,000 has been budgeted for development of
software and refinement of data reporting capabilities
(Attachment A). The remaining $65,000 of the origi-
nal budget has not yet been committed.
We feel that these highly sophisticated base files
can be very useful in targeting the Presidential
campaign to Republican and swing voters through
broadcast media, direct mail and telephones, parti-
cularly in such key states as California, Illinois,
Indiana, New Jersey, Florida and Ohio. Bob Marik has
been working closely with the RNC research staff to
develop plans for the most effective utilization of
the data in 1972.
September 3, 1971
MEMORANDUM TO:
The Honorable John N. Mitchell
FROM:
Thomas B. Evans, Jr.
The attached outline was prepared by Ed DeSolt
at my direction for your information.
It provides detailed information on the basic
elements and uses of the redistricting base file in which Jeb Magruder
indicated you had an interest.
In brief, the system benefits the President's
campaign both directly and indirectly.
Indirectly, the leadership role and financial
assistance provided by the RNC has been highly beneficial as a service
to state and local party leaders, incumbent Republican officials, and
to the Republican candidates who will be running for Congress and State
legislatures in 1972. As noted by John Andrews, the National Party
has already received considerable good will from this effort and more
importantly, we have established a valuable precedent of cooperative
financial and project effort involving the key elements of the Party.
The direct application, as far as the President's
campaign is concerned, involves the use of census and political data
which are particularly valuable when studied along with survey research
data. Utilization of the information system in the campaign is described
on Page 2, section D of the attached. It should be noted that the
full potential of this information in the national campaign will not be
known until the RNC and Citizens Committee staffs have completed their
planning work on the targeting/resource allocation system.
With the gains already made in Congressional and
State legislative redistricting and the potential value of this
information to our 1972 National efforts, the allocation of funds for
the continued development of the system is justifiable.
The Republican National Committee's Investment* in the purchase of
computerized statistics and census data was Initiated as a multifaceted
project intended to help a wide variety of Republican organizations. The
following is an outline, in the briefest of terms, of some of the facets
of the project.
INTERESTED ENTITIES
A. Citizens for the Re-Election of the President Committee
B. Republican National Committee
C. Republican Congressional Campaign Committee
D. Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee
E. Republican State Committees
F. Republican County Committees
G. Campaign organizations supporting candidates for governor,
U. S. Senator, U. S. Congress, state constitutional offices,
state legislators, mayors, city councilmen and county officials
USES
A. Congressional redistricting
B. Legislative reapportionment
Under catagories A & B
1. Offensive uses include:
a. Assuring constitutionality of Republican sponsored
bills by eliminating mathematical errors and omissions,
and achieving the precise balance between districts
required by the one man-one vote doctrine.
b. Increase partisanship of Republican sponsored bills.
C. Improve public relations by claiming to use non-partisan
approaches and the most modern tools available to carry
out the spirit and the letter of the Supreme Court
edicts.
2. Defensive uses include:
a. Furnish documentary evidence of violation of the one
man-one vote doctrine in connection with law suits
Initiated against Democrat sponsored bills.
b. Provide information on which Republican governors can
base decisions as to whether bills should be signed or
vetoed.
C. Give Republican legislators an analysis of the partisan
implications of Democrat sponsored bills within hours of
Introduction.
d. Furnish propaganda, backed by specific figures, to use
against Democrats when their bills are partisan.
C. Party building
1. Provide state committees with management tools that will
assist them to assign vote quotas, allocate their resources
and train county leaders in the latest techniques of using
vote history and demographic information.
* (See Attachment A)
2. Place the primary control of redistricting In the hands of
party officials who have the interest of all segments of
the party at heart rather than the interest of specific
Incumbents.
3. Overcome factionalism as it relates to reapportionment
and redistricting by causing party leaders to work together
as a team to maximize the benefits of this expensive,
sophisticated tool. Indiana and California are outstanding
examples of this.
D. Campaign applications
Certain portions of the integrated geographic base files,
particularly precinct-by-precinct voting statistics and
correspondency tables showing the geographical relationship
between precinct and census geography, can provide valuable
Information for making campaign management decisions. This
is especially true when that data is studied along with
demographic imformation and the results of polls and surveys.
The precinct statistics show the historical voting patterns,
the demographics describe the type of people living in a given
area and the survey data gives an indication of present voter
attitudes. (See Attachment B)
Some of the campaign decisions that a manager can make as a result
of having ready access to vote history, demographics and surveys
will result in:
1. Allocating a candidate's time more effectively.
2. Advising a candidate on the issues that should be stressed
in speeches and press conferences in each area.
3. Increasing the cost effectiveness of expenditures by
deciding which form of communication will reach the maximum
number of people in an identifiable age, education, income
or ethnic group.
For instance, when market area are known by the media buyer,
this data can aid him in choosing between:
a. Direct mail
b. Local radio
C. Local television
d. Door to door distribution of a brochure
e. Use of a telephone boiler room
4. Choosing the most appealing issue to advertise via each
form of media.
5. Minimizing backlash.
OTHER FACTORS THAT CAUSED THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE TO INITIATE
THE PROJECT In addition to the obvious importance to the administration
of having a more favorable congressional line up, other factors were:
A. Strengthening the leadership roles of the Republican N ational
Committee and the Citizens Committee for the Re-Election of the
President by using modern tools and thereby enhancing the respect
of the state leaders for the two committees.
-2-
B. The timing of numerous legislative sessions that convened in
January of 1971 while most state party organizations were in
severe financial difficulty and unable to afford modern tools.
C. The substantial goodwill to be gained by rendering financial
assistance to state committees at a time when most are in debt
as a result of the 1970 campaign.
D. Starting an ongoing data bank to be used by various segments of
the party in the future on a cost sharing basis.
UTILIZATION TO DATE
While the extent of our involvement varies substantially from state to
state, * constructive use of the results of our computer work has been
made in connection with reapportionment and redistricting functions in:
Arizona
Indiana
New Mexico
California
Iowa
New York
Colorado
Maine
Ohio
Connecticut
Michigan
Oregon
Delaware
Minnesota
Utah
Illinois
New Jersey
Washington
Wisconsin
No firm decision has been made by the state party leadership as yet, but
Florida remains a possible user of our systems.
LIMITING FACTORS
While we clearly recognize the desirability of collecting similar
data from each state and having a standard format, the realities of
political organizations made this an impossibility. The principle
factors that made more standardization impractical were:
A. The degree of financial committment the various state committees
were willing to make.
B. The election years state leaders felt were politically significant.
C. The election contests state leaders felt were politically
significant.
D. Precinct boundary changes which make tracking of historical
data over a several year period difficult.
The result of the variations in type of data and format by states
mean that the specific management reports that can be generated will
vary somewhat from state to state.
PROBABLE GAINS
A minimum of eight congressional seats should be gained by the
Republican Party as a result of this project. Considering the cost
of conducting congressional campaigns in 5 campaign years in eight
congressional districts, the expenditure for this project is one of
the most cost effective investments the Republican National Committee
could possibley make. It seems to be even a better investment when
the additional benefits listed above, especially providing management
tools for an effective re-election campaign for the President, are
considered.
*(See Attachment C)
-3-
As John Andrews, Chairman of the GOP State Chairmen's Association
sald at the recent meeting of the Republican National Committee in
Denver, "No RNC project has done more to reach the grass roots or pro-
vide more Incentive and leadership when it was direly needed, than the
assistance rendered with the Redistricting effort this past spring
and summer.'
ATTACHMENT A
COMPUTER COST INFORMATION
Activity
Cost Estimates (RNC)
1.
Development and acquisition of redis-
tricting base files
$153,850
2.
Standardization and, where necessary
for priority areas, acquisition of
additional precinct vote information
40,000
3.
Development of additional analysis
reports (see Attachment B)
40,000
4.
Standardization and, where necessary
for priority areas, development of
additional correspondencies/correlations
between election and census geographic
areas
30,000
5. Development of a Dominate Area of
Influence model and a Media Allocation
'model
20,000
$283.850
The other $65,000 remaining in the budget of approximately $350,000
is available for further sopisticating computer analysis and mapping in
areas of high priority plus variations of previous reports as needed by
the White House or Citizens effort.
-2-
1.
The preparation of analyses of demographic and vote patterns
for precincts, wards, and/or Census Tract areas;
2.
The preparation of additional computer-generated density maps;
3.
The analysis of correlations between census and election
characteristics;
and each must be evaluated in terms of its costs and possible benefits.
ATTACHMENT C
COSTS-BASE FILE PURCHASES
Several potential base file purchases are in the negotiating stage at
this time, so the following figures must, of necessity, just represent
our best estimates. It will be noted that our percentage of participation
varied greatly from state to state:
RNC
STATE
TOTAL COST
PARTICIPATION
Arizona
15,000
2,500
California
225,000
25,000
Colorado
20,000
5,000
Connecticut
12,000
6,000
Delaware
10,000
2,000
Florida
OPEN
10,000*
Illinois
35,000
7,500
Indiana
103,000
15,000
Iowa
5,000
2,350
Michigan
42,000
17,000*
Minnesota
24,000
9,000*
New Mexico
5,000
500
New Jersey
30,000
10,000*
New York
UNKNOWN
7,500*
Ohio
45,000
22,500
Oregon
20,000
3,000*
Washington
20,000
3,000*
Wisconsin
13,000
6,000
$624,000
$153,850
*Estimates only
Constant efforts were made to hold down base file creation costs.
In addition, every effort was made during negotiations with state leaders
to cause the state party's participation to be substantial and the RNC's
participation to be less than the 50% that was originally estimated.
In many cases these efforts were successful. In addition, when it
became apparent that an investment on the part of the RNC would not
reap results because of our minority situation in a state legislature
or bacause of a lack of resolve on the part of state party leaders,
no investment was made. Massachusetts and Pennsylvania are examples
of this.
CITIZENS FOR THE RE-ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT
WASHINGTON
August 31, 1971
SUITE 272
1701 PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. N.W
WASHINGTON. D.C. 20006
(202) 333-0920
CONFIDENTIAL/EYES ONLY
by
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
In light of last Sunday's Evans-Novak column, we thought that the
following information might be of interest to you:
Lee Edwards, son of the Chicago Tribune's Willard Edwards, runs a
number of public relations projects for conservative oriented groups
out of an office on De Sales Street. Edwards was recently featured
prominently in the media when he testified on the Hill, as director
of Walter Judd's Committee of One Million, against the President's
initiatives toward mainland China. Edwards "took over" this group
after Marvin Liebman gave it up, and now has almost complete control
over it.
One of Edwards' most recent projects is "Americans for Agnew," a
group designed to put pressure on the President to keep the Vice
President on the ticket in 1972. Pat Gorman, who heads a political
direct mail firm has sent out telegrams to conservative leaders ask-
ing for donations, and our information is that Gorman and Edwards
will soon commence a major series of mass mailings to raise money for
this group.
A third current project is "Friends of the FBI," of which Edwards is
director of information. Gorman makes fund raising mailings for this
group, also, and reportedly has raised $153,000, of which Gorman and
Edwards have allegedly taken $55,000 in fees.
"Friends of the FBI" began as a project of the "Commission for
International Due Process of Law." The commission is non-profit and
tax-exempt -- hence, donations to "Friends" have been tax-exempt and
the organization's mailings made at the Post Office's lower rates for
non-profit organizations.
CONFIDENTIAL/EYES ONLY
CONFIDENTIAL/EYES ONLY
2
Just recently, IRS has warned that contributions to "Friends"
might not be tax-exempt even though it has been a project of a tax-
exempt commission. "Friends" now has its own petition before the
IRS for tax-exemption because the parent Commission has said it
will sever relations with "Friends" as of August 31, 1971.
Contrary to what Evans-Novak state, The Richard A. Viguerie Company
has not raised any money for "Friends" whatsoever. Gorman's firm
handles all of Edward's direct mail work, including the direct mail
solicitation for "Friends" and "Americans for Agnew."
"Friends" has probably been cleared with Director Hoover since it
is our information that when he receives checks intended for this
organization he will endorse them over to "Friends" and send them
to Edwards.
JEB S. MAGRUDER
CONFIDENTIAL/EYES ONLY
Attachment
Rowland Evans and Robert Novak
Mills Hints New Tax Break
might go into new plant and of a legal link to the Chlca-
equipment.
go-based Commission for In-
Hoover Lobby
ternational Due Process of
Law (a tax-exempt organiza-
THE CONTINUING popu-
larity of FBI Director J.
tion headed by Lails Kutner),
FOF now has a petition of its
Edgar Hoover in the face of
own for tax-exemption before
rising criticism that the old
the Internal Revenue Serv-
man (now 76) has abused his
icc. The reason for that is
'FBI Friends'
power and ought to quit is
that some of Kutner's liberal
stunningly revealed in the
friends, including Democratic
fund drive by a pro-Hoover
Rep. Abner Mikva of Chi-
Lack Pals in
lobby called Friends of the
cago, protested bitterly at his
FBI (FOF), Inc.
connection with FOF.
Tax Service
Organized only In late
Thus some contributors to
May, FOF has now received
FOF, who sent their checks
well over $100,000 in cash
on the promise of tax exemp-
United Press International
gifts from a direct-mail cam-
tion in solicitation letters
The Internal Revenue Serv-
paign that has solicited con-
signed by television actor
ice warned yesterday that it
tributions from backers of
Efrem Zimbalist Jr. (star of
may not allow tax deductions
right-wing causes, and from
"The FBI"), may now not be
for contributions to friends of
what Lce Edwards, its public
all that certain of getting it.
the FBI, formed to defend the
relations adviser, calls "Mid-
Unless the IRS declares FOF
agency against its critics. It
dle Americans." The Richard
a legitimate tax-exempt out-
has collected over $100,000 in
A. Viguerie Co., Inc., which
fit, the pro-Hoover organiza-
the past two months.
handled fund-raising for the
tion has lost its tax shelter.
Lee Edwards, the group's
abortive 1070 Senate cam-
A footnote: The $100.000-
public information director,
paign of former federal
plus collected by FOF will fi-
said the money was solicited
judge G. Harrold Carswell in
nanee what is described as a
in a mass mailing campaign
Florida, has earried a major
blue-ribbon commission of
with a letter signed by actor
load of the FOF fund drive.
lawyers and scholars to study
Efram Zimbalist Jr., who
But it has not beon all a
the FBI's history and write a
plays in the television series
bed of roses. Originally
report titled: "The FBI: Its
"The FBL"
claiming that contributions
Record and Performance."
Edwards said letters went
were tax-exempt as a result
© 1971, Publishers-Hall Syndicate
out to an estimated million
persons. Zimbalist asked them
to "sign a declaration of sup-
port" and added: "Your gift
is tax deductible so I ask you
please to be generous."
An IRS spokesman said yes-
terday: "Friends of the FBI
does not at this time nor ever
has had a determination from
us that it was tax exempt."
To qualify for tax exempt
status, organizations must
prove they were established
for religious, charitable, ed-
ucational, literary or scientific
purposes. Participation in po-
litical campaigns, lobbying or
publishing "propaganda" is
prohibited.
CITIZENS FOR THE RE-ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT
WASHINGTON
SUITE 272
1701 PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. N.W.
WASHINGTON. D.C. 20000
September 2, 1971
(202) 333-0920
MEMORANDUM FOR:
JEB S. MAGRUDER
FROM:
KEN RIETZ
SUBJECT:
New Voter Day at Winrock
Although the crowd was smaller than expected (1,000),
I believe the event at Winrock last Saturday was a
success.
Dr. Harper did an excellent job of representing the
President. His speech effectively told the youth
story in terms of not only what the President has
done for young people, but also how he has involved
them in the Administration. Those attending responded
very favorably, and I suggest we use him again.
Governor Rockefeller is extremely interested in
young people and the youth vote. He was a gracious
host, although he stayed too long at the microphone.
I believe a real understanding about the youth campaign
was worked out with the YR's, and I talked to several
people who could play key roles for us. All in all, it
was a worthwhile effort.
A voting machine was set up and about 200 voted. Here is
a list of the questions and the results:
For President-Richard Nixon 55%
Wilbur Mills 45%
Page 2
Do you approve of the President's intiative
in Red China?
Yes
71%
No
29%
Do you approve of the President's
wage and price freeze?
Yes
64%
No
36%
Do you approve of the way the President
is handling his job?
Yes
53%
No
47%
Do you approve of the way Gov. Bumper is
handling his job?
Yes
40%
No
60%
Do you think President Nixon will be
re-elected?
Yes
45%
No
55%
Are you satisfied with the President's
de-escalation policy in Vietnam?
Yes
56%
No
44%
Do you approve of the 18-year old vote?
Yes
92%
No
8%
Do you intend to vote in 1972 even if you
have to use an absentee ballot?
Yes
82%
No
18%
THE WHITE HOUSE
September 2, 1971
Information
MEMORANDUM FOR JAMIE MC LANE
FROM:
ED HARPER
SUBJECT:
Salute to the Young Voter Speech
At the request of our Speaker's Bureau, I spoke at Governor
Winthrop Rockefeller's "Salute to the New Voter" at Winrock
Farms, Arkansas on August 28th.
Attached is a copy of the introduction and my remarks.
Ken Reitz asked for a copy of my remarks; thus, they will be
sent to him 23 a.copy of this memo.
Attachments
CC: Ken Cole
Gordon Strachan
Roy Mercy
Ken Reitz
ELH:ppd
AINTE TO THE LE! VOTER"
inrock Farms
attyjean Mountain, Arkansas
ugust 26, 1971
INFORMATION FOR INTRODUCTION
The President directed Dr. Edwin L. Harper, his Special Assistant and
Assistant Director of the Domestic Affairs Council to come to this meeting
today to bring you a special message.
Let me tell you a little about Ed Harper's background before presenting
him to you.
It was just six years age that Ed was Vice-President of the Student
Council at the University of Virginia. Aside from his work on the Student
Council, Ed was is member of the Editorial Ecard of the Cavalier Daily, a
National Defense Fellow, and was elected to membership in the Raven Society and
Omicron Delta Kappa--ODK. Ed took his Ph:D. in political science from the
University of Virginia after having received a B.A. with Honors from a small
literal arts college in Illinois, Principia College.
In fact, Ed is a native of the mid-west having grown up in the St.
Louis area. He knows Arkansas by virtue of having lived in Memphis for a
few years and by having spent many summer vacations at his grandfather's
farm just over the torder from Pochahontos, Arkansas, in Missouri.
After leaving the University of Virginia Ed spent a year as a Guest
Scholar at the Brookings Institution in Washington. He went on to teach
The American Presidency, Public Policy, and American Government at
Rutgers University for two years. He then spent another year in Washington
as a Fellow of the American Society for Public Administration working for
the Bureau of the Budget in the Executive Office of the President.
Ld then was hired by one of the nation's largest management consulting
firms as a senior consultant specializing in budgeting, planning policy,
and urban affairs.
2
In 1969 Ed joined the White Heuse staff as a Special Assistant to the
President. When the Domestic Affairs Council was formed in July, 1970,
Ed was made one of the four Assistant Directors of the Council.
Thus, it does not necessarily have to be such a long road between
your classroom and a room in the White House.
I now introduce Special Assistant to the President of the United States,
Ed Harper.
Dr. Edwin L. Harper, REMARKS
"Salute to the Young Voter"
Winrock Farms
Pettyjean Mountain, Arkansas
August 28, 1971
I am honored to have the President send me here to Arkansas
as his personal representative to you. In that capacity he asked
me to deliver this telegram to you.
The following is the text of the President's telegram:
To the young Americans gathered this summer day at Winrock
Farms, Congratulations! For all of you have received a great
gift and challenge--the right to vote. Today, in a new and
exciting way, you have a voice in the future of America. Yours
is the cherished opportunity to help mold this land we all share.
The history of this nation is a chronicle of the ever broadening
power to participate. And as each new group has gained this
franchise, it has brought freshneks and vitality to the purpose
of government. So will you. You now have the most powerful
means a citizen has of making himself heard in our free republic.
In this "Salute to the New Voter," allow me also to join with you
in thanking your host and my good friend, Governor Winthrop
Rockefeller, who has contributed so much as a public leader and
as a private citizen to the young people of Arkansas. To Governor
Rockefeller and to all of you, my warm greetings and best wishes
for the future.
RICHARD NIXON
Since the theme of this get together is voting your decision about
who should be your elected representative-- I would like to share with
you some of my personal observations about the President, the kind
of nam he i., and how he feels à Pre sident, or for that matter, any
nan running for public office should be judged.
- 2 -
The President's years as a highschool and college student were
years fundamentally different from the years we have spent as
highschool and college students. The one word used to describe
those years is "depression. " To those who lived through it, it
was more than the lowest point in a business cycle. It was a time
when you, most of your family, and everyone you knew did not have
a job and had no prospects of getting one in the foreseeable future.
With no jobs, there was no income, and with no-income there were
none of the amenities we enjoy today. There were few of the basics
for some people.
The President and his family struggled their way through the
depression as did this nation. What the President found was that
even in the depression hard work provided opportunities. Through
his own extraordinary efforts he was able to complete college and
go on to Duke University Law School in North Carolina.
The President's hard work, his determination and his absolute
faith in this country's potential to provide opportunities for self-
fulfillment for those who will work for it characterize all he does
today.
This does not mean that he feels that the country has reached
its potential in providing opportunities (or all nor that everyone
must suffer through the same kinds of problems he solved. But
- 3
rather'he feels that part of the beauty of this nation is that America
has the spiritual and material resources to be a continually self
renewing and improving country.
As you know, the President has recently moved in a massive,
comprehensive way on the economic front to insure job opportunities
for Americans looking for work, A less publicized feature of his
August 15th message was his announcement that in January he will
present a new proposal to encourage research and development to
create new industries and the 20 million new jobs we will need by
1980.
The President's new economic policy is a good example of the
way he works. The President could have just responded to the
immediate problem in international trade. Instead the President
called his top economic advisers together and said, let's take a
look at all of the options; let's not take a patchwork approach; let's
go for an across-the-board approach which points us towards a real
solution to the problems of our economy.
I was privileged to participate in some of the early meetings
leading up the President's decisions announced in his August 15th
statement on the economy. But it is not too unusual in the White
House these days for younger people to have senior responsibility.
Ron Ziegler, the President's press secretary, has just recently
**
- 4 -
gone over the hill--over 30. Of the four assistant directors of
the Domestic Council--the President's personal domestic policy
staff--only one is over 33. You might be interested to know that
the man who headed up the interdepartmental task force which
put together the President's environment package last year,
Chris Demuth, was only 23. Two of our top professionals on the
policy staff are women in their twenties who have already made
outstanding careers for themselves in the practice of law and
and management consulting.
I believe this is the youngest White House staff in history,
barring none. This is the staff which the President relies upon to
make sure that all of the policy options are fully and carefully
staffed out.
It is his decisions on these policy options by which the President
wants to be judged. The President does not feel that he nor any
other elective official or candidate for office should be judged
by the length of his hair
by the modishness of his clothes
nor by the intensity of his rhetoric.
What the President feels counts is action--performance To promise
something that you cannot accomplish is both irresponsible and
destructive of the people's faith in America and its system. Only
- 5 -
by being tough minded can we as voters avoid the disappointment
that comes with accepting promises that cannot be kept.
Let me close with a quote which I think well summarizes
the President's feelings about this country, its future, and your
role in its future.
The President said.
"Let us tell young Americans, all Americans, that we should
love America. But let us love her not because she is rich and not
because she is strong, but because America is a good country and
we are going to make her better
"This is a beautiful country and we are privileged to be the
generation that has the responsibility to make it even more beautiful
for the generations ahead. 11
Thank you.
(Quote from:
President's Address to Junior
Chamber of Commerce's National
Convention in St. Louis, Missouri,
June 25, 1970)
DETERMANCE TO BE AN
ADD
E.J.
100
45102
September 8, 1971
By it
5-24-82
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
SUBJECT: Georg Babbe
Attached for your information is a resume for Georg Babbe whose
name was given to me by Cliff Miller as a possible candidate
for Campaign Manager in California.
I worked with Mr. Babbe in the 1968 campaign when he was Regional
Chairman of Los Angeles County. He was one of the most outstand-
ing men in the campaign and was well accepted by everyone he
dealt with. He is senior enough (47 years old) to handle high
level types and would be known as a Nixon man. He has lots of
energy and is a hard working individual.
I think, under the right circumstances, he could be made avail-
able and he would be an outstanding choice for Campaign Manager.
JEB S. MAGRUDER
Attachment
bcc: Mr. Haldeman
CONFIDENTIAL
RESUME
GEORG BABBE
Date of Birth:
February 20, 1924 - Butte, Montana
Marital Status:
Married. Four children
Residence:
Palos Verdes Estate, California
Education:
Attended elementary, junior and high schools in
Great Falls, Montana.
1941-1944 - Attended Northwestern University
1946 - returned to Northwestern University and
received degree in Business Administration
with distinction in 1947.
Member of Beta Gamma Sigma, honorary Business
Fraternity
Taken a number of American Management Association
courses.
1958 - completed Economics of National Security
course from the Industrial College of the
Armed Forces.
1960 - Attended Senior Reserve Officers National
Strategy course at National Board College
Military:
1944 - Commissioned in the Navy; served in sub-
marine detail in the Pacific in World War
II; currently a Captain in the Naval
Reserve.
Business:
October 1970 to Present - Manager of Pacific
Lighting Properties
February 1969-October 1970 - Vice President of
Kierulff Electronics, Inc.
December 1967-February 1969 - Director of
Corporate Services for Ducommun Inc.
Prior employment was with Southern California
Gas Company for 17 years. Senior positions:
Division Manager and Manager of Real Estate
and Industrial Engineering.
2
Georg Babbe
Community and Civic:
Formerly Vice President of Los Angeles Junior
Chamber of Commerce.
Chairman, Southwest area of Los Angeles County
Nixon for President Committee
1962-1969 - Trustee of Centinella Valley Hospital
1958-1959 - President, United Cerebal Palsy
Association of Los Angeles County
1959 - Winner of Durward Howes Service Award
COMMITTEE FOR THE RE-ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT
1701 PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. N.W
WASHINGTON D. C 20006
September 9, 1971
(202) 333-0920
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
Attached is a report by David A. Keene on the YAF convention
which he attended in Houston, along with Tom Huston, at our
request.
JEB S. MAGRUDER
Attachment
bcc: Mr. Gordon C. Strachan
CONFIDENTIAL
OFFICE OF THE VICE PRESIDENT
WASHINGTON
September 8, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
JEB MAGRUDER
FROM:
DAVID A. KEENE
ak
SUBJECT:
YAF CONVENTION
I am sure you already have a pretty clear idea of
the results of last week's YAF convention in Houston.
We did not come out of the affair as well as I had hoped
we might, but I do think we managed to do about as well
as we had a right to expect.
As I indicated before we left for Houston, there
is a good deal of hostility toward the President in YAF.
We never expected to get a favorable reaction from the
delegates, but we did want to show them that we are still
interested in their views. We succeeded in this goal and
even managed to moderate the proceedings to some extent.
The resolutions as reported to the convention by
the Resolutions Committee were relatively moderate. I
would describe them as "responsibly critical" and most of
them passed on the floor without much uproar. However,
the convention did insist on beefing up the so-called
"Manhattan Twelve" statement by deleting the final two
paragraphs. This action moved beyond the conservative
leadership and put YAF in a position of greater hostility
toward the Administration.
The "mock nominating convention" held on Saturday
evening was a disaster for all involved. The delegates
had three favorites--Governor Reagan, Senator Buckley and
the Vice President. but more than twenty names were placed
in nomination.
The YAF leadership evidently decided at some point
to go with the Vice President.
Jeb Magruder
2.
September 8, 1971
This decision was opposed, however, by many delegates
who believed that the White House wanted the Vice President
to win as a means of blunting the impression of total
hostility toward the Administration. This belief was
strengthened by rumors that Steve Shadegg and possibly
Dave Jones were attending as White House operatives and
urging delegates to support the Vice President.
The delegates resented this as well as Shadegg's
alleged offer to, in effect, buy off Chairman Ron Docksai.
This resentment combined with a particularly inflammatory
speech by former YAF National Chairman, Robert Bauman, set
the stage for the Saturday night debacle.
You may recall that, when I talked with you prior to
the mock convention, I said that we were dealing with a
paper house, but that we didn't have too much to worry about
if no one set it ablaze. Well, Bauman was the arsonist.
The YAF leadership had also decided to place the
President's name in nomination SO that they could embarrass
him. We attempted to stop this without much success, and
instead, the kids supporting him announced that they
considered the Vice President's nomination a show of support
for the Administration.
The "mock convention" was, of course, a frivolous
exercise without much meaning in itself. However, it did
give the delegates an opportunity to demonstrate their
distaste for the Administration and its programs at this
point in time. The emotionalism of the evening can be
explained by the fact that many of the kids participating
worked in the '68 campaign and now feel betrayed.
The significance of their discontent lies in the
fact that they reflect, admittedly in exaggerated form,
the feelings of many other conservatives. In this respect,
they pose a problem both for us and for senior conservative
leaders who cannot afford to get too far away from their
supporters. People like Senator Goldwater are already
Jeb Magruder
3.
September 8, 1971
beginning to lose credibility within the conservative
movement because of their loyalty to the President, while
others are moving steadily to the right of the President
to avoid this problem.
I have said in the past that I believe we would be
fooling ourselves if we adopt the attitude that this
discontent is going to go away. It isn't going to. On
the contrary, unless we move to do something about it, we
can expect it to get worse.
The problem, of course, is that most of their
objections are of a substantive nature. This is particularly
true in the areas of defense, wage and price controls, and
welfare. YAFers are violently opposed to FAP and wage and
price controls. There is no way in which they can be either
sold on them or convinced to ignore them. And they, like
their senior advisers, are afraid of our apparent strategic
slippage.
Given these problems, however, there are still some
steps we might consider:
1. There are few identifiable "movement" conservatives
in the Administration, and this is a point of
contention that comes up whenever conservatives
meet.
2. Many conservatives feel that we are simply not
interested in their views. I know that some attempt
is being made to increase our communications with
the right, but I feel this effort should be stepped
up. A little attention here could go a long way in
1972.
70 DE AN
A
G
September 1, 1971
E.O.
1
6-102
By-Ef
,
Late
3-24-82
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
As you know, up to this time Bill Timmons has been handling the
convention activities. Now that the site has been selected and
the key committees set up, Bill has questioned me as to whether
or not we expect him to continue in his present role as the
working part of the convention begins to move into high gear.
It would seem appropriate that we continue to use Bill as our
direct liaison with the RNC on all matters pertaining to the
convention.
Approve
Disapprove
Comment
JEB S. MAGRUDER
bcc: Mr. Haldeman
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
SEPTEMBER 9, 1971
FOR H.R. HALDEMAN
Attached is a memorandum from Bill Timmons recommending
that John Rhodes be appointed the Chairman of the Platform
Committee for the 1972 Republican National Convention.
John Ehrlichman asked that I pass it through you to the
President.
John and I concur with Bill's recommendation that Rhodes
be the Chairman of the Committee. We believe that we can
work constructively with him and that an early and firm
selection of a Chairman can avoid some other problems.
We plan also to insure that Bryce Harlow plays an influential
role as a member of the Platform Committee. (Unless you
see some problems with Rhodes' selection, I plan to go
ahead and advise Timmons that John Rhodes is acceptable
as Chairman. Rhodes would like to have the job.)
Please advise.
Ken Cole
cc:
Bill Timmons
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 8, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
JOHN EHRLICHMAN
FROM:
WILLIAM E. TIMMONS
SUBJECT:
'72 Convention
We should soon be thinking about the person who is to
be selected Chairman of the Resolutions (Platform)
Committee for the 1972 Republican National Convention.
Senator Hugh Scott and Rep. John Rhodes have both
expressed interest in being chairman of this Committee.
Since Sen. Roman Hruska was Vice Chairman in 1968 under
Everett Dirksen, he very likely could lay claim to the
post. You may recall that the Committee was led by
Mel Laird in '64 and Chuck Percy in '60.
It is not necessary for the Chairman to be a Member of
Congress although Senators & Representatives probably
have a better grasp of issues and the nuances of drafting
platform language.
Since you have platform responsibilities, could you give me
guidance on the individual you feel could best do the job
and also one that you could work comfortably with?
My own recommendation is for Rhodes. As Chairman of the
House Policy Committee and as a senior Member of the
Appropriations Committee he understands issues and their
interrelationships. Also, taking a House Member would
not force a decision between our loyal friend Hruska and
our Senate leader Scott. Additionally, Johnny is well
liked in Congress and the choice would be popular.
The only possible liabilities, and they are minor, are
Rhodes' close identification with the Conservative wing
of the Party and a sometimes streak of western independence.
On the key votes we measure loyalty by, John voted against
the President only five times: three were SST, one the
OEO authorization and another on funding the International
Development Association.
BRIEF BIO
Rhodes is 55, married with four children, served in Air
Corps in World War II, law degree from Harvard, member
of a variety of social-service-veterans associations.
John is in his 10th term, having been first elected in
1952. He served on both Education & Labor and Interior
Committees before joining the Appropriations Committee.
He has been Policy Chairman since 1963.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 8, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
JEB MAGRUDER
FROM:
WILLIAM E. TIMMONS
BT
SUBJECT:
'72 Convention Appointments
There are a number of decisions which should be made soon
and some which may be deferred regarding key posts at next
year's national Republican Convention. Most of these
decisions are for early planning and need not be announced
until next spring and summer.
Attached are the major official jobs for the Convention,
a brief description of each and my personal recommendations.
The Attorney General will certainly want to discuss these
with the President and Bob Haldeman at some convenient
time. When decisions are made, please let me know for
planning and follow-up.
cc: H. R. Haldeman
FLOOR LEADER: An important publicity post. Should be
identifiable personality who understands convention
mechanics, politics and rules. Job is to represent
candidate's interests on convention floor, make motions or
speak to them for candidate, serves as conduit for infor-
mation to key delegates. Floor leader is in constant
communication with campiagn manager and podium.
Recent Floor Leaders have been:
- - 1968 - Rogers Morton
-- 1964 - Curtis for Goldwater
-- 1960 - ???
I recommend that Hugh Scott be asked to assume this role.
The Pennsylvanian Senator is GOP Senat Leader and under-
stands House rules from his years in that Body. A former
National GOP Chairman who supported Rocky in '68 and
Scranton in '64, but a Senator who with several exceptions
supports the President's legislative program. If there
is a revolt from the liberal camp over some platform
plank or over the nomination of the Vice President, Hugh
can communicate with the left wing. Also it is believed
Scott will take instructions from the campaign manager.
He expects to have a prominent role in the convention and
has already sent signals for the Platform Chairmanship
or, failing that, Rules Chairman. It is felt Scott must
have some assignment or he and his friends will be
extremely upset. It is believed the Floor Leader position
is controllable.
APPROVE
DISAPPROVE
NOMINATOR AND SECONDERS: Key actors in Convention drama.
New Rules will probably be adopted to limit nomination
and seconding addresses to a total of fifteen minutes, to
be allocated as each major candidate determines. (Favorite
sons and symbolic candidates will have five minutes total).
It will probably be smart to have a number of speakers with
very short remarks to show broad support for the President.
A good spot for Governors, especially Reagan & Rockefeller.
Possibility for Cabinet officers.
Recent nominators and seconders have been:
-- 1968 - Agnew, Hatfield, Baker, Volpe & Ogilvie
-- 1964 - (Goldwater) Dirksen, Knowland, Clare Luce,
Tower, Halleck
-- 1960 - Hatfield, Kuchel, Chris Del Soto, Jewel
Rogers, Taft, John Roosevelt, Mrs. Andrew
Gavin, Javits
The decision for these posts should be made after the
Democratic National Convention and be used to the best media
advantage for the President.
APPROVE
DISAPPROVE
RULES CHAIRMAN: Presides over convention Rules Committee
which makes rules changes recommendations to full convention.
Important the Chairman be loyal and familiar with House
Rules as well as existing RNC rules for a National Convention.
In preparation for the '72 Convention, the RNC has already
created a Rules Committee to study possible changes, hear
arguments, etc. Normally, if elected delegates from
their states, members of this Committee become actual
Convention Rules Committee since they will have had most
familiarity with issues. Former Rep. Bill Cramer is
Chairman of the RNC Rules Committee.
I recommend that Cramer be continued as Rules Chairman for
the Convention. He is an able lawyer, thoroughly conversant
with House and RNC Rules. He is in best position to carry
forward recommendations and should work well with the
campaign staff.
APPROVE
DISAPPROVE
KEYNOTER: Gives major speech on first evening of Convention.
Maximum television exposure, sets scene and tone for
Convention. Selection must be carefully made in light of
political circumstances in August of 1972 and image we need
to project.
Recent keynoters have been:
- - 1968 - Dan Evans
- - 1964 - Mark Hatfield
- - 1960 - Walter Judd
I recommend that the selection of the keynoter be held until
after the Democratic National Convention but that Chairman
Dole be charged with stopping any lobbying by interested
politicians. Should one individual build up broad support
for the job and for campaign reasons not be selected, there
will be friction.
APPROVE
DISAPPROVE
ARRANGEMENTS VICE CHAIRMAN: Is Member of Republican National
Convention who is assigned all logistics for Convention.
Responsible for Subcommittees on Housing, Transportation,
Program, News Media and Tickets/Badges. Vital post to
operations.
Recent Vice Chairmen have been:
-- 1968 - Don Ross
- - 1964 - Bob Pierce
- - 1960 - Jaren Jones
This post has already been filled by Dick Herman of Nebraska.
Dick was regional director for '68 campaign, worked on
transition staff for personnel, held key position in Nixon
effort in Miami Convention. Has already been most helpful.
CHIEF PAGE: Usually a young man to organize and supervise
official Convention pages. Pages are assigned each delegation
and RNC offices, media, etc. Not a major post but one to
reward friends and to establish network of intelligence for
campaign operation (actually states appoint most of their
own pages). Chief Page should work closely with Nixon Youth
organization.
Recent Chief Pages have been:
-- 1968 - Lance Tarrance
- - 1964 - Michael Gill
-- 1960 - Tom Van Sickle
I recommend Jay Wilkinson for the spot. Jay worked in the
'68 convention and campaign. Served at the Pierre and White
House. Ran for Congress. Son of prominent sports figure.
Is an ordained Minister.
APPROVE
DISAPPROVE
SERGEANT-AT-ARMS: Administrative head of convention hall
security and ushers. Responsible for validating tickets,
parking permits, etc. No law enforcement experience
necessary but loyalty and ability very important.
Recent Sergeants at Arms have been:
-- 1968 - Jack Sherwood
- - 1964 - Robert Carter
- - 1960 - Edward McGinnis
This appintment has already been made with approval of the
Attorney General. He is Ody Fish, former GOP State Chairman
of Wisconsin.
PLATFORM CHAIRMAN: Presides over the hearings and sessions
of the Resolutions Committee. Presents report to the delegates
for adoption. Extremely important and difficult post. Must
understand President's policy, national issues, public and
delegate attitudes, etc. Hugh Scott and John Rhodes both
want job. Roman Hruska probably would like assignment since
he was Dirksen's Vice Chairman in 1968.
Recent Platform Chairmen have been:
-- 1968 - Everett Dirksen
- - 1964 - Melvin Laird
- - 1960 - Charles Percy
I recommend Rhodes get the nod. Have also asked John
Ehrlichman for his views on best man. Johnny has been
Chairman of the House GOP Policy Committee for nine years.
Serves on Appropriations Committee and has also been on
Interior and Education & Labor Committees. Harvard lawyer,
World War II Air Corps, 55 years old, married with four
children. He has voted "wrong" on only five occasions over
2-1/2 years: three on SST, one on OEO authorization, and
one on funding International Development Association.
APPROVE
DISAPPROVE
PARLIAMENTARIAN: Makes recommendations to the Chairman on
all questions of rules, procedures and precedents relating
to the Convention. He must be a loyalist and personally
compatible with the Permanent Chairman. Since the House
Rules are used, the Parliamentarian should be a House Member.
Rules Committee experience is helpful.
Recent Parliamentarians have been:
- - 1968 - H. Allen Smith
- - 1964 - Katherine St. George
- - 1960 - Katherine St. George
I recommend that Smith again be given the assignment. He
is best authority on House Rules.
APPROVE
DISAPPROVE
SECRETARY: Normally held by the woman who is Secretary to
the Republican National Committee. This is an important
position that has seldom been effectively used. The
Secretary's principal role is to call the roll of the
states, announce tallies, etc. Therefore, the Secretary
is on camera a lot. She should be an attractive and
competent lady. Mrs. Connie Bailey of Vermont is RNC
Secretary but does not project well and is unattractive
physically.
Recent Secretaries have been:
- - 1968 - Mrs. Connie Bailey
-- - - 1964 - Mrs. C. D. Buck
-- 1960 - Mrs. E. E. Heffelfinger
I recommend that we change precedent in 1972 and have the
National Co-Chairman, Mrs. Anne Armstrong, serve as Secretary
of the Convention. Anne is popular, attractive, dignified,
and possesses a pleasant voice. She is from important Texas
and currently will have virtually no official role in the
Convention.
APPROVE
DISAPPROVE
PERMANENT CHAIRMAN: Presides over the Convention for all
business, including adoption of Committee reports (Platform),
nominations and selection of candidates, acceptance speeches,
etc. If the Convention continues to follow the House of
Representatives Rules it seems appropriate that a House
Member be the permanent Chairman. Jerry Ford has expressed
interest in the job and most politicians expect he will
be named (actually, he must be elected by the Convention
itself). This probably the most important Convention
responsibility.
Recent permanent chairmen have been:
- - 1968 - Gerald Ford
- - 1964 - Thruston Morton
- - 1960 - Charles Halleck
I recommend that Ford again be given the assignment.
APPROVE
DISAPPROVE
TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN: Presides over the early non-working
sessions of the Convention (organization session and also
keynote session). This is a prestigious appointment but
one that can do relatively little damage to us. A good
spot to expose a liberal or minority Republican or candidate
in need.
Recent temporary chairmen have been:
-- - - 1968 - Edward Brooke
- - 1964 - Mark Hatfield
-- 1960 - Cecil Underwood
I am not prepared to make a recommendation at this time
and believe the post should be held open until after the
Democratic Convention. Probably should go to a Governor
(Holton, Ogilvie?) if that will not hurt general election
effort.
APPROVE
DISAPPROVE
September 1, 1971
DETERMINED T3 AN
2
By
3-22-82
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
SUBJECT:
'72 Convention
Enclosed for your approval or disapproval is a memorandum from
Bill Timmons regarding hotel accommodations, transportation,
and seating for major officials in the Administration. Bill
is being pressed by the RNC Arrangements Committee for answers
to these various questions.
JEB S. MAGRUDER
Enclosure
bcc: Mr. Haldeman
CONFIDENTIAL
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
August 30, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
JEB MAGRUDER
FROM:
WILLIAM E. TIMMONS
SUBJECT:
72 Convention
The RNC Arrangements Committee is pushing me for answers
to questions about hotel accommodations, transportation
and convention seats for major officials in the Administration.
While White House personnel will be located with the campaign
staff and President and Vice Presidential parties, Cabinet
and subcabinet officials probably could best serve by being
housed with their home state delegations. Also, we need
to know how many of the subcabinet and agency heads and
their staff will be attending the convention. There are two
approaches: we can tell them who is to attend, where they 11
stay, etc. or we can ask them who in their department will
be in attendance. I prefer the latter course and recommend
I be authorized to contact each Cabinet officer and agency
head to request information.
APPROVE
DISAPPROVE
It is my hope that the above officials will be honored guests
of the RNC for the convention and that seats and ground
transportation will be provided by the National Committee.
However, airline transportation and hotel rooms and charges
will be the responsibility of the individual Cabinet officer.
APPROVE
DISAPPROVE
Attached are listings of the principal officers who may be
included in your consideration, however, I question including
anybody from regulatory bodies.
Incidentally, I anticipate that George Shultz and his
principal personnel will be housed with the White House
staff.
1. William P. Rogers
Secretary of State
2. John B. Connally
Secretary of Treasury
3. Melvin Laird
Secretary of Defense
4. John Mitchell
The Attorney General
5. Winton Blount
The Postmaster General
6. Rogers Morton
Secretary of Interior
7. Clifford Hardin
Secretary of Agriculture
8. Maurice Stans
Secretary of Commerce
9. James Hodgson
Secretary of Labor
10. Elliot Richardson
Secretary of HEW
11. George Romney
Secretary of HUD
12. John Volpe
Secretary of Transportation
13. Robert F. Froehlke
Secretary of the Army
14. Robert Seamans
Secretary of the Air Force
15. John Chafee
Secretary of the Navy
16. George Bush
Ambassador to the U.N.
17. David Kennedy
Ambassador At Large
18. Dr. Arthur Burns
Chairman, Federal Reserve Board
19. Dr. Edward David
Science Advisor to the President
20. Virginia Knauer
Consumer Advisor to the President
21. Paul McCracken
Chairman, Council of Economic
Advisors
22. Russell Train
Chairman, Environmental Quality
Council
23.
Director of OEO
24. George Lincoln
Director of OEP
25. Nils Boe
Director of Intergovernmental
Relations
26. Carl Gilbert
Special Representative for
Trade Negotiations
27. Clay Whitehead
Director, Office of Tele-
communications Policy
28. Donald Whitehead
Federal Co-Chairman,
Appalachian Regional Comm.
29. William Ruckelshaus
Administrator, EPA
30. William Brown
Chairman, EEOC
31. Robert Kunzig
Administrator, GSA
32. Dr. James Fletcher
Administrator, NASA
33. Thomas Kleppe
Administrator, SBA
34. Frank Shakespeare
Director, USIA
35. Donald Johnson
Administrator, VA
36. Dr. John Hannah
Administrator, AID
37. Joseph Blatchford
Director, ACTION
LIST OF THOSE NOT INCLUDED
Chairman, AEC Commission (Jim Schlesinger)
Director, Arms Control Agency
Chairman, CAB
Chairman, Civil Service Commission
President, Exim Bank (Henry Kearn)
Governor, Farm Credit Administrator
Chairman, FFC (Dean Burch)
Chairman, FDIC
Director, Federal Mediation & Conciliation Service
Chairman, FPC
Chairman, FTC
Chairman, Foreign Claims Settlement
Chairman, Indian Claims Council
Chairman, ICC
Chairman, National Commission on Consumer Finance
Administrator, National Credit Union Admin.
Chairman, National Foundation on the Arts & Humanities
Chairman, NLRB
Director, National Science Foundation
President, Overseas Private Investment Corp.
Chairman, Renegotiation Board
Chairman, SEC
Director, Selective Service System
Chairman, SACB
Commissioner, Tariff Commission (Catherine May)
Chairman, TVA
Chairman, FHLB Board (Preston Martin)
Chairman, Federal Maritime Commission (Helen Bentley)
President, FNMA (Oakley Hunter)
September 8, 1971
6-102
3-24-82
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR:
THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
BOB HALDEMAN -
FROM:
HARRY DENT Asso
SUBJECT:
Kentucky Governor's Race
Attached is a confidential report on the Kentucky governor's
race. This is the only governor's race in 1971 in which we
have a candidate. He is very handsome and is running a good
race. His name is Tom Emberton, and he has the full backing
of Governor Louie Nunn. The polls show Emberton running
behind but only by a small margin. In fact, this is a good
sign, since he is a new face on the statewide scene. As you
can see from the attachment, one straw vote indicates a toss-
up and the major editors across the state split evenly on who
is ahead.
A big factor in our favor is the Democrat split caused by
Ford's primary victory over ex-Judge Combs.
This will probably be one of the few real weathervane votes
that political writers and political pros can bill as a
referendum on the Nixon Administration between now and 1972.
As you will see from the poll information in the attachment,
the President is currently riding very high. This seems to
be based largely on a quick poll taken after the President's
economic message.
What these people are crying for now is a commitment from
here for anywhere from $200,000 to $300,000 to be set aside
for TV during the closing weeks of the campaign. Governor
Nunn has already helped them raise a fair amount of money
and they have put aside $150,000 for election day activities.
This is not to be touched under any circumstances.
- 2 -
They have raised about $500,000 and expect to spend
around $1 million. They think it will be all they can do
to survive financially between now and election day. What
they want is assurance that they will be able to have TV
money. They say they will not touch any of this money and
that it could be controlled so that it would be used only
for that purpose.
They need to know as soon as possible whether there is any
possibility of getting any commitment from here.
I have talked to Governor Nunn, the State Chairman, and the
campaign leaders. They all endorse this request very
strongly.
ANALYSIS Or RACE IN KENTUCKY, NOVEMBER 4, 1211
I. Post Primary Election Scene
A. The Democratic primary election was won by Lt. Gov. Wendell Ford.
Ford, whose background includes the State Senate and the national presidency
of the Jaycees, is a resident of Owensboro, Daviess County.
Ford was an upset victor over former Governor Bert Combs in the eyes of the press.
However, the preprimary surveys conducted by the Emberton organization indicated
that Ford would defeat Combs on the basis of:
*Combs lack of credibility stemming from problems with
his administration and his resignation from the Federal
Bench to seek the governorship again.
*The ability of Ford to pin the 'high taxes' label on Combs.
In fact, the first Emberton survey in December, 1970, indicated the difficulties
Combs would have in overcoming the above two points. Despite a strenuous primary in
which nearly $1,500,000 was reported being spent by the two, a very low turnout marked
the Democratic Primary. In fact less than 10% of the state's registered voters played
a part in Ford's success.
Combs' running mate for Lieutenant Governor, Julian Carroll, was successful in the
primary however. This couples two bitter, former enemies in an uneasy alliance at prese
It is interesting to note that continuing rumors of problems between Ford and Carroll
persist.
It is also significant to note that both Ford and Carroll are from western Kentucky
which means a blackout in terms of the top of the ticket from the major population areas
of the state in a commonwealth in which regional loyalties are strong.
II. The Image of Nunn and Nixon Administrations
All current surveys conducted by the Emberton organization indicate basic
satisfaction with both Administrations.
This credibility is important to an Emberton victory.
It would appear that the Ford-Carroll camp recognizes the need to destroy the
image of the Nunn and Nixon Administrations as the majority of negative comment coming
from them at present is anti-Nunn and anti-Nixon.
The Ford-Carroll operation has been touted as the start of the national "Dump
Nixon" movement by the Democratic party in the state.
To date, Governor Nunn has refrained from entering the hustings. It is anticipated
that he will be an active participant on the campaign trail after Labor Day.
III. The Ford Strategy in the Post Primary Period
The Ford Strategy in the primary is being repeated in the General Election. He
is extremely abusive of Tom Emberton, Nixon and Nunn. His tactics in the primary
were more rough than any this observer has witnessed in a long career of watching
politics. He employs the 'big lie' technique and does it with a straight face. He
has benefited from the fact that major media in the state simply report his comments
without juding their accuracy or truth.
At present, he is attempting to put the label of more taxes on Emberton and
continually emphasizes the economic 'failures' of the Nixon and Nunn Administrations.
His major problem in this post-primary period has been to try and heal the division
within the Democratic Party. For a time, he acted in a very high-handed manner, but
evidently convinced by his advisors of the need for reconciliation, he has, in the last
several weeks, attempted to enroll former members of the Combs team. He has
had some success in this regard.
During the primary, Ford made extensive use of radio and newspaper advertising.
His television schedule, on which he makes a poor appearance, was quite limited.
He spent over $450,000 reported on his primary race, however.
IV. Post Primary Strategy for Emberton
During the primary, Tom Emberton maintained a very low profile. He held a
series of issue hearings which generated favorable but low key press.
Immediately after the primary, this strategy changed. It had been decided
that if Combs won the primary, the low profile would continue to the fall in the
hope that negative Combs sentiment would build of its own accord.
If Ford, however, won, in order to demonstrate that all was well with the GOP
campaign and that we were not down and out because of the Ford victory, it had been
early determined that we would surface immediately following the primary and using
'jag' theories of media exposure, attempt to mount a series of high profile exposures
over the summer months.
This strategy has been implemented through a series of dramatic issue pronouncements
used to demonstrate Emberton as a decisive individual; some paid television utilizing 'hi,
image' spots, a limited amount of newspaper exposure advertising in Republican areas,
and very strenuous campaigning (dawn to midnight) on Emberton's part. (For example,
plant gates at dawn have been the rule since June).
The most impact issue to date, has been Emberton's decision to remove the five per
cent sales tax on food. This issue has tremendous popular appeal. Our main problem,
as will be noted below, is the failure of nearly one half of the state to be aware of
the nominee's position. Because of budget exigencies, our exposure on this has been
limited even though we were front page headlines at the time of the announcement.
In all this, it is essential to remember, that we must try and dominate our
positions through paid time this gets our message across in the way we wish it
recevied by the voter rather than relying on the trusthworthiness of the media!
In all these months, we have employed the criss-cross theory of an event
in one end of the state in the morning, another at noon in another location, etc.,
in order to give us multi-area media exposure during an average day.
Emberton has stressed program and principle in an attempt to head off the Ford
personal invective. Emberton is a highly personable, very strong, popular campaigner.
His one-on-one contacts are excellent.
In the joint appearances to date, Emberton has come off the points on leader
although he has not put Ford down for the knock out.
The Emberton organization at the county levels is relatively complete but it
is yet to be judged in terms of its effectiveness.
Initial volunteer ploys such as the neighborhood walks (the candidates walk the
neighborhoods as a bait to get volunteers to canvass in large numbers) in the metro
areas have been quite successful. For example, over 100 volunteers covered 5300
homes in northern Kentucky in 90 plus degree heat last Saturday.
We are building toward a 'neighbors' strategy for the last two weeks in
the larger metroareas (Northern Ky., Louisville, Lexington, Ashland, Bowling Green,
Paducah).
The support from former Combs supporters has been most impressive. A strong
DEmocratic organization is at work with its own field staff in three of the state's
seven congressional Districts and is daily growing. Endorsements from significant
Democrats have been building. This is a major source of encouragement.
The Combs-Ford wounds have not healed! Any observer of Southern/Border state
politics knows how effective such feuds can be in terms of adding votes for the GOP
column on election day.
V. Immediate Goals
The immediate goal of the Emberton effort is to continue the building process
so successfully begun in these summer months. Polls indicate that Emberton is
now approaching the 70 per cent recognition factor but in view of Ford's high
factor (over 90) this gap must be closed in the next weeks.
In addition, when pressed there is a relatively low-undecided factor in the
head on encounters which indicates the aftermath of the particularly active primary.
Accordingly, we believe in the next four weeks we must:
a. Consolidate recognition
b. Provide depth to the Emberton image
C. Stir our own troops
d. Begin the negative attack on Ford (this is vital to keep the Combs People with us)
e. Dominate our areas of media television and weekly press and dominate through
our own material rather than relying on a generally hostile press
f. Continue the development of our volunteer team with an emphasis on trial projects
g. Continue development of our special groups (Drs., lawyers, farmers, for
selective direct mail in the fall)
h. Continue the candidate's high exposure schedule
VI. Budgets
Wendell Ford and Julian Carroll expended (on record which does not include many
of their county committees) over $850,000 in the primary. Money is not a worry for them.
Their professional staff far outnumbers our own at present. The signs of
their affluence are around us and the recent support they have received from COPE
(despite many unions favorable comment to us on our food tax stand) indicates that
national labor will be pouring in money for them.
Ford's campaign manager, the director of a large rural electric cooperative,
is rumored to use his organization's funds for political participation. This could
be done through personal service contracts with the money then passed through an
individual's books to the campaign. This would explain some $220,000 to Ford from
only 16 donors in the primary many of whom would not appear to be in the economic
bracket to afford $15,000 plus contributions individually.
The Emberton campaign to date has expended circa $475,000. In addition we have
about another $200,000 in available sources at hand.
Our total budget is about $1,200,000 contrasting with the Democratic budget
of circa $1,600,000 to $1,750,000.
The greatest need at present is to consolidate our television pesture.
We must immediately purchase our television for continuing exposure and for
the big fall push. Now is the time to buy October television to insure the best
available time rather than take 'left over primes.
(more)
-4-
Accordingly we seek $250,000 - 300,000 from national sources.
We believe we can generate from $800,000 - 900,000 in Kentucky.
The uses of the national money would be as follows:
$250,000 for television time
60,000 for specialized direct mail (target groups with a negative sell)
45,000 for a 'neighbors' program in metro areas during the last month.
The issue is very simple.
1. The polls indicate Emberton can win.
2. The impression Emberton makes is superb
one of the really dynamic young
men to come on the GOP scene in major level politics recently.
3. The issue in this election is, in part, an endorsement of the Nixon Administration
All available media emphasizes this constantly.
4. As the only contested race in the nation, we must bear the burden of attention.
This means that every national opposition source is aiding our opponent.
5. With the new economic policy of the Nixon Administration, (and Kentucky's
economic situation), it will be a matter of course for the news media to judge
Kentucky's race this year as an endorsement for the President.
6. In short, because of the national attention, the cost of the Kentucky race
is high but such a cost is a 'absolute bargain basement special' if we can hold this
vital race and provide the beginning of the GOP success for 1972.
We believe that given the strengths of the Nixon, Nunn team; given the
attractiveness, willingness and strength of the nominee and his slate; and given
the growing possibilities of his organization victory is possible.
BUT, the time for the money to be fed is TODAY.
Today we can buy the best television time. Tomorrow we get the left-overs.
Every dollar on the above budget will be put into television time. but the emphasis
must be television now and the best for October.
Further, with our television budget in hand, we can realistically utilize our
own dollars where they must count at the local levels and in other essential forms
of communication.
Finally, our oppoisition was forced into accepting a spending limitation on
media that we proposed
accordingly, given the above budget now
realistically,
effectively and wisely spent on this medium, we can dominate the market with a proven
attractive force
Tom Emberton.
It's a dollar spent wisely in 1971 to insure victory in '72!!!
TO: John Kerr
8/26/71
Some random observations from the formal report presented to the
Emberton for Governor Committee covering the public opinion survey
conducted in the State of Kentucky during the week of August 15, 1971.
(Note: As in the previous surveys, Professor Dan Nimmo was project
consultant)
This was a 'reviver' survey covering areas previously polled in the
December, April and early July interview schedules.
Circa 600 interviews were conducted in metropolitan counties only
(previous schedules were in excess of 1700 interviews).
Included in the schedule were interviews in Jefferson County (Louisville),
Fayette (Lexington), Boyd (Ashland), McCracken (Paducah), Graves (May-
field), Warren (Bowling Green), Daviess (Owensboro), Henderson (Henderson)
Franklin (Frankfort), Woodford (Versailles), Scott (Georgetown), Madison
(Richmond), the northern Kentucky complex of Campbell, Boone and Kenton,
Pike (Pikeville), and selected areas in the Fifth District including
Pulaski, Bell and Jackson Counties but not the rural areas of this
District.
The prime thrust of the survey was to:
1. Determine if the Emberton high profile (begun as of June 15) was
gaining recognition.
2. Determine if Emberton was building voter support from the behind
position he occupied in the December and April polls.
3. Determine if the Nunn Administration continued in a favorable light.
4. Determine if there continued to be support for the Nixon Administra-
tion.
On the basis of the current endeavor, it would appear that all four
above points are positive for the Emberton campaign.
1. Recognition: Wendell Ford - 90.1
Tom Emberton - 76.3 (67 per cent in July
28 per cent in April )
2. Head on:
Wendell Ford
37.9
Tom Emberton
32.7
A. B. Chandler
7.5
Bill Smith (AIP)
.5
(This is excellent progress and indicates the election is moving in a
CIVIC SERVICE INCORPORATED ANALYSIS
ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI
WASHINGTON, D.C.
favorable direction for the Emberton effort. The July support for
Emberton 27.9 versus 46.8 for Ford)
The above head-on obviously reflects the success of Emberton's issue
posture on the food tax issue. It is important to note, however, that
in the semantic deferential and ideal candidate phase of the schedule
that Emberton's image is settling in a 'personal pattern' rather an
'issue orientation' focus
this factor should aid the continuing
upward movement of the Emberton candidacy.
On the sales tax on food issue:
Over 88 per cent indicated their approval of removing said tax.
Over 55 per cent of all voters were able to identify Emberton as
the nominee who had proposed doing away with this tax.
2. The Nunn Administration continues with a strong degree of voter
approval. One question was deliberately loaded to reflect the attack
that Ford is now waging aginst the Nunn team. Despite such loading
on the 'honesty' syndrome, Nunn scored most favorably indicating that
Ford will have a hard row to hoe in seeling voters on his negative
theme against the Governor.
3. The Nixon Administration likewise continued with favorable appeal:
Support for the President's recent economic actions:
Strongly approve
13.4
Approve
56.5
Disapprove
18.5
Disapprove strongly
3.5
Don't Know
8.2
There was an element of questioning as to exactly what the package was
designed to accomplish.
Support for the Nixon Administration:
President's approval rating:
Strongly approve
8.5
Approve
52.5
Disapprove
22.5
Strongly disapprove
3.5
NOTE: It is evident from the virulent attacks by Ford and his
team on the Nixon and Nunn Administrations that their own polling
is presenting this same positive picture of the national and state
administrations and hence must be negatively clouded for Ford to
hold his own this November. Result: Ford's attempt to smear Nunn
and to raise the spectre of a new depression as the 'result' of
supposed Nixon failures.
CIVIC SERVICE INCORPORATED ANALYSIS
ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI
WASHINGTON, D.C.
CONF IDENTIAL
Head on choice between contestants in 1968 presidential race:
(Note this was a forced closed end choice it was interesting
that few voters, however, volunteered an alternative such as
Kennedy, Reagan or McGovern)
Nixon 47.5
Humphrey 24.7
Wallace 13.2
Other 3.7
Don't Know 11.5
The next survey, including rural areas is scheduled for the first
week in September.
CIVIC SERVICE INCORPORATED ANALYSIS
ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI
WASHINGTON, D.C.
at Kenturelay State Fair
4/28/71
Indipendent booth ballots:
youth Booth
Emberton
2423
Ford
2431
Chandler
259
Smith (AIP)
248
15y. assoc. of Older Persons
Emberton 50%
ford
38%
Chandler
7%
Smith
4%
Poll by ty. Post of Editors:
& thought Emberton us bad
8 " Ford " "
10 " toss-up
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 3, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
HARRY S. DENT DSD
Thought you would like to know that we got much good play
out of the Kissinger briefing for the Billy Graham group.
This has been played very much in Southern Baptist and other
religious publications. Attached is some information on
this subject. Dr. Criswell, a former Southern Baptist
Convention president, announced that he changed his views on
the proposed trip to China after the briefing.
Also, Paul Harvey has really come through strongly for the
President as per the memo I sent you yesterday on this subject.
CC: Dr. Kissinger
Billy Graham
August 12; 1971
2
Baptist Press
Criswell said Nixon was going to Peking because Red China must be reckoned with
as a world power, and because of the deep cleavage in the Communist world. "We don't
want Russia speaking for the entire Communist world,' he said.
He added that Russia and China are deeply divided, practically and ideologically;
that the Russians are blunt realists and the Chinese are zealous idealists; and that China
could not challenge U. S. power for years to come but Russia could now.
Criswell added that the President's visit to China would seek to improve relations
with a growing world power, but that America will not allow Southeast Asia to fall to the
Communists.
-30-
Loan Service of Mission
Agency Expands Nationally
8/12/71
GLORIETA, N. M. (BP) Southern Baptist Home Mission Board voted here to
expand the work of its Division of Church loans by eliminating limitations for its work only
to "new territory" areas and expanding its activities to the entire nation.
Since 1959, operating on the basis of limited funds and resources, the division
had confined its work to those state conventions (organized since 1940) where most new
churches were being started and where local financing was hard to find because Southern
Baptists were not well known, board officials said.
Robert H. Kilgore of Atlanta, director of the division, said needs in the states where
Southern Baptists are well established are greater now than in 1959.
He said weekly requests from these areas have been far between 10 to 20 loans. The
division has made arrangements for expanded borrowing of funds to be used for these loans.
However, Kilgore does not expect money to be the major assistance.
"Counseling to correlate the purchase of land and erection of buildings as it relates
to the financial program of the church will be our major commodity, he said.
He cited an increasing number of churches which have been abused because of unwise
financial evressive building and even erecting the wrong type of building.
"Quite often the location of the facilities in the community are not planned in
relationship to the changing complex of the community or the growing edge of the community,"
he said.
Financial assistance may run second to counseling but funds will go for two pur-
poses: (1) the purchase of church sites where new churches are being organized, and
(2) where local financing cannot be obtained reasonably, the division will make loans
as it is able.
The loans will not exceed $1,000,000 for 20 years, and they are made for the "going
rate" of interest based on current economic conditions and sound business principles.
"Mostly our rate of interest is determined by the rate we are required to pay for
funds we borrow," Kilgore said. Currently that rate is 8 1/2 percent, but the division does
not charge for its services.
Kilgore stressed the fact that the present action will not alter the division's ability
to serve the churches in the newer areas.
-30-
Home Mission Board Names
Three New Staff Members
8/12/71
GLORIETA, N. M. (BP) The Southern Baptist Home Mission Board, in annual session
at Glorieta Baptist Assembly here, elected three new staff members to the national mission
agency with offices in Atlanta.
E. Warren Rust, former president of the Tennessee Baptist Convention and pastor in
St. Louis, Mo. was named assistant director of the Division of Associational Services; and
Roy W. Owen of the board staff, was appointed associate director of that division.
-more-
NATIONAL OFFICE
460 James Robertson Parkway
(BP)
Nashville, Tennessee 37219
BAPTIST PRESS
Telephone (615) 244-2355
W. C. Fields, Director
News Service of the Southern Baptist Convention
Jim Newton, Assistant Director
BUREAUS
ATLANTA Walker L. Knight, Chief, 1350 Spring St., N.W., Atlanta, Ga. 30309, Telephone (404) 873-4041
DALLAS Billy Keith, Chief, 103 Baptist Building. Dallas, Texas 75201, Telephone (214) 741-1996
NASHVILLE (Baptist Sunday School Board) Lynn M. Davis, Jr., Chief, 127 Ninth Ave., N., Nashville, Tenn. 37203,
Telephone (615) 254-1631
RICHMOND Jesse C. Fletcher, Chief, 3806 Monument Ave., Richmond, Va. 23230, Telephone (703)
353-0151
August 12, 1971
WASHINGTON
W. Barry Garrett, Chief, 200 Maryland Ave., N.E., Washington, D.C. 20002, Telephone
(202) 544-4226
30 Religious Leaders Briefed
By White House on Red China
WASHINGTON (BP)--About 30 religious leaders selected by Evangelist Billy Graham,
including about eight Southe rn Baptists, received an hour-long briefing here at the White
House on U. S. foreign policy involving Red China.
The briefing was led by Henry A. Kissinger, assistant to the President for national
security affairs who made the arrangements in Peking recently for Pr sident Nixon's forth-
coming visit to mainland China.
Kissinger talked to the 30 religious leaders for about an hour on basic principles of
U. S. foreign policy and relations with Red China, with the final 30 minutes of the
briefing devoted to questions and duscussion by the group.
Following the briefing, the group went into President Nixon's office for a greeting.
The President did not attend the briefing itself, which was held in the White House cabinet
room
At the beginning of the meeting, Graham explained that the President and Kissinger
had earlier given him a private briefing. He said he was SO impressed that he suggested
that the White House invite a number of his friends for a similar briefing.
About 30 persons suggested by Graham, most of them representing the conservative
and evangelical stream of religious viewpoint, were invited.
Southern Baptists who attended were W. A. Criswell, pastor of First Baptist Church,
Dallas; Porter W. Routh, executive secretary of the Southern Baptist Executive Committee;
Robert Denny, general secratary of the Baptist Wor Alliance; Graham and his associate
T. W. Wilson of the Graham team.
Other Baptist laymen attending were Fred Rhodes, deputy administrator of Veterans
Administration and former vice president of the SBC; W. Maxey Jarman of Nashville, former
chairman of the board of Genesco, Inc.; and Bill Meade of Dallas, a bakery executive.
Among other churchmen who attended were such persons as radio commentator Paul
Harvey, Chrsstianity Today Editor Harold Lindsell, Campus Crusade Director Bill Bright,
Fellowship of Christian Athletes Director Jim Jefferies, World Vision Director Stan Mooneyham,
and others.
Most of those attending would have "no comment" on the briefing, saying that
Graham told them the briefing was "off the record.
In Dallas, however, Criswell, immediate past president of the Southern Baptist Con-
vention, held a press conference following the briefing, saying he endorsed President Nixon's
plan to visit Red China.
Criswell told the Baptist Press that he had asked Kissinger if he could quote him on
his answer to a question Criswell had asked concerning U.S. support of Israel, and that
Kissinger had said flatly, "Yes." Criswell added that since Kissinger's other remarks were
generally known, he did not feel what little he said to the press would be damaging.
Asked if he endorsed President Nixon's trip to Peking, Criswell replied, "Yes, and I
feel doubly that way after the briefing.
"It is unthinkable,' Criswell said, "That we could blind our eyes to the fact that Red
China is here. Red China is an astronomical fact. He cited 800 million inhabitants which
he said soon would grow to one billion.
RELIGIOUS NEWS SERVICE
DOMESTIC SERVICE
-18-
FRIDAY, AUGUST 13, 1971
SOUTHERN BAPTIST LEADER REPORTS
ON WHITE HOUSE CHINA BRIEFING
By Religious News Service (8-13-71)
DALLAS (RNS) A former president of the Southern Baptist Conven-
tion announced here that he has changed his views of President Nixon's
planned trip to China and is "in. sympathy" with the administration's
foreign policy.
Dr. W.A. Criswell, pastor of First Baptist church, here said that
he recently had a two-hour White House briefing which included a meet-
ing with Dr. Honry Kissinger and a brief talk with the President.
"The real enemy of America now is Russia," claimed the Baptist
clergyman in an interview with the Dallas Times Horald.
He also said that the White House briefing informed him that the
real issue in the world was "the war in the Middle East, rather than
Vietnam or Red China." The closest the U.S. came to war in recent
years was in 1970 when Syria invaded Jordan and Egypt was preparing
to help Syria with Russia's encouragement, said Dr. Criswell.
The Baptist pastor has repeatedly voiced his support of Israel.
Dr. Criswell clains that the situation in the Middle East "confirms what
the Bible says -- that the final confrontation will be there."
The White House briefing attended by Dr. Criswell was also attended
by Evangelist Billy Grahan, news commentator Paul Harvey, Holiday Inns
president William Walton, and Jarman Shoe Company executive Maxey Jar-
man, among others. "I think the group gathered was chosen by Billy
Grahan, Dr. Criswell stated. Though he is a resident of North Carolina
Mr. Grahan is a member of Dr. Criswell's church.
Dr. Criswell added that he believed the President's trip to China
was "not a spur of the moment decision, but a planned policy toward
which they ve been working several years."
trying
"The administration is / to face the reality of the growing power
of Russia, " the minister continued. "Eighty per cent of the arms in
Tietnam come from Russia. One hundred per cent of the arms in the
fiddle East are from Russia."
Dr. Criswell further stated that "it is an awesone enemy which
only knows the language of brute force."
The White House visit gave him "broader insights and a deeper
understanding of American foreign policy," the pastor stated. "The
Communists, with increasing success, are trying to isolate America."
"We have learned with sad experience that we cannot militarily
protect the whole world, Dr. Criswell concluded. We have also
learned with heavy hearts that welfare programs and gifts of money will
not solve the woes of the nations in the world. We have learned that
the only way a nation can be helped is through political stability."
-0-
PAGE -18-
Colson
THE WHITE HOUSE
EYES ONLY
WASHINGTON
September 14, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
CHARLES COLSON
SUBJECT:
Monitoring of Democrats
I don't believe that we are doing an adequate job of monitoring
the likely Democratic opponents or perhaps I just don't know
where to go to get the information.
For example, I have been trying to get my hands on the transcript
of Muskie's press conference last week to get the precise wording
of his busing statement but have thus far not been able to get it.
I've raised with Nofziger the question of having someone follow
Muskie at all times with a tape recorder so that we get his off-hand
remarks as well as his prepared remarks. Lyn says he hasn't
got a budget for this. Maybe it shouldn't be done by Lyn anyway.
Perhaps it should be done at 1701. The only point is it ought to be
done.
As another example, I have been trying to find out who attended
the Muskie "fat cat" weekend in Maine last weekend. Apparently
no one has been monitoring even this kind of information which
it seems to me is invaluable. One man could very easily check
the airports and quickly determine who was coming in and out that
weekend.
I don't know who this is assigned to but I think it is becoming an
increasingly urgent requirement. Someone should have the
responsibility and should see that it is done and done well.
Republican
National
Committee.
Thomas B. Evans, Jr., Co-Chairman
August 30, 1971
PERSONAL & CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR:
The Honorable H. R. Haldeman
FROM:
Thomas B. Evans, Jr
The attached summary copy of the Delaware poll
was sponsored and paid for by private citizens and partisan groups
in Delaware.
The interviews were conducted in late June and early
July which, of course, was prior to both the China announcement
and the President's dramatic economic initiatives. We are now
able to measure attitude and opinion change during the July-August period
with a panel study in which we re-interview the earlier sample. This
can be done at very little cost and if you would like us to proceed,
please let us know.
I would like to discuss this with you briefly by telephone
in the near future.
TBEjr/mb
Attachment
Dwight D. Eisenhower Republican Center: 310 First Street Southeast, Washington, D.C. 20003. (202) 484-6500.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
DELAWARE STATEWIDE STUDY
(Volume I -- Analysis)
August, 1971
MARKET OPF ON RESEARCH
FOREWORD
Purpose
The purpose of this study was to assess voter opinions on a broad
range of national, state, county and city issues at a time between
elections, July 1971. Additionally, the study identified perceptions
of elected officials at national, state, county and city levels and
tested the ballot strength of a number of potential 1972 candidates.
Study Dr
n
Personal interviews using a structured questionnaire were conducted
with a representa ive sample of 601 registered voters in the State
of Delaware. Interviewing was done in the end of June and early July
1971 by professional interviewers under the direction of Market
Opinion Research, Detroit. The sample was a probability-propertionate-
to-size sample based on occupied dwelling units acco ding to the 1970
U.S. Census figures for Delaware.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Sampling error on a sample of this size at the 95% fidence level
is + 4.1%. This means that when a figure is cited in the sample,
the probability is 95 out of 100 that this figure is within + 4.1%
of the true figure among registered voters in Delaware.
As a check on the sample, respondents reported vote for President
in 1968 was checked against actual figures for Delaware:
Actual
Respondents'
Vote
Recall of Vote
1968
(Those Who Voted)
100%
100%
Nixon
45.1%
51.8%
Humphrey
41.8
41.3
Wallace
13.1
6.9
Although the figure for Nixon is slightly high and the figure for
Wallace slightly lov, over-time recall tends to move slightly to and
the winner.
Comparison by census statistics for Delaware on race in the adult
population showed the sample well within error limits:
Census
Sample
100%
101
Negro/black
12.9%
11.0%
White and other
87.1
87.3
Not stated
--
1.7
:
MARKETO: ION RESEARCH
For purposes of analysis the sample was divided:
Total
601
100%
By Voting behavior at Past State and National Election
Republican
193
32.3%
Ticket Splitter
172
28.6
Democrat
194
32.1
Marginal
42
7.0
By County
City of Wilmington
108
18.0
New Castle excluding Wilmington
313
52.1
Kent
87
14.5
Sussex
93
15.4
By Age
29 and under
90
14.9
30 39
138
2.9
40 19 9
230
38.2
60 and over
136
22.6
By Income
0 - $4,999
96
16.0
$5,000 - $9,999
197
32.8
$10,000 - $14,999
142
23.6
$15,000 and over
87
14.4
By Education
Less than high school graduate
197
32.8
High school graduate
227
37.8
More than high school graduate
165
27.5
B Date of Int.
*
Before June 29, 1971
131
21.8
June 29 an.: after
4,0
78.2
*
Note: It should be kept in mind that those interviews that were
done before and after June 29 do not represent matched
samples. The Governor's messa C to the legislature simply
hamened to occur in the middle of the interviewing. Because
0: his, the before-and-after interviews are compared to the
total sample in terms of voting, behavior following
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Total
Before 6/29
After 6/29
601
Republ ican
32.3
29.8
32.8
Ticket splitter
28.6
29.8
28.4
Democratic
32.1
38.2
30.6
Marginal
7.0
2.2
8.3
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
ISSUES
National
The Asian War receives the most mention as the most important
problem facing the nation at the present time, just as it did in a
poll of Delaware voters last September. It is also named by the largest
percentage as the "single most important problem." The war gets
particularly high mention from young voters. The second ranked problem
is cost of living and the economic structure, as it was last fall.
Compared to last fall, there is a marked drop in the mention of racial
integration, pollution/ecology, and youth unrest as important I ntioned problems.
Most Important Problems Facing Our Nation
Named as Important
Problem (Multiple
Named as Single
Answers Allowed)
Most Important Problem
% Mention % Mention
% Mention % Mention
July 1971 Sept 1970
July 1971 Sept 1970
War/Asian conflict
61.6%*
60.8%
42.6%
38.5%
Cost of living/Economic
structure
26.5
30.2
10.3
7.0
Drugs/Dope/Narcotics
25.0
18.2
9.3
5.8
Racial problems/Integration
16.3
27.7
5.2
11.5
Crime
12.0
17.2
2.3
5.0
Unemployment
11.5
-
3.8
Youth unrest/Gene tion gap
8.3
17.3
3.0
6.2
Pollution, .cology/Smog/
Overpopulation
8.3
26.0
1.8
9.0
Taxes
6.0
--
1.3
Administration/Leader.hip
5.5
--
2.3
--
:
All othersless than 5% mention.
*75.6% mention among voters age 29 and under.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Voters were asked to rate nine selected national problems on a 0-10 scel,
on which the more important they considered the problem, the higher a
rating they were to give it.
This measure is one of intensity and it is significant that, when the
voters are rating the relative importance of a series of issues to
them, both drugs air' inflation move ahead of Vietnam. It is also signifi-
cant that unemployment emerges only in middle of the list in Delaware
when it is per gived as one of the most important issues nationwide.
When this data is analyzed in terms of voting groups, Republicans rate
inflation as the most important problem while ticl: : splitters rate
Vietnam as more important than inflation and equally as important as drugs.
Rate how important a problem each one is at this time?
10- extremely important, 0=extremely unimportant
Voter Type
County
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Wil.
N.C.
Kent
Sussex
Drugs
9.0
8.8
9.0
9.5
9.1
9.1
8.9
9.0
Inflation/Cost
of living
9.0
9.0
8.8
9.3
9.1
9.0
9.0
8.9
Vie am
8.9
8.8
9.0
9.1
8.8
9.0
8.9
8.8
Crime
8.9
8.7
8.8
9.2
8.8
8.9
8.7
9.0
Unemployment
8.5
8.1
8.2
9.0
8.4
8.5
8.3
8.4
Air/11
pollution
8.0
7.9
7.8
8.3
7.3
8.3
8.1
7.8
Racial proble is
7.9
7.7
7.8
8.4
8.0
7.5
7.5
8.1
Health care
7.7
7.1
7.7
8.4
8.1
7.8
7.4
7.2
Civil/Student
unrest
7.5
7.1
7.3
8.3
7.3
7.6
7.6
7.6
2 -
MARKET OPINION RI SEARCH
Over lalf of all voters perceive the nation as worse off than it was two
or three years ago, and this attitude is more prevalent among Democrats
than among Republicans or ticket splitters. Only 16% think the nation
is better off while 22% think it is in about the same shape.
Generally speaking. do you think the United States as a nation is better
or worse off the it was :0 or three y S ago?
Voter Type
County
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Wil.
N.C.
Kent
Sussex
Better off
16.0%
22.8%
12.2%
11.9%
8.3%
18.8%
17.2%
14.0%
Worse off
56.6
52.8
55.2
61.3
64.8
53.0
52.9
62.4
About the same
22.0
21.2
25.0
20.6
20.4
22.4
25.3
19.4
Don't know
5.5
3.1
7.6
6.2
6.5
5.8
4.6
4.3
Main reasons given among the 56.5%
The 16% who think the nation is
1.0 think the nation is worse off
better off said:
are:
War
29.7%
War situation is better
39.6%
In lation/Economy
17.4
Economy improving/Coping
Unemployment
13.2
with inflation
13.5
Drugs in U.S. and Vietnam
12.1
Country is holding its
Not enough money in
own
12.5
circulation/Sp.
Young people facing
expenditures
10.6
problems/Less college
No crime control/l
demonstration:
8.3
enforcement
10.0
People' attitudes
10.6
U.S. im. qe slipped in
relation with other
countries
8.2
- 3 -
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Vietnom
Given three plans the U.S. could follow in dealing with the Vietnam
situati 1, half of respondents choose: "Continue to withdraw troops
but with no fixed deadline." In a second question as to whether some
troops should remain until all P.O.W.s are released, there is extre ely
strong support for leaving some troops until the P.O.W.s are freed.
This is particularly strong in Kent and Sussex Counties (79%) and
among Republicans (71%).
Of the 3 different plans the U.S. could follo in dealing with Victnam,
which ( do you prefer?
Voter Type
County
Cty.
City N.C.
of less
Total R.P. TS Dem. Marg. Wilm. Wilm. Kent Sussex
Withd ew all U.S.
troces immediately 21.1% 17.1% 19.8% 24.7% 28 5% 27.8% 17.6% 21.8% 24.7%
Withd, / all U.S.
trou, by
12/31/11
21.6 21.2 27.3 18.0 16.7 20.4 22.0 27.6 16 1
Continue to with-
draw troops but
with no fixed
deadline
50.7
56.5
48.8
47.9
45.2
37.0
54.6
47.1
57.0
Don't know
6.5
5.2
4.1
9.3
9.5
14.8
5.8
3.4
2.2
- 4
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Which of the allowing two plans in dealing with Vietnam are you most
in favor 01?
Voter Type
County
Cty.
City N.C.
of less
Total Rep. T-S Dem. Marg. Wilm. Wilm. Kent Sussex
Retaining some forces
in South Vietnam
until all P.O.W.s
are released
65.9% 71.0% 64.0% 63.4% 61.9% 54.6% 62.0% 79.3% 79.6%
Withdrawing >11 our
troops regardless
of P.O.W.
situation
16.3 13.5 17.4 17.5 19.0 18.5 17.9 10.3 14.0
Don't know
17.8 15.5 18.6 19.1 19.0 26.9 20.1 10.3 6.5
Del ware Issues
According to the respondents surveyed, the most important problems facing
Delaware are financial. This is a change fro. September 1970 when they
named ecology and racial problems as the top two issues, and this change
appears to be only partially as a result of the recent financial problems
in Dover. Even among those interviewed before the Governor's special
message to the General As embly, finances and unnecussary sp nding were
the most freque tly mentioned problems. The frequency of mention of
finances did, however, double after June 29, 1971. Prior to then it was
mentioned by 21.4% as an important problem facing Delaware but after the
29th 42.1% mentioned it as an important state problem. None of the other
issues mentioned appear to have been affected by this incident. As an
i sue, state finances are of much greater importance to Republicans (41%)
and ticket splitters (45) than Democrats (27%).
- 5 -
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Personal
Financial problems including inflation, taxes, and the cost of living
are the main problems facing Delaware voters and their families. Mention
of finance-related issues far exceeds any other concerns and greatly
outstrips personal concern about the war. Naming of financial problems
is even higher among respondents in high income families than in those
with the lowest incomes. Nearly one-fifth of respondents, however, say
their family has no problems.
What are the most important problems you and your family are facing at
the present time? (Multiple mentions allowed)
Income
Total
0 -
$5,000-
$10,000-
$15,000
Sample
$4,999
$10,000
$14,999
and over
Inflation/Cost of living
28.5%
21.9%
28.9%
30.3%
40.2%
Finances/Money problems
20.6
18.8
24.4
22.5
17.2
Taxes
12.8
6.3
12.7
15.5
11.5
TOTAL FINANCIAL
61.9
47.0
66.0
68.3
68.9
Other Problems Named:
Health
6.3
7.3
6.6
2.1
8.0
Unemployment
6.3
11.5
6.1
4.2
6.9
War/Vietnam
5.2
5.2
3.6
5.6
8.0
Drugs/Drug abr e
5.5
4.2
3.6
9.2
5.7
Education/Cut in education
budget
5.0
1.0
1.5
9.9
9.2
Raising a family
4.3
1.0
5.6
2.8
4.6
Crime
4.8
5.2
3.0
7.7
3.4
None/No problems
18.5
29.2
16.8
14.8
12.6
Don't know
10.8
8.3
10.7
7.7
12.6
All others less than 3% mention.
:
- 15 -
MARKET OPINION PESEARCH
Asked which of their problems the government should help them solve,
30.8% of voters say "none, no problems." Those who think the government
should help them name primarily financial problems inflation/cost of
living (22.3%), finances/money problems (16.3%) and taxes (9.3%). Named
next is war/Vietnam with only 4.0%.
Despite this large concern about money, most respondents said their
family was as well or better off as a year or two ago. This may indicate
that even though many people have more money today than they did a year
or two ago, continuing inflation and unemployment have made them
apprehensive about the future. Expectedly, more of those with incomes
over $10,000 felt better off while more of those in the lowest income
group felt wrse off. Income groups are probably the main explanation
of why Democrats and those in the City of Wilmington expressed more feeling
of being worse off (23.2% and 28.7% respectively) tha did the total
sample (20.5%).
Overall, are vou and your family better off. worse off or about in the
same situation as you were a year or two years ano?
Income
Total
0 -
$5,000-
$10,000
$15,000
Sa ble
S. 999
$10,000
$14,999
and over
Better off
30.3%
17.7%
25.4%
47.9%
40.2%
About the same
46.4
44.8
48.2
38.7
47.1
Worse off
20.5
35.4
21.8
11.3
12.6
Don't know
2.8
2.1
4.6
2.1
--
:
- 16
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
PRESIDENT RICHARD M. NIXON
Ballot Strength
President Nixon was run on a series of secret ballots against Senator
Muskie, Senator Humphrey, and Senator Kennedy both with and without
George Wallace on the ballot as a third party candidate and with and
without Vice President Agnew on the ballot. When the Vice President
was included on the ballot with the President, Senator Jackson of Washington
was run as the Democratic Vice Presidential candidate with each of the
three Democratic pro idential candidates.
Without Wallace on the ballot and without any Vice Presidential candidate
the President runs slightly behind Kennedy (4%), virtually even with
Humphrey and alread of Muskie (8.8%). When Wallace is added to the
ballot, the President runs even with Kennedy, slightly ahead of Humphrey
(3%) and well ahead of Mus ie (15%). In Delaware Wallace draws his
support about equally from ticket spliter and Democrats but gets
virtually no support from Republicans.
The introduction of Vice President As :W as the President 's running mate
and of Henry Jackson as the Democratic candidates running mate adds
from 5% to 103 net to the President's vote against all of the potential
Democratic candid. 13' both with and without Wallace on the ballot.
The difference between Agnew being on the ballot and not being on the
ballot is clearly with, Republicans.
- 17 -
MARKET OPINION RFSI ARCH
The President's committed vote with Republicans increases markedly
when Agnew is added to the ticket while there is a negligible effect
with ticket splitters and Democrats.
Perhaps the most significant finding in the presidential data is that
there is an extremely high undecided vote, approaching 50% on several
of the test ballots. This abnormally large undecided appears to be a
true undecided as a number of the undecided voters were questioned in
detail about their choice for President and the vast majority said that
they didn't know whomthey would vote for. Furthermore, many of them
indicated that they were not very excited about any of the potential
candidates. There were also indications that there is a low level of
believabil ty that any President can or will improve the situation in
most of the major national issue areas.
- 18 -
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Presidential Ballots
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Wilm.
N.C.
Kent
Sussex
Nixon
33.07
65.3%
30.1%
5.4%
29.1%
33.3%
34.9%
34.8%
Muskie
24.2
10.9
28.8
33.0
34.5
22.2
25.6
17.4
Undecided
42.8
23.8
41.1
61.6
36.4
44.4
39.5
47.8
Nixon
34.0
63.4
35.6
6.3
30.9
34.0
41.9
30.4
Muskie
19.9
9.9
20.5
27.7
30.9
16.7
23.3
15.2
Wallace
3.9
2.0
5.5
4.5
--
2.5
9.3
8.7
Undecided
42.2
24.8
38.4
61.6
38.2
46.9
25.6
45.7
Nixon-Agnew
38.0
75.0
32.3
8.5
20.8
46.4
40.9
27.7
Muskie-Jordan
25.4
13.0
25.3
40.2
47.2
15.2
34.1
25.5
Undecided
36.6
12.0
42.4
51.2
32.1
38.4
25.0
46.8
Nixon-Agnew
36.3
67.4
35.4
8.5
22.6
43.7
34.1
29.8
l'uskie-Jackson
23.7
13.0
20.2
40.2
45.3
15.2
27.3
23.4
Wallace-LeMay
6.8
5.4
8.1
6.1
3.8
4.6
9.1
14.9
Undecided
33.2
14.1
36.4
45.1
28.3
36.4
29.5
31.9
Richard ilixon
23.5
43.6
27.4
4.5
21.8
22.2
32.6
21.7
Hubert Humphrey
24.5
11.9
17.8
40.2
34.5
24.7
23.3
13.0
Undecided
52.0
44.6
54.8
55.4
43.6
53.1
44.2
65.2
Nixon
23.5
42.6
27.4
4.5
20.0
23.5
30.2
21.7
Humph: y
20.9
10.9
13.7
33.9
36.4
19.8
16.3
10.9
Wallace
2.3
--
4.1
3.6
--
1.2
7.0
4.3
Undecided
53.3
40.5
54.8
58.0
43.6
55.6
46.5
63.0
Nixon-Agnew
31.2
58.7
30.3
6.1
18.9
37.7
250
29.8
Humphrey-Jackson
21.7
5.4
24.2
39.0
35.8
20.5
13.6
17.0
Undecided
47.1
35.9
45.5
54.9
45.3
41.7
61.4
53.2
Nixon-Agnew
28.1
51.1
30.3
3.7
22.6
32.5
22.7
25.5
Humphrey-Jackson
19.7
5.4
21 2
35.4
35.8
19.2
15.9
6.4
Wallace-LeMay
3.7
4.3
4.0
2.4
1.9
2.6
2.3
10.6
Undecided
48.5
39.1
44.4
58.5
39.6
45.7
59.1
57.4
Richard Nixon
23.5
44.6.
26.0
4.5
18.2
24.7
23.3
26.1
Edward Kennedy
27.5
11.9
20.5
43.8
45.5
19.8
34.9
26.1
Undecided
49.0
43.6
53.4
51.8
36.4
55.6
41.9
47.8
Nixon
23.9
41.6
31.5
4.5
18.2
25.3
25.6
23.9
Kennedy
22.9
10.9
13.7
37.5
45.5
14
23.3
21.7
Wallace
2.3
--
4.1
3.6
--
1.9
7.0
2.2
Undecided
51.0
47.5
50.7
54.5
36.4
57.4
44.2
52.2
Nixon-Agnew
30.8
55.4'
32.3
7.3
22.6
37.7
25.0
23.4
Kennedy-Jackson
22.0
8.7
27.3
29.3
47.2
13.9
13.6
27.7
Undecided
47.1
35.9
40.4
63.4
30.2
48.3
61.4
48.9
Nixon-Agnon
29.2
51.1
30.3
8.5
24.5
34.4
27.3
19.1
Kennedy-Jackson
19.3
7.6
21.2
26.8
43.4
11.3
15.9
21.3
Wallace-LeMay
4.1
4.3
5.1
2.4
1.9
2.6
2.3
12.8
Und Jed
47.5
3.0
43.4
62.2
30.2
51.7
54.5
46.8
1 I 19
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Perceptions of President Nixon
The percentage of Delaware voters who approve of the way President Nixon
is handling his job currently runs 50.2%, while 32.3% disapprove and
11.5% have no opinion. Ticket splitters are close to the sample average,
while Republicans and Democrats are expectedly widely spread. While this
is a quite favorable rating, it is down slightly from the September 1970
Delaware poll. At that time the President's approval rating was 62.3%
and his disapproval 25.0%.
Do you approve or disaprenove of the way President Nixon is handling his job?
Voter Type
County
Cty.
City
N.C.
of
less
Sample
Ren.
T-S
Dem.
Wilm.
Wilm.
Kent
Sussex
Apr ove
56.2%
77.2%
55.8%
36.1%
38.9%
61.7%
56.3%
58.1%
Dis approve
32.3
16.6
33.1
47.9
38.0
30.4
33.3
31.2
Don't know
11.5
6.2
11.0
16.0
23.1
8.0
10.3
10.8
Th reasons given by the more than half who approve are:
Doing what he can/Trying to do : good job
44.4%
Improving Victnam War
15.7
Inherited problems/Left with a mes:
6.5
Little cooperation from Congress
(5
Good as any me /Been a good President
6.8
Sincere/Honest
5.9
All others less than 5% mention
1
- 20 -
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
The one- third who disapprove say:
War policies/Not acting fast enough
22.7%
Doing a poor job
17.0
Unemployment/Unomployment caused by foreign trade
9.8
Hasn't provided dynamic leadership
7.2
Talks a lot but doesn't come to the point
7.2
Inflation/Not facing our economic situation
6.7
Dishonest/Insincere
7.2
Not for the common man
7.7
All others less than 5% mention
Asked in what area Nixon has done his best job, the highest and only
significant mention is "Vietnam" (34.3%). Nothing elsé gets even 5%
mention. In the 3-4% group are "increase in social security," "air
pollution "foreign affairs," "makes people feel secure," "health
care/medicare."
Asked in what area Nixon has done his poorest job and the highest mention
is "not controlling inflation" (19.8%). Next comes "Vietnam" (16.8%),
"unemployment" (10.0%) and "racial disorders" (6.5%).
Separate questions were asked about each of a list of issues as to whether
President Nixon's actions on the issue caused the situation to become
better or worse. A majority perceive he has improved the situation by his
actions on Vietnam, health care, air/water pollution, civil/student unrest.
More perceive that he has made the situation better than see it as made
worse with regard to racial problems. The perception that his actions
:
- 21 -
MARKET OPE TON RESEARCH
have made situations worse rather than better is in the area of drugs,
crime, unemployment, and inflation/cost of living.
Interestingly, Republicans, ticket splitters, and Democrats all agree,
although to different degrees, on the areas which the President's actions
have improved or worsened the problem.
While income or education do not discriminate in this data, age is an
important variable. In those areas where the President is perceived as
having improved the situation, younger voters tend to approve of his
actions at a rate greater than the total sample. Conversely, on those
issues hat the President is perceived as having done a poor job, older
voters (60 and over) are much more negative than the total sample. This
is particularly true of the unemployment, crime, and drugs.
- - 22
MARK! OPINION RESEARCH
Did resident "ixon" actions in these at cause the situation to
bec
better
vor
?
Voter Type
County
Cty.
City
N.C.
of
less
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marg.
Wilm
Wilm.
Kent
Sussex
Vietnam
Better
60.1%
77.2%
57.0%
45.4%
61.9%
47.2%
63.6%
57.5%
65.6%
Worse
28.0
15.5
29.7
39.2
26.2
44.4
20.1
34.5
29.0
Don't know
12.0
7.3
13.4
15.5
11.9
8.3
16.3
8.0
5.4
Health Core
Bector
58.4
65.3
62.2
49.5
52.4
52.8
52.7
71.3
72.0
Worse
24.6
17.1
23.8
32.5
26.2
32.4
25.9
18.4
17.2
Don't know
17.0
17.6
14.0
18.0
21.4
14.8
21.4
10.3
10.8
Air/Mater Pollution
Better
58.2
67.9
57.6
50.5
52.4
46.3
59.4
62.1
64.5
Worse
27.1
19.7
28.5
32.0
33.3
38.9
22.4
25.3
31.2
Don't know
14.6
12.4
14.0
17.5
14.3
14.8
18.2
12.6
4.3
Civil/Student Unrest
Better
51.2
57.5
51.2
47.4
40.5
48.1
54.6
49.4
45.2
Worse
34.8
28.5
36.6
38.7
38.1
41.7
28.4
36.8
46.2
Don't know
14.0
14.0
12.2
13.9
21.4
10.2
16.9
13.8
8.6
Racial Problems
Better
47.9
57.5
44.8
42.8
40.5
38.0
46.6
57.5
54.8
Worse
38.3
28.0
43.0
42.8
45.2
51.9
34.5
36.8
36.6
Don't kn
13.8
14.5
12.2
14.4
14.3
10.2
18.8
5.7
8.6
Drugs
Fatter
34.3
36.8
31.4
33.0
40.5
33.3
38.0
34.5
22.6
Worse
51.2
49.2
53.5
52.1
47.6
58.3
40.6
56.3
74.2
Don't know
14.5
14.0
15.1
14.9
11.9
8.3
21.4
9.2
3.2
Crime
Better
32.8
43.5
27.9
24.2
42.9
25.9
32.6
47.1
28.0
Worse
50.2
38.3
52.9
60.3
47.6
62.0
42.8
47.1
64.5
Don't know
17.0
18.1
19.2
15.5
9.5
12.0
24.6
5.7
7.5
Unemployment
Better
22.6
29.0
22.1
17.5
19.0
14.8
20.8
35.6
25.8
Worse
62.2
52.8
65.1
69.6
64.3
75.0
59.4
58.6
60.2
Don't know
15.1
18.1
12.8
13.9
16.7
10.2
19.8
5.7
14.0
Cost of iving
4
D. or
23.8
9.9
7.2
16.7
13.9
16.0
11.5
9.7
Worse
75.2
62.2
83.1
81.4
73.8
80.6
68.7
85.1
81.7
Don't know
10.8
14.0
7.0
11.3
0.5
5.6
15.3
3.4
8.6
- 23 -
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Finally, 40.6% of voters think a change of national administration
would be good for the country, 32.9% think it would be bad and 26.5%
are undecided. Not unexpectedly, party past voting behavior identifies
who thinks it would be good to change (18.1% of Republicans, 55.7% of
Democrats and 48.3% of ticket splitters) and who thinks it would be bad
(56.0% of Republicans, 18.6% of Democrats and 26.7% of ticket splitters).
The number of voters who think that a change of administration would be
good for the country is greatest, predictably with young voters (46.7%),
and decreases as age increases. The number who think a change would
be bad remains fairly constant among the various demographic groups.
&
- 24 -
MARKET OPINION RESI ARCH
VICE PRESIDENT ASNEW
In Delaware 7.9% of voters approve of the We, Vice President Agnew
is handling his job end 0.0% disapprove. He has majority approval
from both Republicans (67.9%) and ticket splitters (53.5%). By areas
he has 38.9% approval in th City of Wilmington, 50.2% in New Castle
outside the city, 54.0% in Kent and 45.2% in Sussex Counties. His
disapproval is higher than the overall 28% only with Democrats (38.1%)
and in the City of Wilmington.
Over half of those who approve of Agnew do SO because he "says what
he thinks/ eaks his mind" (55.2%). Next highest mentions are "does
his best" (12.8%) and "makes people think/interested in people" (6.9%).
fifth of those who disapprove of him do SO because he "talks too
much/loud mouth" (19.6%). Other reasons are: "should use discretion/
no tact" (10.1%), "not doing anything" (15.5%), "don"t like him" (11.9%)
and "atvitude towards the press/fights with press" (6.5%).
Two further questions were asked concerning the Vice President's att
on the press and the believability of the media. Over half of those
surveyed think Vice President Agnew's attacks on the press have been
justilied.
I 1 25
MARKET OI INION RESEARCH
Have Vice President Agnew's attacks on the press been just ified or not?
Total
Sample
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Justified
53.4%
68.4%
59.9%
35.6%
Not justified
21.3
19.2
21.5
23.7
Don't know
25.3
12.4
18.6
40.7
Asked their own perception of the accuracy of the information they receive
in newspapers, on radio and TV, most respondents me it as about half
accurate and half inaccurate. This was similar among all voting behavior
groups and in the various areas of the state.
How ao mate is the information you receive in newspapers, on radio
and TV?
Mostly accurate
22.3%
About half accurate/Half inaccurate
60.6
Mostly inaccurate
8.3
Don't know
8.8
Forty-two percent (42%) of Delaware voters (57.0% of Re: blicans, 45.9%
of ticket splitters, and 26.3% of Democrats) think President Nixon
should :p Vice President Agnew as. his running mate for 1972. Twenty-
six percent (26%) say he should not, and the remaining 31.9% "don't know".
There are no major differe ces from the sample as a whole in ar of
the demographic breaks on this question.
4
- - 26 - -
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date:
To : Phoymath Stacha
From : L. Higby
ok cl dox A
believe he coold
pay been 29,000.
W latdon feb male?
:
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: 9/17
TO: Long
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
-freiclers AA is making
122-24,000.
-Roe oole Irandles office
- Kalmbach's protege,
management." =
Ken Talmadge, is
being magrider suggested to
3
-magrider has been advised
the Hill problem.
of the theft of secretaries from
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 15, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
LARRY HIGBY
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
G
SUBJECT:
Magruder's Administrative
Assistant
Jeb Magruder has been authorized by the Attorney General
to hire an Administrative Assistant to work directly with
Jeb at the Committee for the Re-Election of the President.
The prime candidate is Bob Herrema, whose resume is attached.
Herrema is a close friend of John Clark in Fred Malek's
office. I talked with Herrema yesterday, and he is a
personable, outgoing, aggressive type. My only reservation
is one which I relayed to John Clark and Magruder to the
effect that someone with political connections on the Hill
might be inappropriate for a sensitive role in the campaign.
The alternative prospect is Curt Herge from the law firm in
New York. Magruder is leaning towards Herrema and my
inclination is Herge. Do you have a suggestion? No
I thought Robb alle was his AA.
I can't believe that Waicher would
give of his AA or that Magrueler can
What all are going to do to Colson or ther.
pay him the 29,000 that on Weiches A.A make.
Remicabe the problems we had with
surpaing recretaries
RESUME
ROBERT L. HERREMA
Address: 10318 Democracy Lane, Potomac, Maryland 20854
Phone:
(301) 299-8395
Personal Data
Born:
July 18, 1939
Dependents: Married (2 daughters)
Rochester, New York
Military: Classified 3-A
Height: 6'1" Weight: 185 lbs.
Employment History
U. S. Senate
Administrative Assistant to Senator Lowell P. Weicker, Jr. (R-Conn.)
January 1971 to present.
Job Responsibilities: Serve as principal assistant and alter-
ego to the Senator.
U. S. House of Representatives
Administrative Assistant to Congressman Lowell P. Weicker, Jr. (R-Conn)
May 1969 to January 1971.
Job Responsibilities: Manage Congressional offices in Washington
and Connecticut; represent the Congressman at various official, civic
and social functions; coordinate projects of significance to organi-
zations and individuals in Congressional District; consult with
Congressman on legislation; maintain liaison with Congressional
Committees, state and Federal agencies.
The George Washington University, Washington, D. C.
Assistant Director of Personnel Services, December 1965 to May 1969.
Job Responsibilities: Recruitment - establish and maintain
recruitment resources; develop recruitment programs and materials.
Employment - supervise four personnel interviewers; review and improve
forms, policies and procedures regarding applicant intake and correspon-
dence, interviewing, reference-checking, selection and placement.
)
Benefits - supervise four employees in the administration of employee
benefits for 3500 academic and non-academic staff. Personnel Records -
develop forms, systems and procedures for an automated personnel in-
formation system.
Collateral Duties: Serve on two advisory committees in formulating
personnel policies for the university and hospital; assist in union
contract negotiation; advise and assist department heads and supervisors
in staffing, organizational structure, and other personnel matters;
assist in developing orientation and training programs for staff
members; assist in developing and maintaining a job classification -
salary administration plan for 3000 non-academic personnel in the
hospital and university.
Robert L. Herrema
Resume (cont'd)
2.
The George Washington University
Personnel Assistant, September 1964 to December 1965.
Job Responsibilities: Supervise two Benefit Assistants;
administer employee benefits for non-academic staff; coordinate
related projects as assigned by the Director.
Sigma Phi Epsilon Fraternity, National Headquarters, Richmond, Virginia
Assistant Director of Chapter Services, January 1964 to September 1964.
Job Responsibilities: Recruit and train new staff representatives;
initiate reports and communications in the areas of chapter housing
and finance; assist in the administration of a loan fund for chapter
housing; develop and revise manuals for teaching the techniques of
chapter operation; assist in organizing and setting up leadership
training schools for 350 alumni and undergraduate fraternity members.
Staff Representative, July 1963 to January 1964.
Job Responsibilities: Conduct management audits in 32 fraternity
chapters throughout New England; develop and supervise the implemen-
tation of programs to improve each chapter's operation; write reports
and other communications necessary to follow up on chapter improve-
ment programs; visit with deans and other college officials to monitor
the chapter's relationship with the college; assist alumni groups in
controlling the financial operation of each chapter.
The Kordite Corporation, Macedon, New York
Research and Development Technician, July 1, 1959 to August 1960.
Job Responsibilities: Conduct experiments on clear plastic film
in a physical testing laboratory; fabricate mechanical devices for use
in pilot plant plastics extrusion studies; develop and report on
methods of increasing production of tubular and lay-flat plastic film;
employ drafting skills in designing apparatus used for pilot plant
studies.
Reason for Leaving: Re-enter college to obtain Bachelor's Degree.
Eastman Kodak Co., Naval Ordnance Division, Rochester, New York
Draftsman (co-op Program), Fall Quarter 1957 and Spring Quarter 1958.
(Awarded secret clearance for involvement with Satellite Program)
Education
M. A. in Government (due upon completion of thesis)
The George Washington University
B. A. in Psychology with minor in Philosophy
Marshall University, 1963
A. A. S. in Mechanical Engineering
Rochester Institute of Technology, 1959
Robert L. Herrema
Resume (cont'd)
3.
College Related Recognition
Selected for "Who's Who in American Colleges and Universities" and
Omicron Delta Kappa (National Men's Leadership Fraternity). President
of college fraternity and president of Inter-fraternity Council.
Awarded medals for achievement in intercollegiate and amateur
wrestling tournaments.
Political Activities
Young Republican National Leadership Training School
Program Chairman 1970
Assistant Program Chairman 1969
COMMITTEE FOR THE RE-ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT
1701 PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE, N.W
WASHINGTON. D. C. 20006
September 9, 1971
(202) 333.0920
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
Attached is a report by David A. Keene on the YAF convention
which he attended in Houston, along with Tom Huston, at our
request.
JEB S. MAGRUDER
Attachment
CONFIDENTIAL
is
OFFICE OF THE VICE PRESIDENT
WASHINGTON
September 8, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
JEB MAGRUDER
FROM:
DAVID A. KEENE
Oak
SUBJECT:
YAF CONVENTION
I am sure you already have a pretty clear idea of
the results of last week's YAF convention in Houston.
We did not come out of the affair as well as I had hoped
we might, but I do think we managed to do about as well
as we had a right to expect.
As I indicated before we left for Houston, there
is a good deal of hostility toward the President in YAF.
We never expected to get a favorable reaction from the
delegates, but we did want to show them that we are still
interested in their views. We succeeded in this goal and
even managed to moderate the proceedings to some extent.
The resolutions as reported to the convention by
the Resolutions Committee were relatively moderate. I
would describe them as "responsibly critical" and most of
them passed on the floor without much uproar. However,
the convention did insist on beefing up the so-called
"Manhattan Twelve" statement by deleting the final two
paragraphs. This action moved beyond the conservative
leadership and put YAF in a position of greater hostility
toward the Administration.
The "mock nominating convention" held on Saturday
evening was a disaster for all involved. The delegates
had three favorites- Governor Reagan, Senator Buckley and
the Vice President- but more than twenty names were placed
in nomination.
The YAF leadership evidently decided at some point
to go with the Vice President.
JeD May, 408,
This decision was opposed, however, by many delegates
who believed that the White House wanted the Vice President
to win as a means of blunting the impression OF total
hostility toward the Administration. This belief was
strengthened by rumors that Steve Shadegg and possibly
Dave Jones were attending as White House operatives and
urging delegates to support the Vice President.
The delegates resented this as well as Shadegg's
alleged offer to, in effect, buy off Chairman Ron Docksai.
This resentment combined with a particularly inflammatory
speech by former YAF National Chairman, Robert Bauman, set
the stage for the Saturday night debacle.
You may recall that, when I talked with you prior to
the mock convention, I said that we were dealing with a
paper house, but that we didn't have too much to worry about
if no one set it ablaze. Well, Bauman was the arsonist.
The YAF leadership had also decided to place the
President's name in nomination so that they could embarrass
him. We attempted to stop this without much success, and
instead, the kids supporting him announced that they
considered the Vice President's nomination a show of support
for the Administration.
The "mock convention" was, of course, a frivolous
exercise without much meaning in itself. However, it did
give the delegates an opportunity to demonstrate their
distaste for the Administration and its programs at this
point in time. The emotionalism of the evening can be
explained by the fact that many of the kids participating
worked in the '68 campaign and now feel betrayed.
The significance of their discontent lies in the
fact that they reflect, admittedly in exaggerated form,
the feelings of many other conservatives. In this respect,
they pose a problem both for us and for senior conservative
leaders who cannot afford to get too far away from their
supporters. People like Senator Goldwater are already
beginning to lose credibility within the conservative
movement because of their loyalty to the President, while
others are moving steadily to the right of the President
to avoid this problem.
I have said in the past that I believe we would be
fooling ourselves if we adopt the attitude that this
discontent is going to go away. It isn't going to. On
the contrary, unless we move to do something about it, we
can expect it to get worse.
The problem, of course, is that most of their
objections are of a substantive nature. This is particularly
true in the areas of defense, wage and price controls, and
welfare. YAFers are violently opposed to FAP and wage and
price controls. There is no way in which they can be either
sold on them or convinced to ignore them. And they, like
their senior advisers, are afraid of our apparent strategic
slippage.
Given these problems, however, there are still some
steps we might consider:
1. There are few identifiable "movement" conservatives
in the Administration, and this is a point of
contention that comes up whenever conservatives
meet.
2. Many conservatives feel that we are simply not
interested in their views. I know that some attempt
is being made to increase our communications with
the right, but I feel this effort should be stepped
up. A little attention here could go a long way in
1972.
9/14
Chapen, cwc, S Bull, J8M
1) people don't know what strategy is
-0' Donnell
2
only top spokes to media center
-there are guidelines
2) O'Donnell - the men in sched
Don't know:
a) when comp starts
up to Convention, non - poe events
cwc continue "admin events"
non per events chra conver
1201 handle per events.
add man to cwc for 2 mas
under O' Donnell then to 1201
Don't schedule form and 1701
CONFIDENTIAL
September 14, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
VIA:
DWIGHT L. CHAPIN
AN
LNG
FROM:
STEPHEN BULL
6-102
By
EP
3-24-82
RE:
Scheduling of Senator Goldwater and
Other Surrogate Candidates
A memorandum dated September 2nd from Mr. Haldeman to Mr. Chapin
directed the establishment of a procedure for working with Senator
Goldwater's schedule and assigning advance support to him. The imple-
mentation of such a program immediately introduces a much broader
subject with which we will have to deal in the very near future, namely,
the total program for surrogate candidates. In fact, since the September
2nd memorandum, Secretary Connally has been added to the list of those
who should be supported by an advanceman. Therefore, the subject of
this memorandum is intended to be:
1.
General discussion of the manner in which Administration speakers
(i.e., surrogates) are currently handled.
2.
What the various recommendations are from staff members as well
as officers at the Citizens Committee headquarters.
3.
A concensus recommendation for the establishment of a surrogate
program.
By way of a personal disclaimer, I am setting forth some observations
that may be rather naive since I have approached this subject rather
superficially because of the lack of information readily available as well
as the time requirement for this report, and have attempted to proceed
without stirring up too much confusion by my inquiries. The lack of hard
information available, I believe, is the result of the necessity for secrecy
at this point. I assume that many of the questions and approaches have been
thoroughly discussed and probably many of the elements already resolved
in personal discussions between Mr. Haldeman, the Attorney General and
the President. However, the decisions have not been reduced or otherwise
transcribed to written form, and those with whom I discussed the subject
of the surrogate program either were not aware of these decisions or the
information had not filtered down to them.
- 2 -
Present Speakers' Program
Currently all turndowns of invitations to the President that have any
significance or potential are referred to Pat O'Donnell in Chuck Colson's
office by Dave Parker. Pat O'Donnell subsequently evaluates the
invitation and considers an appropriate Administration spokesman to
fill the speaking engagement. The evaluation is done pretty much solely
by Pat and, according to him, his criteria include many elements such
as whether the event is in a key State, type of event, the media area, etc.
At this point Al Snyder and Van Shumway become involved, Al arranging
for appearances on TV shows in the area where the event is to be held, and
Van arranging for newspaper interviews with the Administration official.
The Administration spokesmen are limited to members of the White House
staff (approx. 8), OMB (approx. 3), members of the Cabinet (approx. 12),
members of the Sub-Cabinet (approx. 20), occasionally Senator Dole, and
occasionally some outsiders, e.g., Pat Moynihan.
Although Pat O'Donnell is the scheduler and titular head of the speakers'
program, Dick Howard is the supervisor and, according to all sources,
is the true backbone of the operation. Without getting into an evaluation
of personalities and individual abilities, the job of making effective use
of Administration spokesmen, even now during this "non-political" and
relatively inactive time, can and should be done better. When we get into
the campaign situation which is rapidly approaching, the amount of activity
will be multiplied manyfold.
Currently I discern a lack of overall strategy to the manner in which the
speakers' program is operated. Specifically, there is no guiding philosophy
that seems to dictate who should go where and why except for where the
President is concerned. This conclusion was arrived at quite simply; when
asked what the guiding philosophy was, no one could give me one.
Possible Approaches to a Surrogate Program
In 1968 John Whitaker, who scheduled Candidate Nixon, also scheduled
the surrogates. An individual was assigned the task of actually running
the surrogate candidates, and second and third string advancemen were
used to serve these surrogates. In 1970 Nick Ruwe operated the
surrogate program which was less complex than that of 1968 and
depended more on Administration spokesmen.
:
- 3 -
In a discussion of a surrogates program, John Whitaker laid forth
the basic philosophy that the principal objective should be to find an
event for the appropriate spokesman for an appropriate area, and
let that event be the vehicle to get him into the area. Once in the area,
however, the event becomes secondary to a more important operation
which would be to give the surrogate the widest exposure which can
usually be obtained by getting him on TV talk shows, special interviews
with the newspapers, and all of the things that we are supposedly doing
now with our current speakers' program.
In a memorandum I received from Dwight Chapin on September 13, the
comment was made that "everyone is trying to stake out his claim to
handle the scheduling operation of surrogates and Cabinet members over
the next few months". This may be one of the better understatements.
Additionally, there seems to be a bit of wrestling over where the
surrogates program will be run.
John Dean has expressed to Colson and others that the campaign be kept
out of the White House and that only the President and Vice President be
cuc desogree
scheduled politically from here. He has even suggested the possibility
that the First Family be scheduled out of 1701. This plan would go into
effect after the official kickoff of the campaign, presumably after the
first of the year. Colson recommends that for a period of time, possibly
they
January 1, 1972, we continue operating the speakers' program as we have
through O'Donnell and that setup, but that any Congressional spokesmen
Do
such as Goldwater and others that we will undoubtedly pick up between
now and January, be scheduled and operate from 1701. Colson's feeling
events
is that the White House is put in an awkward, if not untenable, position
by making specific engagements for members of Congress, particularly
P,UP,
during this non-political year of 1971. As a commentary to this point,
however, Dick Howard notes that the RNC, which normally schedules
Fam,
Congressmen, is a bit jealous of its prerogative in this area and might
not take kindly to it.
suns
any ong
admin
- 4
On July 28 Jeb Magruder submitted a memorandum for the Attorney
General, copy of which was submitted to Mr. Haldeman, setting forth
a preliminary recommendation for "SPOKESMEN RESOURCES", which
is, in effect, the 1972 surrogate program. The recommendations in
this memorandum are summarized as follows:
1.
Cabinet, selected agency heads and White House staff members
be scheduled in the Colson/O'Donnell operation for the remainder
of 1971.
2.
The President and Vice President continue to be handled separately.
3.
Colson hire a new staff man to train with O'Donnell and then move
over to 1701 in 1972 and operate Spokesmen Resources from there.
4.
RNC handle Congressmen until the end of 1971.
There are many other minor elements in that memorandum none of
which seem to be of particular consequence to the development of a
and Trained
witst
well-defined coordinated surrogate program.
3
Recommendation for a Surrogate Program
Edward
This is where I may be overstepping my bounds and getting myself into
trouble, but it appears to me that the overall campaign strategy is still
obscure to the operatives, i.e., the Magruders, the Howards, the Porters
and the O'Donnells who have been charged with the responsibility for
planning some of the specific tactics for campaign '72. A surrogate program
should be one of the major tactics directly related to the overall strategy.
By the end of 1971 the President will probably have visited all 50 States and,
from what little I have learned about what will be the President's posture
during the campaign, there will be emphasis on major TV appearances,
much less personal campaigning than in 1968, and much of the campaign
period will be spent being the President as opposed to being the candidate.
This means that the personal appearances will be through the surrogates
in the key States.
cwc - sun different when income us. non-ineme.
58m - Sun repeace P this time inbeg
d pol + goo't events.
- 5 -
Considerations for Surrogate Program
1.
"Key States" is a fluid entity that will probably be readjusted as
the campaign develops. For planning purposes in the formulation
of the surrogate program, those States, and perhaps specific areas
within the somewhat larger States, need to be specified to those who
will operate the program. The Magruder memo to the Attorney
General lists 21 States as "key States". I have also heard the
figure 14. One of the questions is --where should be the area of
emphasis.
includes primary st's
2.
The aforementioned memorandum provides a listing of potential
surrogates, utilizing four categories: "Cabinet", "White House
Staff", "Agency Heads", "Others". There is no category for
Congressmen or Governors, although I would assume that there
are still one or two Republican Governors left over who could
0701 Rocke
do us some good (e.g., isn't Rockefeller lobbying for Secretary
of Defense these days?). The list that is submitted, I presume,
will undoubtedly be modified and is probably intended as a first
draft. At some point in the near future, however, we need to get
a firm list of Governors and Congressmen who can fill the role of
surrogate for the President.
3.
Scheduling - there appear to be two major types of scheduling
for surrogates:
(a)
Opportunity Scheduling - an event for which a specific
man is appropriate for a specific function (e.g.,
Senator Goldwater to the YAF Convention).
(b)
Creative Scheduling - finding an event that acts as a
vehicle to get the proper spokesman into the right area
so that he, with the support of the Snyders, Shumways
and the advance operation, can maximize his exposure
through the regional media as well as our established
techniques of promotion and communication.
:
- 6 -
4.
That individual or group responsible for scheduling the surrogate
must be fully familiar with the overall strategy, the points of
strength and weakness in the various areas, and the availability
of the surrogate so that maximum benefit from the event of the
surrogate visit can be realized.
5.
Right now the talent and resources are in the White House and
1701 is incapable of providing the necessary support to operate
a full fledged surrogate program.
Specific Recommendations for Surrogate Program
1971
1.
Between now and January 1, 1972, Chuck Colson operate the
surrogate program through its speakers' bureau program
(O'Donnell and Howard).
Approve
Disapprove
G
2.
Assuming that the campaign will require an increase in personnel
to administer such a program, additional people who will
ultimately serve in a supervisory role during the campaign
be hired now (but be paid by 1701 due to the wage-price freeze)
and work with those individuals administering the speakers'
program. The purpose would be to learn how to run a surrogate
program while beefing up our existing speakers' bureau.
Approve
Disapprove
G
3.
Senator Goldwater and other key primary surrogates such as
selected Governors and others outside of the Administration
would be scheduled and coordinated through the speakers' bureau
for the remainder of 1971. Those events appropriate for this
select group would be determined by the speakers' bureau operation,
but would be nominally set up through 1701 in order to maintain
the appearance of detachment between the political operation and the
White House. In actuality, however, coordination, supervision and
implementation would be effected through the speakers' bureau
operation. As a concession to the RNC, they could be called upon
for their assistance in schedule planning and responses to
correspondence and other relatively harmless activities.
Approve
Disapprove
G
:
:
- 7 -
4.
A full effort be made to coordinate with the key personnel at
1701 all of the activities that will be taking place at the White
House until 1972. This would include providing full information
on the Presidential activities.
Approve
Disapprove
5.
Ron Walker has a sizeable list of advancemen, some of whom
are untested, others who are not ready to be lead advancemen.
Ron would make these advancemen available to the speakers'
bureau now for support of not just Senator Goldwater and
Secretary Connally, but others as well. This would provide
training for the new advancemen and better results on the
road for the surrogates.
Approve
Disapprove
6.
Progress reports and evaluations of appearances would be
submitted by the administrator of the speakers' bureau
(Chuck Colson) to Mr. Haldeman directly.
Approve
Disapprove
1972
1.
Effective around the first of the year we admit that there is a
campaign going on, and that those support personnel in the White
House who have been administering speakers' programs be detached,
eleminated from the White House payroll, and transferred over to
1701 where they will operate the campaign. Those individuals who
had been training with O'Donnell and others administering the
speakers' program would move over to 1701 for the program
operation.
Approve
Disapprove
2.
That 1701 administer the scheduling and advance support of all
of the surrogate candidates with the exception of the President,
the Vice President, and Mrs. Nixon. The remainder of the family
would be scheduled through 1701.
Approve
Disapprove
THE WHITE HOUSE
have see reviewed state on
WASHINGTON
August 16, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H.R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
G
SUBJECT:
Andrew Glass/National
Journal Article on Polling
Of primary importance in the attached issue of National
Journal is the Andrew Glass article on polling which I
suggest you read.
As to possible sources of information about the current
polling operation and future plans, discussions were held
with Magruder, Dent, Evans, Marik, Derge, Benham, DeBolt,
O'Neill, and Grassmuck.
Discussion with Magruder developed the following interesting
notes:
1) Magruder talked with Glass in a "general, non-
substantive manner". Glass indicated that he had
talked to all six vendors, some of whom (he would
not disclose which) were fairly free with the
information;
2) Magruder knows that both Ed DeBolt and Bill Low
at the RNC talked with Andrew Glass. Magruder called
DeBolt after receiving the call from Glass. Magruder
"instructed DeBolt to talk with Glass only in very
general terms". Magruder called Tom Evans to indicate
his distrust of Bill Low;
3) Magruder does not know whether Glass talked with
Lyn Nofziger;
4) As my memorandum of August 3 (copy attached at Tab
A) indicates, Glass talked at some length with Tom
Benham;
5) Magruder believes Glass may have received information
from Tully Plesser among the vendors;
Derge, Marik, and O'Neill did not talk to Andrew Glass.
-2-
Tom Evans did not talk with Andrew Glass. He asked
DeBolt and Bill Low if they had. Both told Evans they
had not. DeBolt, however, said that Bill Low might
have. In any event " (a) GOP official" is quoted on page
1697.
Harry Dent talked with Glass but told him that no polling
was done in the White House. He referred him to Citizens
with the quote on page 1695.
Grassmuck doesn't know Glass and most of the information
in the article came as a surprise to him.
One interesting fact emerges -- there is no mention of
Peter Flanigan, who as Chairman of the Attorney General's
research task force, has overall responsibility for
interviewing the polling vendors and developing a research
recommendation for consideration by you and the Attorney
General. All interview sessions were originally scheduled
in his office but hastily changed to the Citizens. Flanigan
attended four of the six meetings. He is the only one
directly involved who is not referred to in the article.
You received a letter dated August 10 from Andrew Glass.
He complains that I did not return his calls. A suggested
response for your signature is attached at Tab B.
To prevent future leaks I have emphasized to all the importance
of referring reporters inquiries to Ron Ziegler or Herb Klein.
Their matter raises the whole quation of the
Press policy of the Citizene Operation. you
should discuss thinwith the A.G. and get
some firm ground ruler established NW.
Right paper pls.
;
Political Report/Pollsters prowl nation as candidates
use opinion surveys to plan 72 campaign
by Andrew J. Glass
From the White House to small-town
secrecy, currently is seeking to define
"You're finding more people run-
8/14/71
1693
NATIONAL
America, the political pollsters are
polling needs for Mr. Nixon's 1972
ning for political office with less polit-
JOURNAL
once more on the prowl.
campaign.
ical experience than ever before. So
©
CPR 1971
A National Journal survey of po-
In addition, the President requests
they really don't have an intuitive base
litical pollsters and their clients reveals
and receives regular "weathervane"
of how well they'll do. They don't
that the business which, like politics
polls that are commissioned for him
have the knowledge of their state that
itself, is as much an art as a science-
by friends and admirers, mainly in the
a guy who has been in politics a long
is deeply rooted in the campaign proc-
business world. Similar polls were
time has. But they know enough that
ess. It revealed also that many can-
taken on a regular basis for Presidents
they need to know. So the pollsters
didates still are reluctant to say pub-
Eisenhower, Kennedy and Johnson.
are all selling."
licly how heavily they rely on polls.
But the political polling profession
At its higher rungs, the polling pro-
Like people who never walk under
does not subsist alone on surveys
fession remains a tight-knit group. It
ladders even though they say they are
taken by the White House or by the
divides, almost equally, into those
not superstitious, candidates go on
President's Democratic rivals.
who poll only for Republicans, those
buying the polls. With the approach
Robert Teeter, the White House
who poll only for Democrats and those
of the 1972 national elections, spend-
liaison man for Detroit-based Market
who poll for both.
ing for political surveys is likely to
Opinion Research, a Republican-ori-
But, as pollster Michael Rowan
match or exceed 1968 levels.
ented polling firm, said: "One of the
said, "we're all one club."
In his book, Financing the 1968
big changes we're seeing is the level
Nixon
Election (D.C. Heath and Company,
down to which polling is used.
1971), Herbert E. Alexander estimated
"It used to be that there were a few
In seeking the Presidency in 1968,
that spending for public opinion polls
sophisticated gubernatorial and sena-
Richard Nixon spent about $500,000
for all candidates at all levels in 1968
torial campaigns using it. Now, almost
for the longest, most costly and most
came to $6 million.
all of them are in it. Many Congress-
complex polling project in campaign
The estimate, based on 1,200 polls
men use it. And it pops up in state
history. Although there is no real
which cost an average of $5,000, is
legislatures and in city races."
battle for the nomination in sight, the
conservative; one comprehensive state-
Oliver A. Quayle III, who has taken
Nixon White House has budgeted
wide poll can cost $15,000.
polls for most of the Democrats now
$500,000 for polling research for the
Top to bottom: The White House re-
in the Senate, said: "It's now almost
1972 campaign.
ceives a steady stream of public opin-
SOP. If you're interested in what
Organization: In the White House it-
ion survey results. Some of them are
people think, this is the best way to
self, the gathering of poll information
commissioned, directly or indirectly,
find out. People who have never
is supervised by H. R. Haldeman, the
by the White House itself; others re-
polled before are polling now. It's
President's chief of staff, who has a
sult from "piggybacking" - adding
standard procedure."
background in advertising and market
questions to polls already commis-
The "new breed": A veteran Demo-
research. (For a report on Haldeman,
sioned by Republican candidates or to
cratic campaign manager believes the
see No. 10, p. 513.)
polls taken for other purposes.
pollsters' growth is based in part on a
Campaign planning beyond the
A campaign task force, working in
new breed of politician. As he put it:
White House gates is being handled
POLL
PROCESSOR
RANDOM
ANALYST
SAMPLES
POLL
TAKER
KNOW
INTERPOLATOR
NEWS MEDIA
POLITICIANS
John huehnergath
1694
8/14/71
NATIONAL
JOURNAL
Gallup and Harris: The Published National Polls
© CPR 1971
The chart at top right traces
per cent
President Nixon's shifts in popu-
70
larity, as measured by the Gallup
approve
GALLUP
Poll. On each occasion, some 1,500
persons, the normal national sam-
ple, responded to the question: "Do
60
you approve or disapprove of the
way Nixon is handling his job as
50
President?"
The bottom chart covers the
same time period and traces the
trend in trial heats between Mr.
40
Nixon and Sen. Edmund S. Mus-
kie, D-Maine, as measured by the
30
Harris Survey. (Gov. George C.
disapprove
Wallace, D-Ala., was included in
the trial heats; his support ranged
20
from 9 to 13 per cent.)
Dots along the lines show the
dates of the surveys. Parallel gray
bands show the maximum extent of
10
1969
1970
1971
sample error.
George H. Gallup and Louis
Harris respectively head the only
70
HARRIS
polling organizations that regularly
publish political survey results on a
national scale. Both Gallup and
60
Harris maintain extensive private
Nixon
polling operations, which account
for the bulk of their revenues. They
50
do not accept political clients.
The Gallup Poll, first published
in 1935, now is syndicated and goes
40
Muskie
twice a week to some 100 U.S.
newspaper clients. The Gallup
Opinion Index, a 32-page booklet
30
that is published monthly, offers
detailed breakdowns of Gallup
polling data. It has about 1,000
20
subscribers.
The Harris Survey, syndicated
by the Chicago Tribune, goes to
10
1969
1970
1971
125 U.S. newspaper clients. The
Harris column first appeared in
ing with undecided voters and non-
tion near the close and another di-
1963 and is mailed twice a week to
voters. The variations in their tech-
rect question at the close. The
subscribers. Harris also polls for
niques, along with sample error,
Gallup Poll asks one secret "ballot
Time Inc. He plans to publish a
account for the spread between
box" question early in the inter-
hardback, 500-page Harris Survey
their estimates.
view.
Yearbook, which will carry data on
The Gallup Poll samples all
The Gallup Poll is prepared in
which his column is based.
adults of voting age and then ex-
Princeton, N.J., by the American
The normal lag between inter-
cludes likely nonvoters. The Harris
Institute of Public Opinion, a firm
views and publication in newspa-
Survey does not interview people
headed by Gallup.
pers for both Harris and Gallup is
who say they are not registered and
The Harris Survey is prepared in
two to three weeks.
excludes them from its sample. A
New York by Louis Harris and As-
In forecasting Presidential elec-
further exclusion of unlikely voters
sociates Inc. The Harris firm was
tions, both Gallup and Harris
is made later.
bought in 1970 by Donaldson, Lu-
strive to minimize the undecided
The Harris interviews normally
kin and Jennerette Inc., a stock
vote in their interpretations and to
last 90 minutes. Persons are asked
brokerage firm which is publicly
base their predictions upon esti-
for their Presidential preference
owned. The sale was for 80,000
mates of voter turnout on election
three times in the course of the in-
shares of voting common stock,
day. The two pollsters, however,
terview: a direct question at the
worth about $720,000 at current
employ differing methods in deal-
start, a secret "ballot box" ques-
market prices.
:
by Citizens for the Reelection of the
The President and his top staff also
1968 for Mr. Nixon mounted by
8/14/71
1695
NATIONAL
President, which is, in effect, a White
have access to other private polls, con-
Joseph Bachelder, who has since re-
JOURNAL
House political task force; by the Re-
ducted for Republican senatorial or
tired as a political polling consultant.
C
CPR 1971
publican National Committee; and by
gubernatorial candidates as well as by
Decision Making Information Inc.,
Attorney General John N. Mitchell.
political pressure groups friendly to
based in Santa Ana and Los Angeles,
A coordinating committee is shap-
the Nixon Administration. These polls
which polled in 1970 for both Gov.
ing the campaign research effort,
are supplied without charge; the Chil-
Ronald Reagan, R-Calif., and Gov.
which will rely heavily on public opin-
ton surveys are underwritten by the
Nelson A. Rockefeller, R-N.Y.
ion surveys.
Republican National Committee.
Market Opinion Research of
The committee includes Jeb S.
A pollster who declined to be quot-
Detroit, which advised George Rom-
Magruder, who has been detached
ed by name said, "A lot of the (White
ney early in 1968 to scuttle his cam-
from the office of Herbert G. Klein,
House) work that was done in the past
paign for the Republican Presidential
director of communications for the
three years was done by individual
nomination. The company has done
executive branch, to manage the "Cit-
candidates who were doing it as an
some weathervane polling after Mr.
izens" operation; Robert Marrick,
accommodation."
Nixon's television appearances.
Magruder's associate in the "Citizens"
The White House intends to repay
Opinion Research Corp. of Prince-
office; Gordon Strachan, a personal
some of these favors during the 1972
ton, N.J., which handled the 1960 and
staff assistant to Haldeman, and Ed-
campaign. A Presidential aide, speak-
1968 Nixon campaigns, as well as the
ward S. DeBolt, the RNC's deputy
ing for "background," said: "When
1964 Presidential campaign of Sen.
chairman for research and political
Nixon is ready to go into an area, an
Barry Goldwater, R-Ariz. (ORC's
organization.
offer for a 'piggyback' (poll) will be
billings from political clients in 1968
The Nixon campaign steering com-
made. I think in almost every case, it
amounted to $600,000-$450,000 from
mittee also is utilizing an outside con-
will be the Nixon White House that
the Nixon campaign.)
sultant on polling techniques-David
will offer it down rather than its being
David Derge, although a regular
R. Derge, 42, a political scientist and
offered up (to the President)."
White House visitor, did not attend
executive vice president of the Uni-
Campaign firms: The White House
the presentation sessions, which were
versity of Indiana in Bloomington.
scheduled a series of meetings Aug.
held in the offices of the "Citizens"
Magruder is the key polling plan-
9-11 to review the capabilities of more
group, one block from the White
ner. As Harry S. Dent, special counsel
than a half-dozen Republican-oriented
House. Derge is known to be a strong
to the President for political affairs,
polling firms.
partisan of ORC.
put it: "In this shop, Jeb is the guy
"All of them were approached with
Split verdict: A decision on the allo-
who's the polling man."
the idea of contributing to the cam-
cation of polling resources for the
Magruder declined to comment for
paign as a sole or prime contractor,"
campaign is expected to be submitted
publication on polling or on any other
said a White House political aide.
to the President for his review and
aspect of White House campaign
"But it's not inconceivable that
approval by the end of August.
planning. One official, who asked to
Haldeman will decide 'I don't want
Whether or not a prime polling con-
be identified only as an Administra-
any one person to know everything, so
tractor is chosen, a White House of-
tion spokesman, said: "We don't want
I'm going to parcel it out and these
ficial said that polling arrangements
to get into even what we're thinking
people can just like it.' He's like that."
for the 1972 campaign may not emerge
about doing
They (the Democrats)
Another White House official noted
in a clear-cut manner.
know something is going on. Let them
that "the Nixon campaign is being or-
The official said: "Knowing the
find out by working for it."
ganized on a priority basis and there-
President, he never puts all his mar-
White House polls: Mr. Nixon has
fore the need for national pollsters is
bles in one basket.
He
will
want
had access to a steady stream of pri-
minimized." The emphasis, he said,
additional head-to-head and special-
vate polling information since he took
will be on disregarding those states
issue polling.
office. These polls have kept the Pres-
where there is "no opportunity" and
"He never even tells anybody about
ident abreast of domestic political
concentrating on the big electoral
it. But you always have somebody on
moods and furnished him with insights
states "which will either win or lose
the side who will do a weathervane
into changing trends on such questions
the election for us."
sampling after a (Presidential) night
as the public attitude toward admis-
Each of the polling concerns which
on television.
That's just Nixon.
sion of the People's Republic of China
made presentations to the White
All of us get used to that. There's al-
to the United Nations.
House was screened in advance by
ways an edge."
An almost continuous polling effort
Haldeman. The group includes:
Another White House official who
for the White House has been con-
Cambridge Opinion Studies Inc.,
will be involved in the campaign, also
ducted, in secrecy, by Chilton Re-
headed by Tully Plesser and based in
speaking privately, said that, in all
search Services, of Philadelphia, a di-
New York City. Plesser's political
probability, some of the more sensi-
vision of Chilton Co. An aide to the
polling assignments have ranged from
tive polling results will go to the Pres-
President said, "The outside pollster
Sen. W. E. Brock's successful cam-
ident directly, perhaps through Halde-
(John H. Kofron, Chilton's senior vice
paign in Tennessee last year to John
man, without being circulated to the
president) consults almost always di-
V. Lindsay's uphill mayoral campaign
White House political staff.
rectly with Haldeman, although on a
in New York in 1969.
"There are some things-like how
nonsensitive matter he may talk with
Chilton Research Services, which
does Agnew affect the ticket-that
Strachan or Higby." (Lawrence M.
conducts its surveys by telephone from
might be asked that even Mitchell
Higby is Haldeman's administrative
Philadelphia. Chilton also handled the
won't get," the official said. (Mr.
assistant.)
mechanics of an intelligence effort in
Nixon's choice of Spiro T. Agnew as
1696
8/14/71
NATIONAL
A Candidate Looks at His Polls
JOURNAL
© CPR 1971
In an interview with National
professionals in this business that
Journal, Sen. Hubert H. Humphrey,
have a great professional reputation
D-Minn., reflected upon the role
at stake.
that polls played in his unsuccessful
1968 Presidential campaign and in
In 1970, we used polling very ef-
his 1970 Senate campaign:
fectively. I started early. In fact we
had one of our early polls in hand
In 1968, we were so damned
months before I even declared. We
short of money that we didn't use
took it simply to see what the re-
polls as much as I think we should
actions might be and what the is-
have. Had we used them a little
sues might be.
better, I think I might have been a
In other words, I wanted to
little more effective.
know myself: Did I have political
Which is another way of saying,
strength and where did I have it?
if you're not just looking at how
Then, we also had in that first
popular you are as a candidate, but
(Oliver A.) Quayle poll a number of
rather are using the polls to base
issues that we wanted to get a re-
your public attitudes on public is-
sponse to,
sues, I think you can become a
One of the things that I found
more effective candidate. You at
in the polls, for example, that al-
least have the means of being one.
ways intrigued me was the tre-
mendous support we had among
The polls can also show your
young people-running as high as
areas of weakness. It gives you
80 per cent support within this
time, if you take them early enough,
group. I didn't believe at first I
to repair those areas if it's at all
could have so much support in the
possible. It also shows your areas
21-25-year-old group. But it
of strength that you can be sure of
became obvious afterwards that I
and other areas that you need to
did.
buttress and maintain.
I noticed that when we'd go into
It takes time to do polling that's
neighborhoods where there were
effective. If we had the time and
many young married couples how
the money, we would have been
well we would do with them. In
much better off, particularly where
the elections, the young married
Hubert H. Humphrey
it comes to issues.
couples stuck with us, so the polls
For example, I know that in '68
verified themselves.
tion of whether he likes you or not.
we had some gut reactions on the
It builds a bandwagon effect. It
law-and-order issue. But we didn't
Also, you would think in a state
creates a political atmosphere.
have an in-depth understanding of
like mine, in Minnesota, that the
its intensity. Even though I worked
agricultural and economic issues
Actually, the politics of polls
at it, I didn't start early enough. I
might be paramount.
can be most important of all.
also think we might have been able
But we found that there were
If they're favorable to you, or if
to detect age-group differences and
other issues that were much more
they show you with a
how each group reacts.
overriding than merely the eco-
if you're not ahead- the trend
nomic issue. Like the law-and-order
seems to be coming your way, then
It's all a question of what you
issue, for example. And we acted
it has a tendency to build its own
ask for. And what you ask for is
on that information.
momentum.
oftentimes determined not only by
It really is almost better than
what you want but what you can af-
So, I'm a great believer in the use
spot announcements (commercials)
ford.
of polls as a tool-providing that
on television. It's a kind of political
In order to use polls really ef-
you're willing to spend the money
advertising in its own right.
fectively, you need to take a series
to get a first-class job. You must
of them depth.
not deal with amateurs in this busi-
As Humphrey noted in connection
The man or the firm that does
ness.
with his 1968 campaign, an impor-
that kind of polling has to be very
I think John Kennedy used polls
tant test of a Presidential campaign
sophisticated in terms of the kind
very effectively. When he got a poll
is the depth and breadth of its re-
of questions which evoke honest,
that was a plus for him, he used it
search effort - which, to a large de-
objective answers. You've got to
to build further support.
gree, relies on public opinion sur-
be careful that you don't set up
I think this can be done today.
veys. The Senator as yet has not
questions that give you answers
If a county chairman sees you're
commissioned any new polls to test
that you want.
ahead in the polls, he tends to say,
the appeal of his candidacy for
So you really have to deal with
"Well, he can win." It isn't a ques-
President in 1972.
his Vice Presidential running mate in
8/14/71
1697
NATIONAL
1968 was influenced by ORC polls
which showed him running better
Establishing the Tolerances
JOURNAL
© CPR 1971
alone than with any possible "name"
Pollsters commonly encounter skeptical members of campaign teams
in the Republican Party. Mr. Nixon
who suggest that by interviewing more people- or perhaps another set of
decided to bypass better-known per-
people- the pollster would have produced different results.
sonalities for Agnew, who was then
George H. Gallup, founder of the Gallup Poll and now semi-retired,
Governor of Maryland.)
has an answer for these skeptics: "The next time you go to the doctor for
Utility: Although White House of-
a test, why not have him test all your blood?"
ficials seek to dampen publicity on
Gallup says that "no major poll in the history of this country ever went
their polling efforts, they say privately
wrong because too few people were reached." But, he says, many have
that polling information, while in
gone astray because of the way those persons were selected.
plentiful supply, does not play a crit-
Samples: Some political pollsters, including Gallup, interview people in
ical role in White House political de-
randomly chosen clusters, using what is known as a probability sample.
cision making.
(For his nationwide poll, Gallup conducts about five interviews in each of
"Nixon has never had much use for
320 voting precincts, chosen on a random basis.)
polls," a personal friend of the Pres-
Others use a quota sample, a less costly technique in which people are
sident said. "He only pays attention
chosen to be interviewed on the basis of specific characteristics in the
when they happen to agree with his
same proportion as they appear in the population or whatever "universe"
gut feelings. And he likes situations
the pollster is studying. If 12 per cent of the "universe" is Negro, for ex-
where the polls do not put him under
ample, a quota sample would include 12 Negroes in every 100 people
pressure, such as his Agnew decision
interviewed.
of 1968."
Gallup and other published pollsters abandoned quota samples after
A GOP official agreed with this
1948 when polls taken that way indicated that Thomas E. Dewey would
assessment and added: "Most of those
defeat Harry S Truman in the Presidential race.
people (the White House staff) just
Error: A probability sample permits the pollster to measure sample error
look at the head-to-head results-at
the maximum extent to which the survey results may differ from a sur-
just two numbers. It's very sad. Most
vey of the entire population. Quota samples do not permit statistical
of them just flip to the last page (of
measurement of error.
the polling report) to see, in summary,
The tables below indicate the range of error for samples of various
how we are doing."
sizes. Statistically, the error will be no larger than the figures in the tables
Democrats
95 per cent of the time. As the figures indicate, the size of the sample must
be increased as much as four times to cut the margin of error by half.
Of Mr. Nixon's potential Demo-
Table I shows the maximum plus and minus- probability
cratic opponents in 1972, only the cur-
samples of varying sizes and division. The larger the sample, the smaller
rent front-runner, Sen. Edmund S.
the error; the more evenly people divide, the higher the possible error.
Muskie, of Maine, is now engaged in
In comparing two percentage results, another question arises: How
polling research. Most of the other
large must the difference be for it to reflect a genuine distinction, beyond
Democratic Presidential hopefuls have
the range of statistical error?
so far given little or no thought to
Tables II and III show the number of percentage points to be dis-
commissioning public opinion surveys
counted in comparing differences in polls. Table II is used for percentages
for their campaigns.
near 20 (or lower) and 80 (or higher); Table III is used for percentages
Muskie: "People have been waiting
near 50.
around for our polls before moving,"
Thus, if 50 per cent of those interviewed in 1969 and 40 per cent in 1971
said Anna Navarro, 24, the Muskie
responded in the same way to a question, Table III can be consulted to
campaign's full-time polling consult-
determine whether the difference is statistically meaningful.
ant. "The question is how to project
what people want to see."
Table I
(size of sample)
1,500
1,000
750
600
400
200
100
An initial round of telephone-
Results near 10%
2
2
3
3
4
5
7
interview polling for Muskie was com-
Results near 20%
2
3
4
4
5
7
9
pleted in late July by Independent
Results near 30%
3
4
4
4
6
8
10
Research Associates Inc., a Wash-
Results near 40%
3
4
4
5
6
8
11
ington-based firm headed by William
Results near 50%
3
4
4
5
6
8
11
R. Hamilton, who has worked mainly
Results near 60%
3
4
4
5
6
8
11
for Democrats in the South. Before
Results near 70%
3
4
4
4
6
8
10
Results near 80%
2
3
4
4
5
7
9
joining the Muskie staff in January,
Results near 90%
2
2
3
3
4
5
7
Miss Navarro worked for Hamilton.
Media While it is unusual to have
Table II: Percentages near 20, 80
Table III: Percentages near 50
a pollster on a campaign staff, Miss
sample
1,500
750
600
400
200
sample
1,500
750
600
400
200
Navarro said she felt the arrangement
1,500
4
4
5
6'
8
1,500
5
5
6
7
10
benefited the Senator. She saw her
750
4
5
5
6
8
750
5
6
7
7
10
role as the "realist" the person who
600
5
5
6
6
8
600
6
7
7
7
10
400
6
6
6
7
8
400
7
must "knock down theories and pre-
7
7
8
10
200
8
8
8
8
10
200
10
10
10
10
12
sent unpalatable news."
In that capacity, Miss Navarro has
SOURCE: Paul K. Perry, president of The Gallup Organization
:
1698
8/14/71
NATIONAL
JOURNAL
The Ethical Dilemma: Politicians vs. Pollsters
© CPR 1971
In the spring 1963 issue of Public
demic members, issued a standard
ments as to 'what the polls are
Opinion Quarterly, Louis Harris
"which news media can utilize
showing' while encouraging "the
wrote: "The pollster who is knowl-
when reporting poll results." Each
reporting of whose poll using which
edgeable about politics will inevita-
of these news reports, AAPOR
methods and (obtaining) what re-
bly be invited to sit in on strategy
said, should include:
sults."
meetings.
(He) will more and
the identity of the survey's spon-
NCPP: In April 1968, George H.
more be in a position of recom-
sors;
Gallup invited some 25 polisters
mending when and how many polls
a description of the sample, in-
to attend an organizational meet-
should be conducted for his client,
cluding its size;
ing in Santa Barbara, Calif., on the
rather than simply waiting for the
an indication of the allowance
eve of the annual AAPOR confer-
political powers-that-be to call
that should be made for sample
ence. The session led to formation
him and set the timetable."
error;
of the National Council on Public
Harris was writing from experi-
a report on which results, if any,
Polls, which at present has 16 mem-
ence. In October 1959, he was one
are based on only parts of the total
ber organizations.
of nine men who met with John F.
sample (For example, some poll re-
NCPP dues are $100 a year for
Kennedy to plan Kennedy's 1960
sults may represent interviews only
membership. The group's current
Presidential campaign. (Harris
with those persons who are likely to
president is Robert T. Bower.
went on to take polls for the Dem-
vote.);
director of the Bureau of Social
ocratic National Committee until
a statement of technique-
Science Research, Washington,
he started a newspaper column in
whether the interviewing was done
D.C. Its trustees are three poll-
1963.)
in person, by telephone, by mail or
sters-Gallup, Harris and Archi-
Yet, a deep involvement with a
on street corners:
bald M. Crossley and Richard M.
candidate's fortunes raises an eth-
a statement on the timing of the
Scammon, director of the Election
ical dilemma for some pollsters,
interviews, putting them in con-
Research Center of the Govern-
especially those who consider them-
text with relevant events.
mental Affairs Institute.
selves social scientists, seeking to
The AAPOR code applies both
"As of now," Bower said, "there
discover what motivates people,
to polls which are prepared for
is no evidence that a 'bandwagon
rather than campaign consultants,
publication and to polls taken for a
effect,' induced by polls, influences
seeking to get their candidate elect-
private client whose results sub-
the result of elections."
ed.
sequently are publicized.
The group will issue a quarterly
One pollster, Mervin Field, noted
AAPOR members elect a stand-
newsletter, starting this fall, aimed
in a 1967 speech before his col-
ards committee, which is charged
at journalists and other users of
leagues that "there is an implicit
with investigating complaints of
polls. As yet another way of pro-
pressure to use the (polling) re-
misuse of polls. It is currently
moting more sophisticated evalua-
search for other than purely objec-
studying allegations of irregulari-
tions, NCPP plans to sponsor sem-
tive fact gathering. It is used to con-
ties in published polls taken during
inars for Senate aides, political
vince financial backers, to encour-
the Democratic mayoral primary in
managers and newsmen, at which
age party workers, to bolster the
Philadelphia earlier this year.
polling techniques will be analyzed.
confidence of the candidate, to
No individual ever has been cited
Legislation: There have been a few
freeze out potential opponents and
by the standards committee for mis-
attempts to enact laws to regulate
to support existing biases."
conduct, although the panel occa-
polling, but none has succeeded.
In this climate, Field said, a ma-
sionally has met privately with poll-
Rep. Lucien N. Nedzi, D-Mich.,
jor problem can arise over "the se-
sters whose conduct was under ques-
is sponsoring a Truth-in-Polling
lective use of certain findings to
tion. AAPOR's governing body, an
Act (HR 5003), which has been
create a misleading impression."
executive council, is empowered to
referred to the House Administra-
Thus, "there are leaks to newsmen
warn by a citation or to expel mem-
tion Committee.
for 'background,' and leaks to the
bers, but it has never done so, Sid-
The provisions of the Nedzi bill
opposition to lull them or to steer
ney Hollander Jr., a member of the
parallel those of the AAPOR and
them in a direction that will help
AAPOR council and former chair-
NCPP codes. (In one respect, the
(the client)."
man of its standards committee,
bill goes further by requiring public
AAPOR: In an effort to minimize
said: "The mood of the organiza-
filing of the percentage of inter-
unethical conduct, the American
tion is changing and they're in a
views in the total sample that were
Association for Public Opinion Re-
position to be much tougher."
completed and the percentage of
search, founded in 1947, has set
Irving Crispi, executive vice pres-
persons in the sample who refused
standards for reporting poll results.
ident of The Gallup Organization
to be interviewed.)
An AAPOR code of ethics,
and also a former chairman of the
In March 1963, a bill aimed at
adopted in 1960, calls upon mem-
AAPOR standards committee,
rigorous control of the publication
bers to monitor release of the re-
wrote in Polls, Television and the
of any preelection poll passed both
sults and to correct promptly any
New Politics (Chandler Publishing,
houses of the Texas legislature. It
misinterpretation of their findings.
1970) that the 1968 code should
was vetoed by Democratic Gov.
In 1968, AAPOR, which in-
dampen "the inclination of many
(1963-69) John B. Connally, who
cludes both commercial and aca-
journalists to make blanket state-
is now Treasury Secretary.
;
8/14/71
1699
been working closely with Robert D.
"Since when did a 24-year-old kid
"My own horseback judgment is
NATIONAL
Squier, 36, head of Communications
know something?" said a veteran poll-
that our supporters ought to be able
JOURNAL
Co. of Washington, D.C., and Mus-
ster who works mainly for Democrats,
to tell us what's on the minds of
©
CPR 1971
kie's media consultant. (For a report
referring to Miss Navarro. "I couldn't
people. Also, people are much more
on Squier and the role of political
handle a Presidential campaign when
nationally oriented; you don't have
media consultants, see Vol. 2, No. 40,
I was 24. I think it's silly."
the kind of Balkanization on issues
p. 2135.)
Another pollster remarked private-
that you used to have."
"Squier is involved in the whole
ly: "Basing a major campaign on this
Hart nevertheless said that the Mc-
process," Miss Navarro said. "We
type of information in a primary fight
Govern forces probably would poll in
work as a team and talk about what
is a terribly risky thing to do, because
Wisconsin and Oregon "to find out
his data needs are. Polling is moving
if Muskie falls on his face in Florida,
what issues predominate" there. Hart
more toward a media orientation be-
he's not going to get up again. If they
said, "I think that would be worth the
cause people are getting their infor-
are going to have a research program
outlay. But that's January or Febru-
mation through the tube."
like that, how are they going to run
ary."
Meanwhile, she said, "The Senator
the country?"
Robert J. Keefe, administra-
is always badgering us for informa-
tion." Muskie plans to receive in-depth
surveys from five or six primary states
by January 1972. In addition, Muskie
requires polling research on such po-
litical questions as how closely should
he affiliate himself with Chicago May-
or Richard J. Daley, a controversial
figure but a potential source of dele-
gate support in Illinois.
Telephone-The Hamilton firm
uses a "tight screen," seeking to reach
only persons who intend to vote in
selected 1972 Democratic primaries.
In upholding their telephone-
based techniques, Hamilton and Miss
Navarro explain how they attempt to
Tully Plesser
Robert Teeter
Anna Navarro
keep the sample unbiased and to es-
Miss Navarro said: "It's too new,
tive assistant and a top campaign
tablish a good rapport during the half-
and conventional wisdom says it's no
planner for Sen. Birch Bayh, of
hour interviews. The technique also
good. Yet I have a gut feeling for what
Indiana, said the Senator strongly be-
costs about 60 per cent less than field
I'm after; you have to know how to
lieves in taking polls, but, in light of
interviews of comparable size-a
play with it."
his "low-recognition profile, there's
major consideration in the money-
After the round of open-ended tele-
not much point in taking them now."
short Muskie campaign.
phone questioning, Miss Navarro said
Keefe said he had been "picking the
For the Muskie polls, numbers are
she is more convinced than ever that
brains" of two pollsters, John F.
gleaned from telephone directories in
the system works well and will provide
Kraft and Quayle, "both of whom are
the areas to be surveyed and several
the kind of data the Senator needs.
trying to get our business."
digits are changed before the call is
The non-pollers: Other Democrats
"When we go into (the Florida) pri-
made. This ensures that unlisted num-
who are either in or at the edge of the
mary situation, we will poll three or
bers will be represented in the sample.
battle for the party's Presidential
four months out," Keefe said.
(In Los Angeles, 35 per cent of all
nomination have not yet commission-
Kennedy-"We have no reason to
residential telephones are unlisted; in
ed any private polling. The Demo-
poll," said Richard C. Drayne, press
New York, 20 per cent.)
cratic National Committee, still in
secretary to Sen. Edward M. Kennedy,
The Hamilton interviewers call back
debt from the 1968 campaign, has no
of Massachusetts.
three times if no one answers; they do
plans to poll, but David A. Cooper,
"My boss reads polls rather avidly.
not always interview the person who
the DNC's director of research, said
He's pretty good at interpreting them.
answers the phone. They also employ
he is prepared to offer technical poll-
But we don't pull our own. There are
a toll-free "verification number,'
ing advice to any Democrat seeking
other people who pull them for you,
which most people ask for but which
office in 1972. (None of the Presiden-
or maybe send you results, but we've
only a minority actually call. This
tial hopefuls has contacted him.)
not commissioned any. There's no
keeps their rejection rate to 5 per cent.
McGovern "We've seen some pri-
point in paying $40,000 for a poll just
Criticism In general, pollsters for
vate polls that other people have
to see whether you were right on an
Democratic candidates have shunned
done," said Gary W. Hart, campaign
issue."
telephone polling, and the Muskie
director for Sen. George S. McGovern,
Humphrey- the 1968 Presidential
techniques have elicited criticism from
of South Dakota. "The reason we're
campaign, Hubert H. Humphrey, the
established pollsters. They wonder, in
not doing it is that, first of all, it's
Democratic nominee, spent $262,000
private, whether Hamilton, who has
too early and, second, it costs too
on polls taken by Quayle and five
been polling since 1963, can "go the
much money and, thirdly, they won't
smaller firms.
distance" in a Muskie Presidential
tell us anything we don't already
Now that he is in the Senate, ac-
campaign.
know
cording to Jack McDonald, his press
1700
8/14/71
NATIONAL
JOURNAL
Directory of Major Political Public
© CPR 1971
A 1972 campaign manual prepared by Lawrence F.
ket research and undertake political polls only in elec-
O'Brien, chairman of the Democratic National Com-
tion years.
mittee, states: "There is no campaign expense which
On the other hand, Nimmo says, there are firms that
should be approached with more care and investigation
take a greater interest in their political than their com-
than the selection of a pollster.
mercial clients. "These firms provide the client with a
"Each pollster develops and refines his own particu-
written proposal, prepared in consultation with sam-
lar methodology. Each will take a different view of the
pling statisticians in complicated cases, which outlines
candidate's needs and design a survey approach to
what the pollster intends to do, how, and at what cost."
meet those needs." O'Brien advises candidates who plan
Listed below are the names, addresses and telephone
to take polls to solicit proposals from at least three pro-
numbers of 74 U.S. firms engaged in political public
fessional organizations.
opinion research on a regional or national basis. (The
Another campaign handbook, The Political Persuad-
list excludes part-time consultants and firms primarily
ers, by Dan Nimmo (Prentice Hall Inc., 1970), notes
engaged in campaign management.) The name and
that many polling firms are primarily engaged in mar-
title of each firm's principal officer are included.
American Institute of Public Opin-
ington, D.C. 20036; (202) 223-
Jenkintown, Pa. 19046; (215)
ion; Dr. George H. Gallup (chair-
4300. T#
886-1000.
man); 53 Bank St., Princeton,
Callahan Research Associates Inc.;
Crossley Surveys Inc.; Franklin B.
N.J. 08540; (609) 924-9600. *#
William J. Callahan (president);
Leonard (president): 909 Third
Analytical Research Institute Inc.;
31 East 28th St., New York,
Ave., New York, N.Y. 10022;
Irving Gilman (president): 104
N.Y. 10016; (212) 755-5972.
(212) 752-4100.
S. Division St., Peekskill, N.Y.
Cambridge Opinion Studies Inc.;
Decision Making Information Inc.;
10566; (914) 737-8855.
Tully Plesser (president); 625
Vincent P. Barabba (chairman);
Harriet Andrews Research Serv-
Madison Ave., New York, N.Y.
Richard B. Wirthlin (president):
ices Inc.; Harriet Andrews (di-
10022; (212) 759-2220.
2700 N. Main St., Santa Ana,
rector): 4007 Falls Road, Balti-
Cantril Associates; Albert H. Can-
Calif. 92701; (714) 558-1321.
more, Md. 21211; (301) 889-3805.
tril (president); 1061 31st St.
Farrell Research and Communica-
Arizona Institute for Research;
NW, Washington, D.C. 20007:
tions Inc.; Fran Farrell Kraft
Marian Lupu (field director);
(202) 337-1600.
(president); 30 6th St. SE, Wash-
100 East Alameda, Tucson, Ariz.
Douglas H. Carlisle; 1100 Gregg
ington, D.C. 20003; (202) 547-
85701; (602) 624-3880.
St., Columbia, S.C. 29201; (803)
7081.
Audits and Surveys Co. Inc.; Sol-
253-0406.
Field Research Corp.; Mervin D.
omon Dutka (president); One
Center for Political Studies; Prof.
Field (research director); 145
Park Ave., New York, N.Y.
Warren E. Miller (director);
Montgomery St., San Francisco,
10016; (212) 689-9400.
Institute for Social Research,
Calif. 94104; (415) 392-5766.
Bardsley and Haslacher Inc.; Rob-
University of Michigan, Ann
First Research Co.; David Early
ert L. Haslacher (president);
Arbor, Mich. 48106; (313) 764-
(president) 1451 N. Bayshore
422 Waverley St., Palo Alto,
2570. T#
Dr., Miami, Fla. 33132; (305)
Calif. 94301; (415) 326-0696.
Central Surveys Inc.; William M.
371-3681.
Barratt Market Research; Ruth C.
Longman (president); P.O. Box
John H. Friend Inc.; John H.
Barratt (owner); 5415 N. Col-
100, Shenandoah, Iowa 51601;
Friend (president); 261 N. Joa-
lege Ave., Indianapolis, Ind.
(712) 246-1630.
chim St., Mobile, Ala. 36603;
46220; (317) 251-1119.
Chilton Research Services (Chil-
(205) 433-3786.
Becker Research Corp.; John F.
ton Co.); John H. Kofron (direc-
Louis Harris and Associates Inc.;
Becker (president); 675 Massa-
tor); 56th and Chestnut Sts.,
Louis Harris (president); One
chusetts Ave., Cambridge, Mass.
Philadelphia, Pa. 19139; (215)
Rockefeller Plaza, New York,
02139; (617) 868-0010.
*
748-2000.
N.Y. 10020; (212) 245-7414.
*
Belden Associates; Joe Belden
Civic Service Inc.; Roy Pfautch
Martin Hauan; 1100 Hotel Okla-
(president); Southland Center,
(president); 408 Olive St., St.
homa, Oklahoma City, Okla.
Dallas 75201; (214) 748-7188.
Louis, Mo. 63101; (314) 436-
73101; (405) 236-0931.
Benson and Benson Inc.; Lawrence
4185.
Sidney Hollander Associates; Sid-
E. Benson (chairman); Benson
Corey, Canapary and Galanis; Dor-
ney Hollander Jr. (president);
Building, Princeton, N.J. 08540;
othy D. Corey (president); 2 Pine
2500 Maryland Ave., Baltimore,
(609) 924-3540.
St., San Francisco, Calif. 94111;
Md. 21218; (301) 467-8565.
E. John Bucci Co.; E. John Bucci
(415) 397-1200.
C. E. Hooper Inc.; (a subsidiary of
(president); P.O. Box 266,
Dorothy D. Corey Research; Dor-
Daniel Starch and Staff Inc.);
Swarthmore, Pa. 19081; (215)
othy D. Corey (president); 1705
Oscar B. Lubow (president);
544-5775.
Victoria Ave., Los Angeles, Calif.
Mamaroneck, N.Y. 10543; (914)
Bureau of Social Science Research
90019; (213) 731-2414.
698-0800.
Inc.; Robert T. Bower (direc-
The CRC Group Inc.; Harry W.
Independent Research Associates
tor); 1200 17th St. NW, Wash-
Rivkin (president); Beaver Hill,
Inc.; William R. Hamilton (pres-
:
8/14/71
1701
Opinion Firms in the United States
NATIONAL
JOURNAL
© CPR 1971
ident); 4000 Albemarle St. NW,
Tower Building, Little Rock,
Response Analysis Corp.; Dr.
Washington, D.C. 20016; (202)
Ark. 72201; (501) 374-0605.
Herbert I. Abelson (president);
362-5056.
Joseph Napolitan Associates Inc.;
1101 State Rd., Princeton, N.J.
Institute for Motivational Research;
Joseph Napolitan (president):
08540; (609) 921-3333.
Ernest Dichter (president); Al-
1028 Connecticut Ave. NW,
Responsive Research Corp.; Peter
bany Post Road, Croton-on-
Washington, D.C. 20036; (202)
K. Simonds (president); 7 Water
Hudson, N.Y. 10520; (914)
296-3780.
St., Boston, Mass. 02109; (617)
271-4721.
National Analysts Inc.; Peter R.
742-3582.
Institute of American Research;
Vroon (chairman); 1015 Chest-
The Roper Organization Inc.;
Stephen J. Kovacik Jr. (presi-
nut St., Philadelphia, Pa. 19107;
Burns W. Roper (president); One
dent); 88 East Broad St. Colum-
(215) 627-8109.
Park Ave., New York, N.Y.
bus, Ohio 43215; (614) 221-2062.
National Opinion Research Cen-
10016; (212) 679-3523.
International Research Associates
ter; Norman M. Bradburn (di-
W. R. Simmons Associates; W. R.
Inc.; Helen S. Dinerman (chair-
rector); University of Chicago,
Simmons (president); 235 East
man); 1270 Avenue of the Amer-
6030 South Ellis Ave., Chicago,
42nd St., New York, N.Y.
icas, New York, N.Y. 10020;
III. 60637; (312) 684-5600. T#
10017; (212) 986-7700.
(212) 581-2010.
Opinion Research Corp.; Joseph C.
Sindlinger and Co. Inc.; Albert E.
Gordon L. Joseph and Associates;
Bevis (chairman); North Har-
Sindlinger (president); Harvard
Gordon L. Joseph (president);
rison St., Princeton, N.J. 08540;
and Yale Aves., Swarthmore,
1510 Veterans Memorial Boule-
(609) 924-5900.
Pa. 19081; (215) 544-8260.
vard, Metairie, La. 70005; (504)
Opinion Research Laboratory; Guy
Strategy Research; Richard W.
835-0635.
E. Rainboth (president); 2108
Tobin Jr. (president); 4141 N.
John F. Kraft Inc.; John F. Kraft
North Pacific, Seattle, Wash.
Miami Ave., Miami, Fla. 33127;
(president); 30 6th St. SE, Wash-
98013; (206) 632-9274.
(305) 751-2216.
ington, D.C. 20003; (202) 547-
Opinion Research of California;
Suncoast Opinion Surveys; Rich-
7080. *
Don M. Muchmore (chairman);
ard H. Funsch (president); P.O.
W. H. Long Marketing Inc.; W. H.
1232 Belmont Ave., Long Beach,
Box 1121, St. Petersburg, Fla.
Long (president): 122 Keeling
Calif. 90804; (213) 434-5715.
33731; (813) 894-4560.
Road East, Greensboro, N.C.
Political Surveys and Analysis Inc.;
Survey and Research Services Inc.;
27410; (919) 292-4146.
Charles W. Roll Jr. (president):
Dorinda T. Duggan (president);
Louis, Bowles and Grace Inc.: Alex
53 Bank St., Princeton, N.J.
2400 Massachusetts Ave., Cam-
Louis (chairman); 1433 Motor
08540; (609) 924-5670.
bridge, Mass. 02140; (617) 864-
St., Dallas, Tex. 75207; (214)
Public Affairs Analysts Inc.; Jo-
7794.
637-4520.
seph Napolitan (president); Mi-
Survey Research Sciences Inc.;
Samuel Lubell; 3200 New Mexico
chael Rowan (executive vice
Richard R. Stone (president);
Ave. NW, Washington, D.C.
president); 1028 Connecticut
11411 North Central Express-
20016; (202) 362-3230. #
Ave. NW, Washington, D.C.
way, Dallas, Tex. 75231; (214)
Market Facts Inc.; David K. Har-
20036; (202) 296-6024.
691-0578.
din (president): 100 S. Wacker
The Public Pulse Worldwide Inc. (a
Surveys and Research Corp.; Li-
Drive, Chicago, III. 60606; (312)
subsidiary of Daniel Starch and
bert Ehrman (executive vice
332-2686.
Staff Inc.); Oscar B. Lubow
president): 1828 L St. NW,
Market Opinion Research; Fred-
(president); Mamaroneck, N.Y.
Washington, D.C. 20036; (202)
erick P. Currier (president); 327
10543; (914) 698-0800.
296-1935.
John R, Detroit, Mich. 48226;
Publicom Inc.; Gerald D. Hursh
Wallaces Farmer; Richard J.
(313) 963-2414.
(president); 1300 Connecticut
Pommrehn (research director);
Market Research Field Interview-
Ave. NW, Washington, D.C.
1912 Grand Ave., Des Moines,
ing Service; Marian R. Ange-
20005; (202) 293-1644.
Iowa 50305; (515) 243-6181. #
letti (director); 3015 East Thom-
Oliver A. Quayle III and Co.
Joe B. Williams Research; Joe B.
as Road, Phoenix, Ariz. 85016;
Inc.; (a wholly owned subsidiary
Williams (research consultant);
(602) 956-2500.
of the Minneapolis Star and
Elmwood, Neb. 68349; (402)
Marketing Evaluations Inc.; Jack
Tribune Co.); Oliver A. Quayle
994-5395.
E. Landis (president); Cy Chai-
III (president); 141 Parkway
Daniel Yankelovich Inc.; Daniel
kin (senior vice president); 14
Rd., Bronxville. N.Y. 10708;
Yankelovich (president): 575
Vanderventer Ave., Port Wash-
(212) 295-0779. *
Madison Ave., New York, N.Y.
ington, N.Y. 11050; (516) 767-
Research Services Inc.; John W.
10022; (212) 752-7500. *#
4540; (212) 357-7405.
Emery (president); 1441 Welton
Marplan Research Inc.; F. J. Van
St., Denver, Colo. 80202; (303)
member of the National Council on
244-8045.
*
Bortel (president); 485 Lexing-
Public Polls
ton Ave., New York, N.Y. 10017;
Research Systems Inc.; R. B. Col-
-non-profit and/or academic
(212) 697-8788.
lier (president): 1314 Burch
results are always publicly published
Mid-South Opinion Surveys; Eu-
Drive, Evansville, Ind. 47711;
gene Newsom (president): 1750
(812) 867-2463.
compiled by Ann Northrop
:
1702
8/14/71
secretary, "There's no activity of any
Techniques
AMPAC, see Vol. 2, No. 31, p. 1659.)
NATIONAL
kind. He doesn't have advance
In Barabba's view, "A critical abil-
JOURNAL
© CPR 1971
men. He doesn't have money men.
The late Elmo Roper, a pioneer
ity of a good (polling) firm is to have
He doesn't have delegate people. He
pollster, said that the polling business
experience in overcoming the hesi-
doesn't have pollsters."
sat on a three-legged stool: sampling,
tancy on the part of some campaign
Jackson-A no-polling report also
interviewing and interpretation.
managers to really make use of this in-
came from the office of Sen. Henry
This base has remained constant
formation. If you accept a campaign
M. Jackson, of Washington, whose
since Roper began polling in the mid-
as an economic concept-that is, you
supporters are gearing up for a major
1930s. But the kind of information
are going to attempt to allocate lim-
effort in next March's Florida pri-
that sophisticated politicians are seek-
ited resources in the most efficient
mary.
ing and the kind of techniques that
way then this information is cru-
S. Sterling Munro Jr.. Jackson's
pollsters are using to obtain it for
cial."
administrative assistant, said that
them have changed profoundly.
Costs and timing: Thomas W. Ben-
"When your investment is zero, your
A Midwestern Senator said, "Quite
ham, vice president of Opinion Re-
cost-benefit ratio is 100 per cent."
frankly, the trial heats and the stock
search and its liaison man with the
Sharing the burden: At a dinner
question about approval is probably
White House, said: "If you're running
meeting of Presidential candidates,
the least valuable, so far as I'm con-
a campaign where you're going to
called by party chairman Lawrence F.
cerned, because there isn't a thing you
spend $500,000, you better put 10 per
O'Brien July 14, Muskie proposed
can do with that kind of information."
cent aside for polling research, be-
undertaking a pooled public opinion
(The Senator, who is up for reelection
cause it can make the other 90 per
survey, utilizing a single pollster, as a
in 1972, will be polling heavily, but he
cent twice or three times more effi-
means of saving campaign funds.
does not want his constituents to
cient
The Muskie plan will be studied
know about it because "it weakens my
"You might want to do a "base
further in staff meetings, but it was
posture.")
study' early in the campaign year.
not greeted with enthusiasm.
Utility: William Hamilton, now poll-
This could be an interview that lasts
None of the dark-horse candidates
ing for Muskie, said that private polls
45 minutes to an hour and it's a big,
-such as Sen. Fred R. Harris, of
can tell candidates what issues are im-
expensive undertaking. But, from that,
Oklahoma, and Rep. Wilbur D. Mills,
portant enough to change voting deci-
we can do selective studies. We can
of Arkansas-are having any polling
sions; whether these issues can be
check on changing issues.
done for them, and they are not in-
welded into a campaign theme; and
"And then we can do a small-scale
terested in paying an equal share
how the over-all political climate, in-
telephone effort, re-interviewing cer-
of the cost of a joint survey for-
cluding the other candidates in a race,
tain people (a technique known as
mula that Muskie's staff regards as
will affect the outcome.
panelback), to see if they have changed
the most equitable.
(Pollster Tully Plesser said his polls
their minds. You can develop a so-
All pollsters interviewed by Na-
revealed that a referendum on liquor-
phisticated tool and it can still have
tional Journal opposed the shared-
by-the-drink was a major factor in the
good economy to it."
data proposal, although they did not
senatorial contest in Texas in 1970,
Costs of seemingly comparable sur-
want to say so publicly for fear of
because of the voters who were at-
veys can vary as much as 30 per cent,
offending Muskie, whose business
tracted to the polls by the liquor is-
depending on the procedures, the
they believe is still up for grabs. One
sue.)
overhead and the profit margin.
pollster said, "You can't do that any
Interest groups who are seeking to
Senatorial and gubernatorial candi-
more than you could work for Ford
affect the outcome of an election may
dates commonly budget $30,000 for
and General Motors. It just seems un-
take polls that elicit complex data.
polling research over the course of a
natural to me."
"COPE can buy 10 surveys and de-
campaign. One statewide poll in a big
liver. them to the candidates," said
state may cost $10,000 to $15,000; a
pollster John Kraft. "It gives them a
survey of a congressional district can
Feedback
certain control over the campaign."
cost up to $10,000. (The techniques of
Oliver A. Quayle III takes con-
The Committee on Political Educa-
conducting both polls are essentially
fidential polls for many leading
tion, the political action arm of the
the same; the only major saving is in
Democratic politicians. He also
AFL-CIO, has been taking polls since
travel.)
takes polls for Harper's magazine,
1958. (For a report on COPE, see Vol.
"People are beginning to see that
which owns Quayle's polling com-
2, No. 37, p. 1963.)
this kind of data is much more valu-
pany outright and which, in turn, is
Similarly, the American Medical
able if you can establish a trend," said
owned by the Minneapolis Star and
Political Action Committee (AM-
Teeter of Detroit's Market Opinion
Tribune Co.
PAC), through its state organizations,
Research. This, of course, entails mul-
"We bounce things off Ollie,"
spent more than $400,000 to poll for
tiple interviews; in the field, interview-
said William S. Blair, the Harper's
Republicans between the 1968 and
ers are paid $2 an hour or more, plus
publisher. "In other words, here's a
1970 elections. Vincent P. Barabba,
expenses.
guy who wants to do a piece about
chairman of Decision Making Infor-
DMI's Barabba said: "The diffi-
a particular politician. We might
mation Inc., a California-based AM-
culty you have in measuring costs be-
send the writer up to talk to Quayle.
PAC pollster, said: "Those guys (at
tween companies is knowing whether
Obviously, Ollie knows a hell of a
AMPAC) have done as much to im-
you're measuring apples and apples or
lot about individual politicians in
prove the systematic analysis of the
apples and oranges. There are a lot of
this country."
political process as any organization
ways to cut costs in this kind of re-
in existence today." (For a report on
search. Unfortunately, there is a direct
:
8/14/71
1703
The Rise of the Polls: Bloopers Amid Improving Aim
NATIONAL
JOURNAL
© CPR 1971
Although political polls are com-
velt. The pool results helped drive
After the election, the Social
monplace today, the use of scien-
the Literary Digest out of business
Science Research Council, a private
tific surveying techniques is less
as public confidence in the maga-
group, named a committee to in-
than 40 years old. Yet, in one way
zine sagged.
quire into the pollsters' methods.
or another, polls have been part of
Scientific polls: The first scientific
The panel found that the sam-
the campaign scene for nearly 150
based on a representative
pling method they used was a valid
years.
sample of the population was
one, but that the pollsters, in their
Straw polls: In 1824, reporters
taken in July 1935, when Fortune
overconfidence, ignored both un-
for the Harrisburg Pennsylvanian
reported on public reaction to Roo-
decided voters and others who had
walked the streets of Wilmington,
sevelt and his New Deal programs.
switched from Dewey to Truman
Del., asking people whom they
The poll was taken by three part-
late in the campaign. They had also
preferred as their Presidential
ners, Paul T. Cherington, Elmo B.
underestimated the turnout; this
candidate. In that first recorded
Roper Jr. and Richardson K.
made Dewey look better than he
United States newspaper poll, the
Wood. They had been conducting
should have.
Pennsylvanian found Andrew Jack-
private market research and were
Through post-election polling,
son running well ahead of John
looking for a dramatic way to prove
the committee found that one voter
Quincy Adams. (Although Jackson
the degree of accuracy that could be
in seven decided how he would cast
won a popular plurality, the elec-
obtained through scientific sam-
his ballot during the last two weeks
tion was thrown into the House of
pling. The idea was especially at-
of the campaign and that 75 per
Representatives, which picked
tractive to Roper who, according to
cent of this group voted for Truman.
Adams.)
his son, Burns W. Roper, was fas-
Controversy: In 1968, a dispute
Newspapers took straw polls
cinated by politics and "always
arose shortly before the Republican
throughout the rest of the 1800s.
wanted to be a United States Sen-
National Convention that many
The Farm Journal became the first
ator."
pollsters now feel damaged public
national magazine to take one-in
Gallup's scientific sampling also
trust in the business.
1912. By 1928, newspapers and
was published in 1935, when a
At the time, Gov. Nelson A.
magazines were conducting six na-
group of newspapers agreed to syn-
Rockefeller of New York was bas-
tionwide and 79 state and local
dicate his findings in a Sunday
ing much of his campaign for the
straw polls.
column. Archibald M. Crossley
Presidential nomination on the
By far the most prominent of the
entered the business in 1936, at the
ground that polls showed he would
magazine straw polls was that of
behest of King Features.
be a stronger candidate than Mr.
the Literary Digest, which began
For many years, Roper, Gallup
Nixon when pitted against the even-
polling in 1916. The Digest's streak
and Crossley were "the big three"
tual Democratic nominee.
of correct Presidential predictions
of the polling business; most of the
Rockefeller and Nixon aides
remained unbroken until 1936,
pollsters active today got their start
were circulating private polls with
when the magazine reported that
in their organizations.
conflicting results on various "trial
Alfred M. Landon would win 59.1
The three men also were great
heats." Then a Gallup Poll, taken
per cent of the popular vote and
friends who bet on which of the
July 19-21, showed Mr. Nixon as
370 of 531 electoral votes. Actually,
three would come closest to predic-
the stronger candidate. Three days
Franklin D. Roosevelt won 60.2 per
ting the outcome of a Presidential
later on July 30, a Harris Survey
cent of the popular vote and 523
election. Roper won in 1936, 1940
was published, with data collected
electoral votes.
and 1944, each time collecting a
July 25-29, which showed Rocke-
George H. Gallup, a pioneer sci-
case of Scotch from Gallup and
feller more likely to defeat Hubert
entific pollster, publicly predicted
Crossley.
H. Humphrey or Eugene J. Mc-
at the time that the Digest would
Although Roosevelt used private
Carthy.
fall on its face; he was meanwhile
polls informally to discern the pub-
On Aug. 1, George H. Gallup Jr.
accurately predicting the results.
lic mood, the first major private
and Louis Harris issued an unprec-
As Gallup noted, the Digest
political poll was taken by Roper
edented joint statement that Rocke-
mailed its more than 10 million
for Jacob K. Javits in 1946 when
feller had "now moved to an open
sample ballots solely to car owners
Javits was running on the Liberal
lead" over the two Democrats. The
and telephone subscribers-two
Party and Republican lines for a
statement was widely interpreted as
groups at the time heavily weighted
House seat from upper Manhattan.
a public retraction by the Gallup
with high-income people who tend-
Disaster: For a time, the pollsters'
organization, but none of the prin-
ed to vote Republican and still
success in predicting election results
cipals has discussed the incident
do. The 2,376,523 respondents to
gave them oracular status. But the
publicly.
the Digest poll tended to be the
bubble burst in 1948.
When the campaign got under
wealthiest and best-educated sub-
In that year, all the major polls
way, the pollsters accurately meas-
group in the sample, which biased
picked Thomas E. Dewey to defeat
ured the Humphrey surge in Octo-
the results still further. Further-
Harry S Truman by a landslide.
ber and the decline in support for
more, the Digest failed to take into.
Roper stopped polling in mid-Sep-
George C. Wallace, the third-party
account six million new voters, five
tember, certain that Dewey would
candidate.
million of whom voted for Roose-
win.
Ann Northrop
1704
8/14/71
relationship between costs and qual-
mail out questionnaires (to interview-
"None of the private pollsters do
NATIONAL
ity."
ers). I also think we get higher cooper-
complete probability sampling be-
JOURNAL
© CPR 1971
The product: John Kraft, who has 18
ation rates around the country than is
cause of the prohibitive expense.
years' experience working for both
possible in face-to-face interviews. In
(Quayle noted that this was not the
Democratic and Republican candi-
some areas, you can't get people to go
case for the Gallup Poll and the Har-
dates, said he normally prepares a
in at all."
ris Survey, "because their necks are
written report, about 40 pages in
Cleavage: Telephone survey research
on the line.")
length, of which three-fourths is in-
for politicians has mushroomed with
"You pick up a point to a point-
terpretation. "I'll also supply the
the widespread use of bulk-rate long-
and-a-half of margin with probability
(computer) printouts when I'm asked
distance (WATS) lines and computer-
samples. I've done them when I've
to, but I've had only two such re-
ized random generation of telephone
had to, when I knew I was in a differ-
quests."
numbers. But some members of the
ent ball game."
Kraft, like most other pollsters, pre-
political polling fraternity remain op-
John Kraft and his wife, Fran Far-
fers to discuss results and their mean-
posed to telephone surveys.
rell Kraft, who is also a well-known
ing with the candidate and his staff.
Charles W. Roll Jr., president of
pollster, agreed with Quayle. "There is
"In many cases, it's best to talk it
Political Surveys and Analysis Inc.
no significant difference in the result,"
out," he said.
(PS&A), which has done most of the
Kraft said.
Unfavorable reports can bring com-
polling commissioned by Nelson
Several pollsters disagreed, how-
plications.
Rockefeller, said: "If I were buying
ever. One was PS&A's Roll, who
Teeter recalled: "I had one guy sev-
surveys for a political campaign that
said: "The respectability of quota
eral years ago who had been working
I felt was terribly important, and there
samples went out in 1948, with the
hard for two or three months and got
was enough money, I wouldn't touch
Truman-Dewey election. You don't
a bad poll and just sat in a hotel room
a telephone survey. I have reason to
know what your sample error is. Luck
and drank for about four days. We
believe (from Rockefeller campaigns)
is with them. But it's certainly not
couldn't move him; he was in shock
that some people are far less critical of
enough to hang your hat on, I would
because the poll still showed him 10-
individuals when asked about them
think."
15 points behind. He eventually
over the phone, and that, of course,
ORC's Benham said his firm used
won.
Now, we talk a lot about
creates a different result.
only probability samples. However, he
how to lay bad ones on people before
"If I were involved in a Presidential
said: "In many situations, you can use
we do it. It's a very tricky thing."
campaign, I would throw the tele-
the best scientific probability sample
Developments: Most pollsters inter-
phone away, unless there was an ex-
or a mediocre quota sample and get
viewed by National Journal said they
tremely urgent time factor involved."
the same because there's no
recently have started making more ex-
(Roll is an employee of George H.
critical element that would make an
haustive studies of sub-groups and an-
Gallup, who bought PS&A from its
essential difference."
alyzing the response to various issues.
founder, Archibald M. Crossley, in
Assessment
"There's particular interest in the
1970; PS&A uses Gallup's sampling,
young voters in '72," Quayle said.
interviewing and tabulating facilities,
Pollsters and politicians coexist un-
Quayle also reported that he is ask-
which are based solely on field inter-
easily, needing each other and yet
ing more media-related questions.
views.)
aware of each other's limitations.
"It's the sort of question I don't like
DMI's Barabba said: "You can get
Both are victims of a vicious circle
to ask, because I don't think people
more about a person at the door than
in politics: the degree of media expo-
really know how they get their infor-
on the telephone. The telephone's
sure affects poll results; poll results af-
mation. I'm amazed at how little the
great strength is that you get wider
fect the amount of campaign funds
television people know sometimes
distribution of your sample and inter-
that can be raised; campaign funds af-
(about the makeup of their audiences)
view clusters."
fect media exposure.
in a given market. But we're learning
Don M. Muchmore, chairman of
Drawer syndrome: Muchmore thinks
to work better together."
Opinion Research of California, who
campaign managers, more than candi-
ORC's Benham said his firm had
has done comparative studies of tele-
dates, are responsible for poor rela-
been able to shorten substantially the
phone and field interview polls, said
tionships. "We give them a battle
time period from "problem to data"
the field work produces superior re-
plan, and many times they don't want
by using more telephone interviews.
sults and should be used, except in
to use it because they have a feeling
"We've also learned how to weigh
high-urgency polls of national scope.
it's going to go a different way. Some-
them better."
"With no eye-to-eye contact, there's
times they're right; sometimes they're
William M. Longman, president of
no trust," Muchmore said.
wrong. But, more often, they're
Central Surveys Inc., said in a tele-
Sample methods: Political pollsters
wrong."
phone interview from Shenandoah,
also divide over whether to use quota
Another Californian, Vincent Ba-
Iowa, that his firm now was able to
or probability samples. (For a discus-
rabba, said: "We see an awful lot of
provide overnight results to political
sion of sample error, see statistical
what we refer to as the right-hand
clients through arrangements for the
box.)
drawer syndrome. You give a guy a
use of computers at the interview sites.
Quayle said: "Nobody does proba-
survey-you make a fancy presenta-
Robert K. McMillan of Chilton Re-
bility samples, strictly speaking. And
and he says, 'Gee, that's great!'
search Services, a proponent of tele-
if you did, it would be obscene, be-
And he opens up the right-hand
phone interviewing, said: "In a day,
cause you'd be charging a guy an arm
drawer of his desk and puts it in there,
you can do here what it would take
and a leg for a greater degree of accu-
and that's the last time it's used.
you four weeks to do if you had to
racy than he needs
"Then, if someone asks what are
you basing all those decisions on, he
group, said: "We got committed to
if potential backers thought Javits
8/14/71
1705
opens up the drawer and says, "Well,
doing the (1968) thing without assess-
could not lose.
NATIONAL
we got a survey.
ing as much as we should have in ad-
The poll was nevertheless "leaked"
JOURNAL
© CPR 1971
MOR's Teeter believes the worst is
vance." (For a report on the House
to The New York Times for its "band-
over. "Two or three years ago," he
and Senate GOP campaign commit-
wagon" effect and because it showed
said, "we had a real problem with
tees, see Vol. 2, No. 31, p. 2100.)
Javits to be the strongest Republican
guys who were using it for the first
Pressure points: In a profession linked
politician in New York state at the
time and thought they had just bought
closely to the academic community,
time.
themselves magic buttons. With some
but with no entry standards, salesman-
The release of the poll led to a
people, it became a narcotic. If they
ship remains a persistent problem.
charge by O'Dwyer that it was a delib-
didn't know what to do, they had an-
"It's the gut problem in the business,"
erate attempt to influence the New
other poll taken."
said Albert H. Cantril, a Washington-
York Daily News Poll, which was
Getting more: From the client's side, a
based polling consultant. Cantril is the
scheduled to commence canvassing
Democratic Senator said privately: "I
author, with Charles Roll, of Hopes
just after the GOP poll was released.
don't know of anyone around here
and Fears of the American People
While the Javits "leak" was a delib-
who is having polling done and who
(Universe Books, 1971), which is
erate one, candidates often insist that
wouldn't like to get more than he's
based on Gallup research.
a pollster report directly to them in an
getting out of it. But I know it's sim-
Said Cantril: "The only way you
effort to control access to private polls
ply a matter of dollars. They have a
can seek new business is to tear down
on the campaign staff.
product to sell; they have costs."
the other guy's methods and try to
Pollsters and politicians are coming
If finances are often a central prob-
show politicians that they are not get-
increasingly to agree that there is a
lem to the pollster, they are even more
ting anything too useful. There are no
limit to what surveys can accomplish.
of one to the politician. A Republican
teaching materials you can use unless
MOR's Teeter said: "You can't go
Senator from the Northeast said:
you break the confidence of a private
and say to some guy, 'Look, if you go
"There isn't any question that I
(political) client."
out and take this stand, you'll increase
couldn't solve if I wanted to spend
Political pollsters also are encoun-
your support 4 per cent.' That's
$25,000 for a survey."
tering fresh problems in seeking to as-
crazy."
But the difficulties range beyond in-
semble valid public opinion data. An
Progress: If political pollsters are still
sufficient funds. A campaign manager
executive at Chilton Research Services
searching for a firmer foundation,
who has worked with pollsters for
in Philadelphia said: "There's no use
there are nevertheless signs of prog-
many years said privately:
kidding anybody; the cooperative rate
ress.
"I think there's room in this busi-
is decreasing every year. It used to be
Quayle said: "A couple of years
ness for someone who really wants to
20 years ago if we got a 3-per cent re-
ago, everybody was trying to get into
drive it wide open. He could drive all
fusal rate we were concerned about it;
the act. And that's not happening any-
these guys out. For example, why not
today, they are running 10 and 12 per
more. A lot of commercial firms-the
add an entire demographic package
cent.
guys who were researching soap and
with sample electoral analysis and pri-
"It's all part of the misuse of re-
so forth-began to dabble in politics,
ority ranking of states, congressional
search techniques. People today are
looking at it as a new market. But
districts and counties, with cross-data
just more suspicious. You know, a
you've got to know something about
by issues. It's possible with computer
salesman calling up and saying he's
politics in this business. It's an art as
analysis. That's a service I could really
making a survey and the next thing
well as a science."
use."
he's knocking at your door.'
Roll believes that what is needed is
In 1968, the National Republican
Dangers: Private polls can cause com-
better liaison between the campaign
Congressional (Campaign) Committee
plications in campaigns that are not
and the pollsters "politically sensi-
and its Senate counterpart bought a
always readily apparent. For example,
tive men inside the campaign organi-
$400,000 survey through Datamatics
Sen. Jacob K. Javits, R-N.Y., received
zation who are at the same time highly
Inc., a subsidiary of Spencer-Roberts
a poll from Tully Plesser in 1968 that
sophisticated about the use of polling
and Associates, a California-based
showed Javits leading his Democratic
techniques."
campaign consulting firm. Datamatics
opponent, Paul O'Dwyer, 48-16.
"It's a funny business," another
is now dissolved; at the time, it was
Javits' advisers were hesitant about
well-known pollster said. "When you
headed by Vincent Barabba.
releasing the poll, despite the strong
get all this stuff done, the candidates
Neither the House nor the Senate
lead, for fear it would not be believed
look at it and if it doesn't really agree
committee is scheduling any polling
and would raise a "credibility issue."
with them, they're very suspicious.
projects for 1972. Paul A. Theis, direc-
Yet another consideration was fear
But if it agrees with them, it's the best
tor of public relations for the House
that it would be harder to raise money
poll in America."
a
Washington Pressures/Cable TV group wins first round;
faces White House, congressional review
by Bruce E. Thorp
1706
8/14/71
The cable television industry is about
action to put this and other rules into
home delivery of facsimile copies of
NATIONAL
JOURNAL
to become an adult, but the last
effect sooner.
mail and library books.
© CPR 1971
months of its adolescence are proving
In an unprecedented action that
Some members of the industry now
to be the most harrowing and the
reflected the controversial nature
avoid using the name their industry
most exciting it has ever experienced.
of issues surrounding cable develop-
adopted early in its technological de-
The federal government now seems
ment, the commission merely an-
velopment-CATV, which stands for
on the point of lifting restrictions
nounced that it was proposing to
community antenna television and re-
that have impeded development of the
adopt the new rules by the end of the
fers to the relatively simple task of
medium. This could lead to explosive
year. Burch said that the interval
delivering off-the-air signals.
growth in the industry and to a rev-
would afford Congress and the White
The NCTA estimates that by 1980
olution in communications in this
House time to react.
there could be more than 5,000 cable
country.
There is reason to believe that both
systems serving about 25 million
The Federal Communications Com-
Congress and the executive branch are
homes; cable serves about six million
mission on Aug. 5 took a step in
going to scrutinize the new rules.
homes now. Annual revenues by 1980
that direction, but the decision still
The White House has demonstrated
could exceed $2 billion and net worth
is subject to review at the White
could total $5 billion, the association
House and in Congress.
plant
says, compared with $350 million and
Thus, the industry and its Washing-
a flower
$1.2 billion now.
ton trade association, the National
in the
Freeze: Cable has the potential to
Cable Television Association, face
vast
LET CABLE
wire nearly all the buildings in the
several more months of anguish and
wasteland
TV GROW
country into a massive communica-
of battle with their arch rival, the
tions network, and to deliver pro-
National Association of Broadcast-
grams to anyone on request from vast
ers. They must be careful lest the in-
electronic storage centers.
dustry snatch defeat from the jaws of
Over-the-air broadcasting could
victory.
well disappear.
Difficult times: The government
FORGET-ME-NOT
The potential effects of these devel-
actions are coming at a difficult time
opments on society and on the econ-
for the NCTA, which is without an
omy are so uncertain that the FCC in
effective leader.
its interest by establishing a Cabinet-
1968 clamped a lid on industry growth
Donald V. Taverner, NCTA presi-
level committee on cable television
until further study could be made.
dent since Jan. 1, 1970, was ef-
and by sponsoring meetings recently
Most affected were large cities, where
fect - fired by the board of directors
with interest groups that would be
cable systems were, in effect, pro-
in June, although he may continue in
affected by the rules.
hibited from importing television sig-
office until Dec. 31, when his contract
And broadcasting interests, which
nals from other markets.
expires.
have strong allies in Congress, may
Thaw: If the FCC finally adopts its
A search for a new president is un-
seek action to change those rules it
rules, the industry will begin to grow
der way, and those who were dissatis-
deems prejudicial to its interests.
again.
fied with Taverner hope for a strong
Broadcasters have long tried to delay
Cable operators are eager to begin
leader more familiar with the indus-
development of the cable industry,
importing distant signals to large
try than Taverner has been.
fearing that cable would reduce their
cities, so that cable systems-without
The association's new national
markets.
great cost can give subscribers some-
chairman, John Gwin, is filling the
Industry growth: The cable television
thing new. After they attract enough
role of industry leader during Taver-
industry is about 20 years old, but it
subscribers and generate enough rev-
ner's lame-duck period. But Gwin be-
has barely begun to develop toward
enues, they can begin to offer addi-
came chairman only on July 8, and he
its full potential. Most of the esti-
tional, unique services, operators say.
is not entirely familiar with the Wash-
mated 2,750 cable systems today-
(For a report on the industry and the
ington scene. Gwin is a division vice
1,095 of them are members of the
proposed rules, see No. 1, p. 1.)
president of Cox Cable Communica-
NCTA little more for their sub-
Industry rift: Most cable systems are
tions Inc., a large cable company, and
scribers than deliver improved versions
very small, with fewer than 1,000 sub-
operates a cable system in Robinson,
of signals already available on the air.
cribers, and they provide only off-the-
III.
Some of them deliver signals to iso-
air signals. Owners of these "mom
New rules: Dean Burch, chairman of
lated mountain and rural areas where
and pop" systems have little interest
the Federal Communications Com-
they could not be seen otherwise.
in whether the federal government
mission, on Aug. 5 announced the
Cable's potential hinges on its abil-
takes the lid off cable development.
commission's intention to issue new
ity to deliver a multitude of channels
Most small systems are not even
rules governing cable television, to be
to homes and offices to supplement
members of the NCTA, and those that
effective March 1, 1972. One of the
present television service, which is
are want the association to fend off
rules, allowing all cable operators to
limited by technology and economics
government regulation as much as
transmit out-of-town signals to
to a relatively few channels in a given
possible; they want to maintain the
their subscribers, was crucial to the
area.
status quo.
cable industry.
Industry representatives talk of pro-
At the other extreme are the large
Industry leaders hailed the FCC
viding any number of new services,
systems, with thousands of subscribers
proposal, but they were disappointed
from customized education courses to
who demand extra services and who
that the FCC had not taken decisive
coverage of neighborhood events to
make it economically worthwhile for
THE WHITE HOUSE
NAEHINGTON
Administrativaly Confidential
August 3, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
L. HIGBY
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
National Journal
on Polls
Andrew
Dr. Derge called me this morning at 11:30 a.m. to report
that he had just received a call from Andrew Glass of the
National Journal who told Derge's secretary that he Was
doing an article for the Journal on polls and would there-
fore like to talk with Dr. Derge. Dr. Derge refused to
talk to him but called me to advise of the fact that
Glass had tried to reach him.
Andrew Glass called me at 1:10 p.m. and I, too, did not
take the call.
A check with Ed Harper indicates that he knows Andrew
Glass but had not received a call from him recently.
Apparently Andrew Glass recently did an article for the
National Journal on revenue sharing and gave the Máminis-
tration a very rough going over. Harper reports that
Andrew Glass breached an agreement with Jamie McLane on
revenuing sharing as he was not to directly quote Mr.
McLane.
Checks with Ken Cole's office and John Campbell's office
indicate that they have not received calls from Andrew
Glass. Neither you nor Mr. Haldeman have received calls.
A check with Tom Benham, however, indicates that he talked
with Andrew Glass about a week ago for 15-20 minutes. The
story Benham gives me is that Andrew Glass called him in
the regular course of his calls to Gallup and Harris, etc.,
about political polling. Benham reports that he reviewed
his involvement in past campaigns but he emphasizes that he
did not disclose Dr. Derge's name nor mine. According to
Benham, the National Journal article will be out in one week.
Bruce says our only contact at National Journal is Bonafede
and that requests to him go through Hiegler's office.
Should I have Ziegler's office contact Mr. Bonafede about
Andrew Glass' article?
L.NO
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
August 16, 1971
Dear Mr. Glass:
Your letter of August the 10th comments on
the lack of "official cooperation" concerning
an article on political polls. As you
probably know, the offices of Ron Ziegler
and Herb Klein try to facilitate the flow
of information from the government to the
public through reporters. The inconvenience
resulting from Gordon Strachan not returning
your call might have been alleviated had you
gone through Herb Klein or Ron Ziegler.
Sincerely,
H.R. Haldeman
Assistant to the President
Mr. Andrew J. Glass
Contributing Editor
National Journal
1730 M Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
August 16, 1971
Dear Mr. Glass:
Your letter of August the 10th comments on
the lack of "official cooperation" concerning
an article on political polls. As you
probably know, the offices of Ron Ziegler
and Herb Klein try to facilitate the flow
of information from the government to the
public through reporters. The inconvenience
resulting from Gordon Strachan not returning
your call might have been alleviated had you
gone through Herb Klein or Ron Ziegler.
Sincerely,
H.R. Haldeman
Assistant to the President
Mr. Andrew J. Glass
Contributing Editor
National Journal
1730 M Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
HRH:GS:lm
August 16, 1971
Dear Mr. Glass:
Your letter of August the 10th comments on
the lack of "official cooperation" concerning
an article on political polls. As you
probably know, the offices of Ron Ziegler
and Herb Klein try to facilitate the flow
of information from the government to the
public through reporters. The inconvenience
resulting from Gordon Strachan not returning
your call might have been alleviated had you
gone through Herb Klein or Ron Ziegler.
Sincerely,
H.R. Haldeman
Assistant to the President
Mr. Andrew J. Glass
Contributing Editor
National Journal
1730 N Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
HRH:GS:lm
August 16, 1971
Dear Mr. Glass:
Your letter of August the 10th comments on
the lack of "official cooperation" concerning
an article on political polls. As you
probably know, the offices of Ron Ziegler
and lierb Klein try to facilitate the flow
of information from the government to the
public through reporters. The inconvenience
resulting from Gordon Strachan not returning
your call might have been alleviated had you
gone through Herb Klein or Ron Ziegler.
Sincerely,
H.R. Haldeman
Assistant to the President
Mr. Andrew J. Glass
Contributing Editor
National Journal
1730 M Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
HRH:GS:lm
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
August 16, 1971
Dear Mr. Glass:
Your letter of August the 10th comments on
the lack of "official cooperation" concerning
an article on political polls. As you
probably know, the offices of Ron Ziegler
and Herb Klein try to facilitate the flow
of information from the government to the
public through reporters. The inconvenience
resulting from Gordon Strachan not returning
your call might have been alleviated had you
gone through Herb Klein or Ron Ziegler.
Sincerely,
H.R. Haldeman
Assistant to the President
Mr. Andrew J. Glass
Contributing Editor
National Journal
1730 M Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
'&
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
August 16, 1971
Dear Mr. Glass:
Your letter of August the 10th comments on
the lack of "official cooperation" concerning
an article on political polls. As you
probably know, the offices of Ron Ziegler
and Herb Klein try to facilitate the flow
of information from the government to the
public through reporters. The inconvenience
resulting from Gordon Strachan not returning
your call might have been alleviated had you
gone through Herb Klein or Ron Ziegler.
Sincerely,
H.R. Haldeman
Assistant to the President
Mr. Andrew J. Glass
Contributing Editor
National Journal
1730 M Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
feel Chron
August 16, 1971
Dear Mr. Glass:
Your letter of August the 10th comments on
the lack of "official cooperation" concerning
an article on political polls. As you
probably know, the offices of Ron Ziegler
and Herb Klein try to facilitate the flow
of information from the government to the
public through reporters. The inconvenience
resulting from Gordon Strachan not returning
your call might have been alleviated had you
gone through Herb Klein or Ron Ziegler.
Sincerely,
H.R. Haldeman
Assistant to the President
Mr. Andrew J. Glass
Contributing Editor
National Journal
1730 M Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
HRH:GS:lm
THE WHITE HOUSE
Mr. Andrew J. Glass
Contributing Editor
NATIONAL JOURNAL
1730 M Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
730 M Jabel, N.W., WashinGeo, D.C. 20030, Telephone RUL, 000
August 10, 1971
Mr. H.R. Haldeman
Assistant to the President
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Mr. Haldeman:
I read with interest that you feel the President has a
hostile press corps because most are Democrats.
I would submit the problem runs deeper than that.
As a case in point, I recently wrote an article on political
polling -- including White House polls. I received no ofricial
cooperation. My calls, including one to your assistant, Cordon
Strachan, went unreturned.
That never used to happen in the Kennedy and Johnson Adminis-
tration. Could it account for some of the hostility you as-
cribe to partisan feeling?
Reporters do have political viewpoints. I voted for Mr. Nixon
because I agreed with his program (and not because he was un-
failingly gracious when I covered him, off and on, for the
New York Herald Tribune and Washington Post.) I am interested
in the political process -- sufficiently SO to have taken
leaves to work for two Republican Senators.
But I am also dedicated to honest journalism and, consequently,
put off by the kind of treatment I encountered in doing the
polling story.
This letter is written in the spirit of trying to promote better
relations; I hope, in the future, they will be.
Sincerely,
Andrew J. Glass
Contributing Editor
magust S, 1971
zon.
MEDLY
FROM
COLLON
Dr. Desge called ... this TO 11:00 so
custo
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00
COM
3
coung CM article Bott THE
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police
Come like 20 CARD DR. DE. Derge
CHEM to Mill but called the CO of CAR face Child
Charge sed trice to Leach
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take the call.
eliden with Hamper included Chard
no
Glans
DUC
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not
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GIF are an NOT
INVOICE may and gave
a ver; todge goans come. CLINE
Indicated CLass becaused OK experience with Statio client C.
rovenuing sharing as he WORL not to directly quote
THE
Molland.
Checks with Man Colo's office John Campbell's
indicate that they have not received calls from
Chass. Noither you nor No. have received calls
either.
A check with Tom Bonham, nowever, indicates that to talket
WITH Androw Glaba about is week ago for 15-20 minutes.
seary Bonham gives ICE is there indrev Class called libert 11.
she regular COULDS of ALC calls to Gallup and Narcia, cool,
about political polling. Bonken reports that he revie 00
involvement 10 past DUC he emphacize. time
did not disclose Dr. Dezigio AMO nor mine. Recording to
Contrain, the National Southell article will DO OWC in ONC
Bruce syas our only concact are Mauronal Journal in Donalled
and Chat requests to him go through Siegler's office.
X have - office contact Mr. Bonefood alout
Andrew Glass' cruicle?
GS:lm
1730 M Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036, Telephone (202) 833-8000
August 10, 1971
Mr. H.R. Haldeman
Assistant to the President
The White House
National Journal
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Mr. Haldeman:
I read with interest that you feel the President has a
hostile press corps because most are Democrats.
I would submit the problem runs deeper than that.
As a case in point, I recently wrote an article on political
polling -- including White House polls. I received no official
cooperation. My calls, including one to your assistant, Gordon
Strachan, went unreturned.
That never used to happen in the Kennedy and Johnson Adminis-
tration. Could it account for some of the hostility you as-
cribe to partisan feeling?
Reporters do have political viewpoints. I voted for Mr. Nixon
because I agreed with his program (and not because he was un-
failingly gracious when I covered him, off and on, for the
New York Herald Tribune and Washington Post.) I am interested
in the political process -- sufficiently so to have taken
leaves to work for two Republican Senators.
But I am also dedicated to honest journalism and, consequently,
put off by the kind of treatment I encountered in doing the
polling story.
This letter is written in the spirit of trying to promote better
relations; I hope, in the future, they will be.
Sincerely,
Andrew 1.blors
Andrew J. Glass
Contributing Editor
DRAFT
Dear Mr. Glass:
Thank you for your letter of August the 10th regarding
the lack of "official cooperation" concerning your article
on political polls.
I regret any inconvenience which you may have encountered
and if I may, I would suggest that in the future you contact
the offices of Ron Ziegler or Herb Klein as they do try to
facilitate the flow of information from the government to
reporters and I am sure they would be glad to promptly
assist you in any way possible.
With best regards.
Sincerely,
HRH