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This file contains:
From MacGregor to Haldeman. RE California bumper strips. 3pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/8/1972
From Buchanan to President. RE EMKpolitcal memo. 6 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/9/1971
From Dent to Haldeman. RE Wallace candidacy. 5 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/9/1971
From Colson to Haldeman. RE Lou Harris Poll. 4 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/25/1971
From Colson to Haldeman. RE Lou Harris Poll. 4 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/25/1971
From Higby to Strachan. RE Strachan to Haldeman memo on Key States. 15 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/23/1971
From Harper to Ehrlichman. RE Issues of interest to swing voters. 12 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/14/1971
From Strachan to Haldeman. RE Magruder meeting with AG. 28 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/23/1971
From Strachan to Haldeman. RE RNC Delaware study. 8 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/17/1971
From Haldeman to Woods. RE Delaware survey. 7 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/17/1971
What Really Decides an Election booklet. 32 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Book], no date
From Buchanan to Haldeman. RE Trouble on the Right. 17 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 1/6/1971
From Magruder to Haldeman. Reorganization of RNC. 9 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 1/21/1971
From Buchanan to President. RE Political memo the PR Campaign. 5 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 5/3/1971
From Mitchell to Haldeman. RE Young Volunteers for Nixon. 30 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 4/19/1971
From Shumway to Benham. RE Newspapers, Bureaus in Washington. 22 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/12/1971
Scholar Source Context
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26146034
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WHSF: Contested, 37-2
core
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document
citationUrl
pageCount
1
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id
26146034
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contentType
document
title
WHSF: Contested, 37-2
description
This file contains:
From MacGregor to Haldeman. RE California bumper strips. 3pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/8/1972
From Buchanan to President. RE EMKpolitcal memo. 6 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/9/1971
From Dent to Haldeman. RE Wallace candidacy. 5 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/9/1971
From Colson to Haldeman. RE Lou Harris Poll. 4 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/25/1971
From Colson to Haldeman. RE Lou Harris Poll. 4 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/25/1971
From Higby to Strachan. RE Strachan to Haldeman memo on Key States. 15 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/23/1971
From Harper to Ehrlichman. RE Issues of interest to swing voters. 12 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/14/1971
From Strachan to Haldeman. RE Magruder meeting with AG. 28 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/23/1971
From Strachan to Haldeman. RE RNC Delaware study. 8 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/17/1971
From Haldeman to Woods. RE Delaware survey. 7 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 6/17/1971
What Really Decides an Election booklet. 32 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Book], no date
From Buchanan to Haldeman. RE Trouble on the Right. 17 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 1/6/1971
From Magruder to Haldeman. Reorganization of RNC. 9 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 1/21/1971
From Buchanan to President. RE Political memo the PR Campaign. 5 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 5/3/1971
From Mitchell to Haldeman. RE Young Volunteers for Nixon. 30 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 4/19/1971
From Shumway to Benham. RE Newspapers, Bureaus in Washington. 22 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 7/12/1971
citationUrl
collections
Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection
Contested Materials Files
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
Contested Materials Collection
Folder List
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
37
2
9/8/1972
Campaign
Memo
From MacGregor to Haldeman. RE
California bumper strips. 3pgs.
37
2
6/9/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Buchanan to President. RE EMK-
politcal memo. 6 pgs.
37
2
6/9/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Dent to Haldeman. RE Wallace
candidacy. 5 pgs.
37
2
6/25/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Colson to Haldeman. RE Lou Harris
Poll. 4 pgs.
Wednesday, April 22, 2015
Page 1 of 4
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
37
2
6/25/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Colson to Haldeman. RE Lou Harris
Poll. 4 pgs.
37
2
6/23/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Higby to Strachan. RE Strachan to
Haldeman memo on Key States. 15 pgs.
37
2
6/14/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Harper to Ehrlichman. RE Issues of
interest to swing voters. 12 pgs.
37
2
6/23/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Strachan to Haldeman. RE Magruder
meeting with AG. 28 pgs.
37
2
6/17/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Strachan to Haldeman. RE RNC
Delaware study. 8 pgs.
Wednesday, April 22, 2015
Page 2 of 4
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
37
2
6/17/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Haldeman to Woods. RE Delaware
survey. 7 pgs.
37
2
Campaign
Book
What Really Decides an Election booklet.
32 pgs.
37
2
1/6/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Buchanan to Haldeman. RE Trouble
on the Right. 17 pgs.
37
2
1/21/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Magruder to Haldeman.
Reorganization of RNC. 9 pgs.
37
2
5/3/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Buchanan to President. RE Political
memo the PR Campaign. 5 pgs.
Wednesday, April 22, 2015
Page 3 of 4
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
37
2
4/19/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Mitchell to Haldeman. RE Young
Volunteers for Nixon. 30 pgs.
37
2
7/12/1971
Campaign
Memo
From Shumway to Benham. RE
Newspapers, Bureaus in Washington. 22 pgs.
Wednesday, April 22, 2015
Page 4 of 4
Presidential Materials Review Board
Review on Contested Documents
Collection: H. R. Haldeman
Box Number:
318
Folder:
[Campaign 25 Part III Sept. 5-Folder 2]
Document
Disposition
72
Return
Private/Political Note, MacGnegor to HRH, 9-8-72
73
Return
Private/Political Memo, Buchanan to the President, 6-9-71
74
Return
Private/Political Note, Dent to HRH, 6-9-71
75
Return
Private/Political Memo, Colson to HRH, 6-25-71
76
Return
Private/Political Memo, Colson to HRH, 6-25-71
77
Return
Private/Political Note, Hiabu to G.S., n.d.
78
Return
Private/Political Memo, Harper to JDE, 6-14-71
79
Return
Private/Political Memo, Strachan to HRH, 6-23-71
80
Return
Private/Political Memo, Strachan to HRH, 6-17-71
81
Return
Private/Political Memo, HRH to Woods, 6-17-71
82
Return
Private/Political Memo, HRH to woods, 6-17-71
83
Return
Private/Political Memo, HRH to woods, 6-17-71
84
Return
Private/Political Memo, HRH to Woods, 6-17-71
85
Return
Private/Political Memo, HRH to woods, 6-17-71
86
Return
Private/Political Memo, HRH to woods, 6-17-71
87
Return
Private/Political Memo, HRH to Woods, 6-17-71
88
Return
Private/Political "What Really Decides an..." 1971
89
Return
Private/Political Memo, Buchanan to HRH, 1-6-71
90
Return
Private/Political Memo, Magruder to the AG & HRH, 1-21-71
91
Retain
Open
92
Return
Private/Political Memo, Buchanan to the President, 5-3-71
93
Return
Private/Political Memo, Mitchell to HRH, 4-19-71
94
Return
Private/Political Ltr, Shumway to Benham, 7-12-71
95
Retain
Open
Committee
for the Re-election
of the President
1701 PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE, N.W., WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006 (202) 333-0920
September 8. 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
CLARK MacGREGOR
FROM:
FRED MALEK
7m
SUBJECT:
California and Bumper Strips
On September 6th Larry Higby asked for a report to Bob Haldeman on what
we were doing on the bumper strips in California (see attached).
In the month of August alone, 196, 000 of the new bumper strips were
delivered to California. An additional 91, 000 have been sent out from our
Fullerton distribution center so far this month. Therefore, the supply
is quite adequate at this point, and we will be sending them more bumper
strips as the needs continue to develop.
With regard to distribution, the major effort so far has been centered
around large sports events. For example, the Young Voters for the
President group distributed huge quantities at the California 500 in San
Bernadino County on August 31st. Other major sports events will be
covered in San Francisco, Los Angeles, and San Diego (e.g., Chargers
and Rams games). We are also considering a bumper blitz either tied
in with the Canvass Kick-Off or occurring thereafter. This would consist
of the Youth groups being organized to hit parking lots. shopping centers,
and other public areas.
In short, I feel at this point that the supply of bumper strips to California
is adequate and that the distribution effort underway or planned will ensure
that they are used in a visible manner.
Attachment
CC: Jeb Magruder
September 6, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR :
JEB MAGRUDER
FRED MALEK
FROM :
L. HIGBY
It was rather disturbing that on our recent trip to California
we failed to see ONC Nixon bumper strip, except for one on
Paul Presley's CAT, the Manager of the San Clemenic Inn.
We've talked about this before, particularly about getting
them distributed in the primary states immediately, and
obviously this is not taking place if we're unable to even
find bumper strips in Orange County!
Therefore, Bob has requested that we get a concentrated
campaign going immediately to get out the President Nixon
pumper strips don' use the Reclect the President ones.
Bob feels this would be an excellent project for our young
people to hit parking lots on certain days, perhaps for
example, the 15th of September, As we've learned in the
past, we don't hand them out at rallies because people don't
put them on, they will only take them home and put them on
their mirrors.
Bob asked that you let him know what's being done on this by
Friday, September 8.
THE WHITE HOUSE
DETERMINED TO MARKING BE AN
WASHINGTON
ADMI
Section
6-102
Date
4-7-82
By
Emp
CONFIDENTIAL
June 9, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
PATRICK J. BUCHANAN
SUBJECT:
EMK - POLITICAL MEMORANDUM
A careful analysis of news clippings of recent weeks, coupled
with reports of recent days, removes, I think, vestigal doubts
that EMK is running actively for the Presidency.
Items:
Last night on the Elizabeth Drew show, Kennedy pointedly
refused to issue any Sherman statements. In April, for the first
time, he stated "I am keeping my mind open" about the nomination.
ABC finds that he has written to former top aides indicating he is
assessing the situation. Humphrey thinks he is a potential active
candidate, as does Muskie. Daley, according to HHH, is "strong
for Teddy. " Riesel claims nearly all the top AFL-CIO types,
excepting Meany, are holding back, waiting for Teddy; the same
is true of many political pros around the country, according to
Jerry Greene. Andrew Tully said a month or more ago that
anyone who doesn't think Teddy is running "suffers from rocks
in the head, 11 and Andy Biemiller of AFL-CIO indicates that if a
fellow does not think Kennedy is running, he is "nuts".
Buchanan's View: Kennedy is keeping his options open --
against the possibility that RN may be SO strong by summer '72
that the nomination will not be worth anything. In which event,
he can stay out. However, at this point, he and his people have
obviously concluded RN can be beaten and they are not about
to sit this one out -- risking spending eight years outside the
inner circle of power of a President Humphrey or a President Muskie.
If Kennedy believes the Democrats can win -- as he quite apparently
does now he will go after the nomination. If he thinks the Democrats
by spring of 1972 are sure losers, he can yet stand off.
CONFIDENTIAL
CONFIDENTIAL
2
Hard Evidence:
Mankiewicz, Salinger, Goodwin and Walinsky have all
hooked up (CSM) with sure-loser George McGovern. These are
not idealistic school boys willing to spend a year of their lives
on an ideological lark. They are interested in power -- there
is no power to be had by going the route with George McGovern.
It appears they have been given the go-sign by Kennedy
to join McGovern, that the purpose is to serve (a) as a "holding
operation" for the Kennedy staff, (b) to make top Kennedy
personnel familiar with all the levers of state Democratic power
when Kennedy makes his move and (c) to elevate McGovern in the
polls and start cutting Humphrey and Muskie down to size where
they can't be nominated.
McGovern is now moving in line with this strategy, with
his overt violation of O'Brien's 11th Commandment and attack
on HHH and Muskie for opposition to the Mansfield Amendment.
Last night, Kennedy himself had the needle out for some of the
"older" voices locked in the thinking of the past and he
mentioned, specifically, the opposition to Mansfield Amendment
as his basis -- refusing, however, to name names.
Also, in line with the strengthening of the weak sister,
McGovern, is the emergence of candidates Jackson and Mills
both of whom will corral conservative Democrat delegates who
might otherwise be in the Muskie or Humphrey Camp.
Kennedy Strategy:
Avoid the early primaries in which the left-handers
McGovern, Bayh, Hughes, etc. will all be knocked out of the
box in the early innings -- freeing up their "Kennedyites" for the
switch to Teddy. Maneuver to guarantee that neither Muskie nor
Humphrey moves into the convention with the nomination locked
up. Hold open the option of going into the California Primary
itself if that is necessary to halt the momentum of a Muskie
or Humphrey. Nearing convention time -- have the left candidates,
one-by-one, throw their support to Teddy and Teddy emerge as
CONFIDENTIAL
CONFIDENTIAL
3
the single champion of that wing of the party -- with good labor
backing, with good machine backing, and with young, poor,
black unanimous behind his candidacy.
Muskie versus Kennedv:
Since November Muskie has lost almost 40 percent of
his first-choice support among Democrats, dropping from 33-21.
Between March and May, Muskie's 1 point lead among
Democrats over Kennedy (26-25) disappeared into an eight point
deficit (29-21).
Among Independents -- Muskie's long suit -- his March
lead over Kennedy of 18 points (31-13) was sliced all the way to
four points (19-15).
Muskie still has tremendous support among Democratic
Party leaders -- Kennedy, from the polls, next to nothing -- but
Kennedy support among the rank-and-file Democrats, his ability
to attract publicity and generate excitement and the support of the
ideologically committed give him more than enough to balance off
his weakness with the pros.
Impossible for me to believe the Kennedyites, who believe
RN is vulnerable, are going to sit by and watch a Muskie or Humphrey
take the prize in August -- and perhaps the Presidency, thus putting
off the "Restoration" for four years, possibly eight, possibly forever.
The Kennedy Assets:
These are well known. Charm, "commitment", affinity
with the young, polish, Kennedy looks, mystique, the Myth, charisma
along the campaign trail; he generates enormous excitement -- as is
attested by GOPers traveling with him.
Deficiencies:
1. Even his best friends never accused Kennedy of being
an intellectual. On the Drew show, he tended to retreat into the New
Left cliches, "we can build a better America, 11 material, which
CONFIDENTIAL
CONFIDENTIAL
4
reflects a lack of depth. Further, he tends to react somewhat
hotly to attack. (PJB suggestion is that it might be well to have
hang one or two on him from the Vice President or Dole --
taking some particular excessive statement, and really putting
it to him, to ascertain how he handles himself. This would
perhaps best be done by a moderate-liberal Senator who would
unleash a stinging attack on him -- away from the Senate floor --
before television, about two-minutes of good work then we could
see how he reacts.)
2. His far-left foreign policy positions, which win him
the plaudits of the New Left journalists and fellow travelers in the
media -- should be portrayed as shocking, alarming, frightening,
dangerous to the peace, inviting war in Europe, "immature" and
irresponsible. Not, of course, from here -- but in backgrounders
with press, he should be portrayed as too reckless, too immature,
too irresponsible, at his age, to be President of the United States.
This fits hand in globe with the impression he has left upon much
of the country and the center of the Democratic Party in the wake
of Chappaquiddick.
It is the quiet constant repetition of private and public
comments like, "Sure, Muskie is strong but this 'indecisive' thing
is killing him" that is itself injuring Muskie's chances. He has
been unable to shake the "indecisive" charge with which we have --
with his help -- tagged him.
3. His far left social policy positions should be broadcast
and re-broadcast. He has the Left and the Radical Kids. We don't
and won't get a one. The effort should be to identify him with them,
to associate him with them, to tie him to them.
No matter that EMK is adored by the Party's Left, we have
a serious problem only if he gets well with the Party's Center. The
more he acts like Brother Bobby the better off we are; the less he
acts like brother John, the better off we are.
4. Socially, Kennedy is out of touch with the political mood.
The Jet Set, Swinger, See-Through Blouse cum Hot Pants crowd,
the Chappaquiddick Hoe-down and Paris highjinks -- the more
publicity they all get, the better. (The pictures of the Kennedy
sisters, in mod attire, at the Kennedy Center, did them no good.)
CONFIDENTIAL
CONFIDENTIAL
5
Chappaquiddick:
This, of course, will be kept in the public mind by the
press - - speculating on whether it is helping or hurting EMK.
We ought to stay miles away from it -- indicating even in private,
"it's hard to say the effect; we don't know. 11
Racial Issue:
Kennedy's support of the tocial-engineering Ribicoff Plan
should be emphasized -- and a check made to determine how many
of his own children go to integrated schools - - and then this
fact, if relevant, placed in Monday, or some publication to get
attention. Monday could investigate this -- if Kennedy is guilty
of hypocrisy on the question -- this made known.
The Democratic Right:
EMK openly endorsed the left-wing Mayoral candidate
who lost to Rizzo in the primary by a whopping margin. The
President might well congratulate Rizzo - if and when he wins the
Mayorality and try to wean some of these tough-line conservative
Mayor types to a position of neutrality in a Kennedy-RN contest.
They have no reason to love EMK -- and it would appear to
me that this effort would be at least as worthwhile as the effort
to woo labor chieftains equally locked into the Democratic Party.
JFK:
Since EMK will be trafficking on the JFK myth, it
would be well to document JFK's tough line on Defense, foreign
policy, Vietnam, Europe, etc. over against EMK's positions
to provide conservative Democrats with some rationale for abandoning
the little brother of their hero.
Some of the above are tactical gestures, rather than strategic
planning. But the main objective, again, is to keep Kennedy
out on the Far Left of his Party -- to prevent his major inroads
into the center SO that if he is the nominee against the President
we have a clear shot at all those conservative Democrats, who make
CONFIDENTIAL
GONFIDENTIAL
6
up an integral part of the Nixon Majority. If he is nominated, it
should be by the Left Wing of his Party so that LBJ, the South,
and the Conservative Democrats will feel they have been run
over top of by the unrepresentative radicals and the elite.
CONFIDENTIAL
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: June 9, 1971
TO:
BOB HALDEMAN
FROM:
HARRY DENT
DSD
Please handle
For your information
MEMORANDUM
fallower
LAKE
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 8, 1971
TO:
Harry Dent
FROM:
Wallace Henley
SUBJECT:
Ramifications of a Wallace candidacy.
Background:
Two schools of thought prevail regarding a Wallace candidacy
in 1972. One of these is that a Wallace candidacy would hurt the
President by siphoning away important votes. The other school
holds that a Wallace candidacy would not hurt the President, but
might actually help him by casting the President as a clear cen-
trist wedged between a liberal Democrat and a rightist Wallace,
and by drawing votes away from (other) Democratic candidates.
Critique:
In my view, the theory that a Wallace candidacy would not
hurt the President is wrong. I think George Wallace in the race
in 1972 would present a danger to the President in some tight
areas, and would help to elect the Democratic candidate. I think
the idea that Wallace wouldn't hurt the President stems from
several misinterpretations, as follows:
1) The position assumes that Wallace Democrats are
making an effort to remain partisan, and simply see
Wallace as a Democratic alternative.
While there may be question over the validity of major
Party realignment, there is little question but that some
decomposition of basic Party loyalty is occurring. The
Wallace phenomenon, riding the surge of some of the
most divisive issues in our history, has contributed to
Party decomposition. Running nationally as an Independent,
he spurred many voters to seriously rethink their philoso-
phy of Party loyalty. Those who vote for George Wallace
vote for George Wallace, not the American Independent
Party, or the Democratic Party, or whatever symbol under
which he may be running.
Mr. Dent
Page 2 - 6/8/71
2) The position assumes, therefore, that if Wallace is
not in the race, most of his supporters will vote the
Democratic ticket.
Wallace supporters are people who respond deeply to
the populism he hurls, They are emotion-motivated
voters who feel deeply enough about their conservatism
and sock-it-to-the-Establishmentism that they are willing
to risk whatever labels they may accrue as a Wallace
voter ("racist", etc.). It is illogical to assume that,
in the absence of Wallace, these voters would casually
shift to a Democrat with liberal credentials. They are
much more likely to move to the candidate they see
embodying at least some of their ideology. That would
be the candidate of the center. In our case, that candi-
date would be Richard Nixon.
3) The position assumes that the bulk of voters have the
sophistication and desire to understand centrism and to
make a choice on that basis.
While there are many voters who attach themselves to
what they define as a "moderate", most are unable to
cope with the subtle implications of governing style as
reflected in ideological style. Most attach themselves
to bread and butter issues, and tend to respond to the
personality which overwhelms them the most on such
points. It is simply too much to assume that more
voters would flock to the centrist Nixon because Wallace
is in the race. Those who would turn to a centrist
Nixon from a liberal Democrat are likely to do SO any-
way. A genuine centrist will not vote for Wallace. So,
apart from image, it would seem that a Wallace candidacy
only affords Nixon borderliners somewhere else to go.
Toward a Wallace Strategy:
There are several options that could be pursued, as follows:
1) Ignore the possibility of a Wallace candidacy.
Mr. Dent
Page 3 - 6/8/71
2) Try to work a deal with Wallace.
3) Get him out of the race by discrediting him, making
it impossible for him to run.
In my view, it would be courting danger to ignore Wallace.
I am convinced he is running, despite urgings to the contrary
from some of his friends. He's trying to get hold of the Alabama
Democratic Party apparatus, attending fund-raisers and making
the other sounds of a candidate.
Working a deal with Wallace is a touchy affair. It must be
remembered that he is not an issues candidate, and no trade-off
on ideology would dissuade him from running. He is a com-
pulsive runner, and only enlarges his base of wealth each time
he runs. He has a tendency to renege on deals - as in the
promise to Albert Brewer that he wouldn't run for Governor.
And after he has reneged, he loves to get. the word out that a
"poor little ole country boy tricked those fat cats. 11 This could
damage the President throughout the nation.
I believe the heart of our Wallace strategy ought to be to dis-
credit him. Our first effort should be to discredit him on his
home ground - Alabama and the South. This would be done with
the hope of sparking a public outcry to keep him out of the race
- the only thing that is likely to keep him from running. But
there must also be an effort to discredit him nationally. Meany
and company are still concerned about the impact he is making
among rank and file labor folks, and I think this is indicative he
still has some support nationwide.
Wallace might be discredited in the following ways:
1) The people of the South in particular must be persuaded
that a vote for Wallace is a vote for a liberal Democrat.
There is only one thing more reprehensible to a Wallace
voter other than not voting for George: that is voting for
a liberal Democrat. We have to convince them of the
danger through a flood of proof items - like statistics.
Mr. Dent
Page 4 - 6/8/71
2)
Nationally, it must be shown that George Wallace's
record shows he has no real skill at governing.
Publication of exposes of crime and disorder during
the Wallace administrations, plus an intensive look
at Alabama's taxes, educational system, etc., might
do the job here.
A Final Note:
George Wallace is highly skilled at running as the under-
dog. He elicits much support from his emotional followers.
Whatever is done must go through remote parties, not traceable
to a national candidate or Party. Nor should the discrediting be
done in an overt style against George Wallace the man, but
against George Wallace the candidate and Governor.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 25, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H.R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
CHARLES COLSON
SUBJECT:
Lou Harris Poll
Lou Harris has done an indepth analysis of Ted Kennedy which
will be the subject of several Harris columns over the next
several weeks. The analysis is based on an indepth survey of
1614 eligible voters conducted between June 9 and 15.
It is Harris' considered judgment that Ted Kennedy, if nomin-
ated, will lose the election in a most divisive campaign. Harris
says there is a very unusual phenomenon with respect to the
Kennedy candidacy poll that doesn't occur with any other
Democrat; he arouses bitter hostility or ardent support but
rarely any lukewarm reactions.
Eight statements were presented to interviewees. Both answers
and then indepth comments were analyzed. Therefore, part of
the following is statistical and part of it is Harris' editorial analysis
of the comments.
On the strong side, Kennedy comes out 68-20 positive on the
question of whether he is a good senator who works hard. Harris
feels that he would be hard to attack on the issues or on his record
in the Senate.
A second positive point is that he is considered by a 51-34 rating "one
of the few politicians willing to take courageous stands on issues that
are before the country". Harris points out that this is a two edged
sword. People may admire his courage in opposing the Washington
police during May Day, for example, but still vote against him.
2.
It does not mean they agree with him. The breakdown of this
category goes as follows:
Catholics
60-26
Blacks
77-8
Young
52-34
College Educated 41-47 (a surprise)
Independents
47-40
In the next category, Harris asked a loaded, but highly significant,
question: "One day, he should run for President, but he's not ready
for it now. 11 The public agreed 58-29. The interpretation is that he
is considered a Presidential candidate but is also considered immature
and not ready for the Presidency now.
And the most important question of all: "Does he have the personality
and leadership qualities a President should have ?" 34% say yes,
51 say no. Significantly, he is weakest on this in the West (27 yes,
62 no), among college educated (23-64) and among Independents (28-56).
Among youth he is 36-48 (a real surprise). In the East 38-46; Mid-West
38-47; South 31-52; among Catholics 43-42 and among WASP's 26-59.
Harris believes from analyzing the comments and the raw numbers that
this is where Kennedy may be fatally vulnerable. A majority of the
11
people do not believe that he has the necessary qualities of leadership
to be President. (A very strong contrast can be drawn with the President).
In response to the question as to whether he has gotten where he is
because of his name, 57 agree and 35 disagree.
On the question of whether he is in the same league as his brothers,
48 agree 37 disagree.
In response to the question, "Although he denies it, he is really trying
to get the nomination", 44 agree 31 disagree.
Now, the shocker: "Because of what happened at Chappaquiddick, he
does not deserve the Presidency". 33 agree, 51 disagree. The breakdown
is:
Catholics
21-65
Blacks
12-69
WASP's
43-31
Republicans
50-34
Independents
32-51 -
Union Members
29-57
Democrate
26-60
3.
This is, of course, a loaded question deliberately designed to find
out the "hard core" of people who would vote against Kennedy because
of Chappaquiddick. In other words, this question tells that one out of
three people and most importantly one in four Democrats believe
Chappaquiddick alone disqualifies him. On men and women, the
break is about the same except women over 50 seemed to be much
stronger on this issue.
Harris' analysis of Kennedy's candidacy obviously should be discounted
because he is trying so desperately to please us. He is convinced
today that Kennedy cannot be elected, that in a two-way race right
now, we would beat him (those figures have not yet been collated)
and that in the heat of a campaign his candidacy would generate bitter
antagonisms and divide the country, which would cause him to lose
ground.
Teddy's strength is in the East and upper mid-West. He is very weak
in the South and West. He is strong among Catholics and union members
(71% of union members are Catholics and it should be noted). So there
is considerable overlap. Harris believes that the religion issue is still
latently there; that it is different than 1960, but is still very much a
factor.
Harris says that Muskie is dropping somewhat and his basic support
is very soft. Humphrey was coming on strong, but Harris' personal
opinion is that the revelation of the Kennedy-Johnson papers will kill
him and that the next poll will reflect this.
One very surprising conclusion is that Kennedy is not as strong with
the young as had been expected and Harris urges that we do not give
up on the youth particularly if the war ends well before the next election.
Harris tells me that the gossip among his Democratic friends is that
it's now a Muskie-Kennedy race, but Jackson is getting no grass roots
appeal and that the McGoverns and Bayhs are out of it. He also says
that McGovern is clearly a Kennedy "front" and that without any question,
Kennedy's people are maneuvering him for the race. Harris feels that
the liberal left will give Kennedy an edge over Muskie, particularly in
view of the nature of the delegates to the convention.
4.
At the moment, in Harris' opinion, Muskie is a more viable opponent
than Kennedy, although Harris feels that if the economic issue shows
any upturn at all we'll beat either one of them. He believes that if
the economic upturn does not take place, we would still beat Kennedy,
for the reasons that the negatives are so strong that he simply cannot
command a majority.
As an aside, Harris believes that the economy has in fact turned up
but that the public today is more negative on the economy than it has
5
been in the last 18 months. He points out that historically, public
confidence in the economy lags behind the actual recovery by 6 months.
He said that this is precisely what happened in England. The economy
had recovered and Wilson timed the election for the economic recovery.
The public attitudes hadn't yet caught up with the facts. If the election
had been 2 months later Harris believes Wilson would have been
re-elected (he may be just justifying his and Gallup's failure to call
it right).
One final point, Harris offers the advise that in a campaign against
Teddy, we should project a moderate, calm Nixon against the flaming,
hot, divisive Teddy. Teddy should be made to appear strident and
immature, lacking in leadership qualities. This is where we must
exploit his vulnerability, but not slash back at him. We must rise
above him. Harris believes that the doubters will swing to us in large
numbers near the end of the campaign, that the doubtful vote rarely
goes in large numbers to a candidate who engenders the kind of
strong negatives that Kennedy does. Against Muskie we would have
a very different situation. His blandness makes it difficult to draw
the kind of contrast we could draw with Kennedy.
I know you don't trust Harris; nor do I. I do think he is a better pollster
than some of us give him credit for, however, and I am also firmely
convinced that he wants desperately to weasel his way in with us and
that he honestly, for whatever motive, wants to see us re-elected.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 25, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H.R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
CHARLES COLSON
SUBJECT:
Lou Harris Poll
Lou Harris has done an indepth analysis of Ted Kennedy which
will be the subject of several Harris columns over the next
several weeks. The analysis is based on an indepth survey of
1614 eligible voters conducted between June 9 and 15.
It is Harris' considered judgment that Ted Kennedy, if nomin-
ated, will lose the election in a most divisive campaign. Harris
says there is a very unusual phenomenon with respect to the
Kennedy candidacy poll that doesn't occur with any other
Democrat; he arouses bitter hostility or ardent support but
rarely any lukewarm reactions.
Eight statements were presented to interviewees. Both answers
and then indepth comments were analyzed. Therefore, part of
the following is statistical and part of it is Harris' editorial analysis
of the comments.
On the strong side, Kennedy comes out 68-20 positive on the
question of whether he is a good senator who works hard. Harris
feels that he would be hard to attack on the issues or on his record
in the Senate.
A second positive point is that he is considered by a 51-34 rating "one
of the few politicians willing to take courageous stands on issues that
are before the country". Harris points out that this is a two edged
sword. People may admire his courage in opposing the Washington
police during May Day, for example, but still vote against him.
2.
It does not mean they agree with him. The breakdown of this
category goes as follows:
Catholics
60-26
Blacks
77-8
Young
52-34
College Educated 41-47 (a surprise)
Independents
47-40
In the next category, Harris asked a loaded, but highly significant,
question: "One day, he should run for President, but he's not ready
for it now. 11 The public agreed 58-29. The interpretation is that he
is considered a Presidential candidate but is also considered immature
and not ready for the Presidency now.
And the most important question of all: "Does he have the personality
and leadership qualities a President should have ?" 34% say yes,
51 say no. Significantly, he is weakest on this in the West (27 yes,
62 no), among college educated (23-64) and among Independents (28-56).
Among youth he is 36-48 (a real surprise). In the East 38-46; Mid-West
38-47; South 31-52; among Catholics 43-42 and among WASP's 26-59.
Harris believes from analyzing the comments and the raw numbers that
this is where Kennedy may be fatally vulnerable. A majority of the
people do not believe that he has the necessary qualities of leadership
to be President. (A very strong contrast can be drawn with the President).
In response to the question as to whether he has gotten where he is
because of his name, 57 agree and 35 disagree.
On the question of whether he is in the same league as his brothers,
48 agree 37 disagree.
In response to the question, "Although he denies it, he is really trying
to get the nomination", 44 agree 31 disagree.
Now, the shocker: "Because of what happened at Chappaquiddick, he
does not deserve the Presidency". 33 agree, 51 disagree. The breakdown
is:
Catholics
21-65
Blacks
12-69
WASP's
43- 31
Republicans
50-34
Independents
32- 51
Union Members
29-57
Democrate
26-60
3.
This is, of course, a loaded question deliberately designed to find
out the "hard core" of people who would vote against Kennedy because
of Chappaquiddick. In other words, this question tells that one out of
three people and most importantly one in four Democrats believe
Chappaquiddick alone disqualifies him. On men and women, the
break is about the same except women over 50 seemed to be much
stronger on this issue.
Harris' analysis of Kennedy's candidacy obviously should be discounted
because he is trying so desperately to please us. He is convinced
today that Kennedy cannot be elected, that in a two-way race right
now, we would beat him (those figures have not yet been collated)
and that in the heat of a campaign his candidacy would generate bitter
antagonisms and divido the country, which would cause him to lose
ground.
Teddy's strength is in the East and upper mid-West. He is very weak
in the South and West. He is strong among Catholics and union members
(71% of union members are Catholics and it should be noted). So there
is considerable overlap. Harris believes that the religion issue is still
latently there; that it is different than 1960, but is still very much a
factor.
Harris says that Muskie is dropping somewhat and his basic support
is very soft. Humphrey was coming on strong, but Harris' personal
opinion is that the revelation of the Kennedy-Johnson papers will kill
him and that the next poll will reflect this.
One very surprising conclusion is that Kennedy is not as strong with
the young as had been expected and Harris urges that we do not give
up on the youth particularly if the war ends well before the next election.
Harris tells me that the gossip among his Democratic friends is that
it's now a Muskie-Kennedy race, but Jackson is getting no grass roots
appeal and that the McGoverns and Bayhs are out of it. He also says
that McGovern is clearly a Kennedy "front" and that without any question,
Kennedy's people are maneuvering him for the race. Harris feels that
the liberal left will give Kennedy an edge over Muskie, particularly in
view of the nature of the delegates to the convention.
4.
At the moment, in Harris' opinion, Muskie is a more viable opponent
than Kennedy, although Harris feels that if the economic issue shows
any upturn at all we'll beat either one of them. He believes that if
the economic upturn does not take place, we would still beat Kennedy,
for the reasons that the negatives are so strong that he simply cannot
command a majority.
As an aside, Harris believes that the economy has in fact turned up
but that the public today is more negative on the economy than it has
been in the last 18 months. He points out that historically, public
confidence in the economy lags behind the actual recovery by 6 months.
He said that this is precisely what happened in England. The economy
had recovered and Wilson timed the election for the economic recovery.
The public attitudes hadn't yet caught up with the facts. If the election
had been 2 months later Harris believes Wilson would have been
re-elected (he may be just justifying his and Gallup's failure to call
it right).
One final point, Harris offers the advise that in a campaign against
Teddy, we should project a moderate, calm Nixon against the flaming,
hot, visive Teddy. Teddy should be made to appear strident and
immature, lacking in leadership qualities. This is where we must
exploit his vulnerability, but not slash back at him. We must rise
above him. Harris believes that the doubters will swing to us in large
numbers near the end of the campaign, that the doubtful vote rarely
goes in large numbers to a candidate who engenders the kind of
strong negatives that Kennedy does. Against Muskie we would have
a very different situation. His blandness makes it difficult to draw
the kind of contrast we could draw with Kennedy.
I know you don't trust Harris; nor do I. I do think he is a better pollster
than some of us give him credit for, however, and I am also firmely
convinced that he wants desperately to weasel his way in with us and
that he honestly, for whatever motive, wants to see us re-elected.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date:
To :
From :
L. Higby
DETERMINED
BE
AN
THE WHITE HOUSE
KING
6-102
WASHINGTON
4-7-82
June 23, 1971
By
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H.R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Key States
Ken Cole asked you for a list of key states. Independent
contact with Colson, Dent, Evans, and Flemming developed
the recommendations attached at Tabs A, B, and C respectively.
The chart at Tab D depicts 18 possible key states with
notations as to who suggested which states.
Each of the individuals contacted indicated that lists are
sterile and offered the following information:
1. To the five that everyone agrees on, Dent added
New Hampshire, Oregon, Wisconsin, and North Carolina,
primarily because of primaries. and electoral votes.
Dent does not believe that New York, Michigan, and
Pennsylvania can be carried. Indiana is not on his
list because if we can't carry it, we cannot win the
election.
2. Tom Evans' suggestions are the result of his directing
the RNC to do an extensive "statistical, socio-economic
and survey data analysis" that developed a list of 39
states broken into four priority groups. The explanation
of the selection process appears with the Evans list at
Tab C. Magruder's recommendation of key states will
attach the Tom Evans' list.
3. Flemming argues that any selection of key states must
be separated on the basis of pre and post-Convention
considerations. On the chart attached at Tab D, only the
big nine states that Flemming thinks will be crucial
after the Convention are listed.
Flemming's pre-Convention states include the seven that
have laws which may require the President to enter the
primaries as well as those states which he may have to
enter for other reasons - New Hampshire, California, etc.
-2-
Of course, Flemming's concern about pre-Convention
states indicates that others are thinking about the
subject of your request of the Attorney General that
a "formal recommendation
to the President covering
strategy, timing, and surrogate candidates" in primary
states be prepared.
Recommendation:
That Ken Cole be advised that the Colson 10 key states
represents the current consensus of opinion.
Approve
Disapprove
Comment
12 A states in order D have listed
+ 2 target posibilities - NY Pa.
or can take top 8 A states
+ 2 forget yes
white gives you Closis list
A
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 17, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR GORDON STRACHAN
Mr. Colson. considers the following to
be the key states:
,California
Texas
New York
Pennsylvania
Ohio
-Illinois
Missouri
Florida
Indiana
New Jersey
-Diska
W. Richard Howard
A
B
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Harry Dent called and left the following
message:
THE KEY STATES:
California
Illinois
Ohio
Texas
Missouri
New Jersey
THe following are included primarily
because of the primaries and electoral
votes:
Florida
- Wisconsin
- North Carolina
- New Hampshire
Oregon
The following were left off because he
does not feel we can get them:
New York
Michigan
Pennsylvania
Indiana - Because if we cannot take it
we cannot win the election.
©
C
ublican
onal
mittee.
June 17, 1971
3. Evans, Jr., Co-Chairman
CONFIDENTIAL/EYES ONLY
MEMORANDUM TO:
Gordon Strachan
FROM:
Lewis Dal The
RE: Target States
Enclosed is the material you
requested. Tom asked that I emphasize to you that this material
must be held in the strictest confidence. If such information
finds its way into the press, the President's chances of re-election
will be badly damaged.
Another point to remember is
that this list is continuously updated and is subject to change,
based on analyses of relevant data constantly being gathered here.
Enclosure
June 16, 1971
MUST
2nd PRIORITY MUST
13 Indiana
26 Texas
8 Iowa
RECEIVED
12 Missouri
JUN 16 1971
12
Virginia
10 Maryland
17
Florida
13
North Carolina
I
10
Tennessee
27 Pennsylvania
45
California
41 New York
26 Illinois
11
Wisconsin
17
New Jersey
8
Connecticut
25 Ohio
10
Minnesota
173
158
3rd PRIORITY MUST
PLUS
8
South Carolina
5
Nebraska
9
Washington
4
Idaho
4
New Mexico
6 Arizona
3
Vermont
3
Wyoming
4
Montana
7
Kansas
3
Nevada
4 Utah
7
Colorado
3
North Dakota
4
New Hampshire
8 Oklahoma
6 Oregon
1
South Dakota
9
Kentucky
44
3
Delaware
4 Maine
June 15, 1971
The following target states are the result of analysis of current
statistical, socio-economic and survey data. The electoral vote
totals of each section are noted and followed by a brief description
of the reasons for their selections.
PLUS STATES
The Plus States are defined as those areas that traditionally
support the Republican Party and Nixon. In 1972, given a favorable
national atmosphere towards the President, we should do well in
these states. They are also states that tend to be more single issue
oriented. For example, if farmers are feeling fairly comfortable
about Nixon and the agriculture policy of the Administration, the
chances are that these areas will be in our column. If, on the other
hand, the attitude toward Nixon and the agriculture policy is negative,
there is very little that could outweigh this attitude.
MUST STATES
The Must States are defined as areas that statistically and
historically support Nixon/Republican nominees. It appears that
without all these states in our column, Nixon has little or no chance
of being re-elected. Chio and California, for instance, have never
failed to be in the winning column if a Republican was victorious. The
reasoning behind the statement, "If Nixon doesn't carry all of the Must
States, he won't be elected President, 11 is that if one of these states
is not carried, there is little chance of finding a second or third priority
state which would make up this loss more easily.
SECOND PRIORITY MUST STATES
The Second Priority Must States represent those states that
statistically have less chance of moving over to Nixon, but, none the
less, are within striking distance. These states represent the next best
opportunities in the large electoral category. It is necessary that some
of these be moved into the win column for Nixon.
THIRD PRIORITY MUST STATES
The Third Priority Must States represent those areas that
statistically Nixon can win. These are areas with smaller electoral
vote totals, but about the same odds, as the Second Priority Must
States. Nixon must win some of these.
The method of arriving at these target states included a ten
year analysis of Presidential elections, an analysis of 1966, 1968
and 1970 Congressional, Senatorial, and Gubernatorial races, an
analysis of polling trends of various regions in the country and
state polls where available, RNC state issue files of the past year
to see if there have been any major trends or shifts in public opinion
that have been evidenced in newspapers or other publications, as
well as the reports of the RNC field staff.
It should be reiterated that this is the status of state
priority selection as of June 15. This is not meant to be definitive,
but only a device to serve the needs of those who must make early
resource allocations on behalf of the effort to re-elect the President.
CONFIDENTIAL
June 16, 1971
MEMORANDUM TO: Tom Evans
FROM:
Ed DeBolt
States not included in previous memo:
9 Alabama
3 Alaska
6 Arkansas
3
District of Columbia
12 Georgia
4 Hawaii
10 Louisiana
14 Massachusetts
21 Michigan
7 Mississippi
4
Rhode Island
6
West Virginia
99
A
KEY STATES
A / ys CALIFORNIA
Colson
Dent
Evans
Flemming
A5 17 FLORIDA
Colson
Dent
Evans
Flemming
A2 26 ILLINOIS
Colson
Dent
Evans
Flemming
A6 17 NEW JERSEY
Colson
Dent
Evans
Flemming
A4 25 OHIO
Colson
Dent
Evans
Flemming
A3 26 TEXAS
Colson
Dent
Flemming
A7 13 INDIANA
Colson
Dent
A8 12 MISSOURI
Colson
Dent
BI off NEW YORK
Colson
Flemming
132 27 PENNSYLVANIA
Colson
Flemming
8 IOWA
Evans
Y NEW HAMPSHIRE
Dent
A9 13 NORTH CAROLINA
Dent
6 OREGON
Dent
412 10 TENNESSEE
Evans
AND 12 VIRGINIA
Evans
All 11 WISCONSIN
Dent
X 21 MICHIGAN
Flemming
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 14. 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR JOHN EHRLICHMAN
FROM:
ED HARPER of
SUBJECT: Issue of Interest to Swing Voters
Attached is a memo discussing the issues of interest to swing
voters in the Mountain and Pacific states. We identified the
issues essentially by studying public sources of information.
We hope to have the same data for all 50 states ready in the
next couple of days.
This memo is not an end product but rather it is designed to
get us thinking about what the issues in these states really are
and how our policies should respond to those issues. We would
propose to regularly update this document with additional infor-
mation, especially key state polls.
At this time I would appreciate your comments a. s.a.p. about
three items
1.
Does this seem to be the right thing for us to be
doing-- it is not being duplicated by either Citizens
or the RNC?
2.
Any comments or suggestions on the format--what
information should we add or delete?
3.
To whom should these memos be distributed- RNC,
Citizens, White House?
CC: Ken Cole
ELH:ppd
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 10, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR
ED HARPER
RAY WALDMANN
PETER MICHEL
FROM:
ROY MOREY Dey
SUBJECT:
Issues of Importance to Swing Voters
The Mountain States and Pacific States
THE MOUNTAIN STATES
An Overview
In this eight-state region there are only 34 electoral votes. All
states were carried by Nixon in 1968, and Barry Goldwater
received from this region the best non-southern percentages
in the nation. As a group it would make more sense to extract
Albuquerque and the population centers in Arizona (Phoenix
and Tucson) and place them in a separate category along with
Southern California and the Central Valley in California.
With the exception of Arizona, New Mexico and to a lesser extent
Colorado, which have substantial numbers of Mexican-Americans,
race and ethnicity did not appear to be significant political factors
in this region. Of the 6, 067 elementary and secondary schools
(1968 figures) only 620 are private.
Montana - Electoral vote 1972 - 4
1968 Results:
Nixon 138, 835 - 50.6 percent
Humphrey 114, 117 - 41. 6 percent
Wallace 20, 015 - 7.3 percent
Nixon plurality 24, 718
-2-
For economic, geographic, and possibly political purposes,
the state can be divided into eastern and western sections.
The eastern section is more akin to the Dakotas and is
dominated by cattle ranching and farming (especially wheat
and grain). Major economic pursuit in the west is mining,
especially copper mining in areas such as Butte and Anaconda.
This division corresponds to congressional districts.
Issues and Interests
In 1968, Nixon's vote was roughly equal in both sections.
However, depressed farm prices may hurt him in the
eastern section. Yet copper prices are at an all-time
high and presumably he will do a little better in the
western section. Personal income (all personal income
figures are for March 1971 reported in Business Week
magazine, May 29, 1971) for the State is up 10 percent
over last year against a national average of 6.4 percent.
Gun control has been a significant issue in the State and
was the major thrust of the unsuccessful campaign
against Senator Mansfield in 1970.
Forecast: Republican in 1972
Idaho - Electoral vote 1972 - 4
1968 Results:
Nixon 165, 369 - 56. 8 percent
Humphrey 89, 273 - 30. 7 percent
Wallace 36, 541 - 12. 5 percent
Nixon plurality 76, 096
The southernportion of the State gave Nixon his largest share
of the vote in 1968 and has a strong concentration of Mormons.
The northwestern part of the State is tied more closely with
the eastern farm country of eastern Washington.
Issues and Interests
The souther part of the State contains most of the population
with heavier Republican strength in the Mormon dominated
southeast corner. Depressed prices in the timber and wood
products industry or farm commodities (especially potatoes
and sugar beets) could cause some shift in the vote in 1972.
If Wallace does not run, most of his votes are likely to go
Republican.
-3-
Preservation of the environment versus exploitation
of natural resources was a major issue in the 1970
campaign.
Personal income for the State is up 7 percent over
last year.
Forecast: Republican in 1972
Wyoming -
Electoral vote 1972 - 3
1968 Results:
Nixon 70, 927 - 55. 8 percent
Humphrey 45, 173 - 35.5 percent
Wallace 11, 105 - 8.7 percent
Nixon plurality 25, 754
This is basically a conservative State with hostility toward
"radical liberalism. 11 Republicanism is strong in the State
despite Gale McGhee's re-election in 1970 who is basically
a Nixon supporter on the war.
Issues and Interests
There has been no major influx of new voters into the
State since 1968. In fact, there has been a slight decline
in population between 1960 and 1970. Sheep and cattle
ranching plus agriculture (sugar beets, grain, and
potatoes) are important in Wyoming. There is increased
growth in mining (especially uranium), plus major oil
refineries in the Casper area.
Personal income is up 7.2 percent over last year.
Forecast: Unless there is a major economic
dislocation, or change of posture on the part of the
GOP on the question of "radical liberalism,"
Republicans will be strong in 1972.
-4-
Utah -
Electoral vote 1972 - 4
1968 Results:
Nixon 238, 728 - 56. 5 percent
Humphrey 156, 665 - 37. 1 percent
Wallace 26, 906 - 6.4 percent
Nixon plurality 82, 063
This is a State with a rather homogenous white, middleclass
population including the metropolitan area of Salt Lake. Utah
continues as a basically conservative and economically
prosperous State which is dominated by the Morman Church.
Issues and Interests
This is a strong "right to work" state despite significant
growth in steel mills, smelters, canneries, and sugar
refineries. Tourism and reclamation projects are
important. High copper prices have no doubt helped
the economy. Wallace polled 6.4 percent of the vote in
1968 and would be lucky to do as well again. Personal
income in Utah is up a substantial 10. 4 percent over
last year.
Forecast: Republican for 1972
Colorado -
Electoral vote 1972 - 7
1968 Results:
Nixon 409, 345 - 50. 5 percent
Humphrey 335, 174 - 41.4 percent
Wallace 60, 813 - 7.5 percent
Nixon plurality 74, 171
This was a strong State for Nixon in 1968. Peter Dominick
had an easy election in 1968, Gordon Allott should have no trouble
in 1972. It is an economically prosperous and decidedly con-
servative State. Greatest Democratic strength is found in the
Denver metropolitan area, however, two Republicans were
elected for Congress from this area in 1970. Denver County
constitutes less than 25 percent of the State's population which
is sufficient to swing a statewide election.
-5-
Issues and Interests
This is a rural agricultural and mining (especially lead,
zinc, and uranium in the Four Corners area) State with
important pockets of well developed industry. It is
basically white-collar industry in Denver and heavy
industry in the Pueblo area (steel). Issues include
forced bussing in the Denver area, campus unrest, and
problems of pollution. Federal contracts are especially
important in the Denver and Colorado Springs areas.
Colorado has 12 percent of the nation's 7.5 million
Mexican-Americans. They are located primarily in
Denver and the Southern tier of counties. This bloc
probably does not constitute a swing-vote in favor of the
Democrats. Personal income is up 9.2 percent over last
for the State.
Forecast: Moderately strong Republican for 1972.
New Mexico -
Electoral vote 1972 - 4
1968 Results:
Nixon 169, 692 - 51. 8 percent
Humphrey 130, 081 - 39.7 percent
Wallace 25, 737 - 7.9 percent
Nixon plurality 39, 611
This is traditionally a Democratic State with substantial GOP
gains since the war, especially in the metropolitan area of
Albuquerque. New Mexico has a substantial Mexican-American
population, 27 percent of the national total. A minority within
this group is the traditionally established (Hispanios) who
attempt to maintain a separate identity. There are strong con-
servative trends in the southern section, "Little Texas"
(protestant "dry" eastern portion) and parts of the Albuquerque,
metropolitan area. The State leans toward the GOP, but the
Republican party has had its share of internal problems.
-6-
Issues and Interests
Strength in the economy is mixed. There is extreme
poverty among Mexican-Americans in the northern portion
and there have been layoffs in Defense, Research, and
Missile industries which is a great importance to the State.
Setbacks in this area could make a substantial difference
in 1972. There is some militancy among Mexican-Americans
with the potential of anglo backlash. Mexican-Americans
probably do not constitute a swing factor but coupled with a
depression in agriculture and white-collar industry, it
could spell trouble for the GOP in 1972. Personal income
is up only 5.8 percent over last year which is below the
national average of 6. 4 percent.
Forecast: Leaning Republican for 1972, but in
doubt.
Nevada -
Electoral vote 1972 - 3
1968 Results:
Nixon 73, 188 - 47.5 percent
Humphrey 60, 598 - 39. 3 percent
Wallace 20, 432 - 13.2 percent
Nixon plurality 12, 590
Nevada had the highest population increase of any state in the
nation between 1960 and 1970 at 68. 9 percent. Clark County
(Las Vegas) had a population of increase of 112. 6 percent
which was the highest percentage increase within the State.
This is basically a conservative State with Republicanism
being bolstered by substantial increases in population expecially
in the Las Vegas area. The State is represented in Congress
by moderate to conservative Democrats. In 1968, Wallace
definitely cut in to Nixon votes in the State and received 13 percent.
A Wallace candidacy in 1972 could be a significant factor in this
State.
- -7-
Issues and Interests
Tourism, ranching and defense spending are significant
in Nevada. Issues in the 1970 campaign concentrated on
"radical liberalism" and law and order, however, these
issues were not used successfully against Howard Cannon
in his Senate race. Personal income is up only 4.8 percent
over last year.
Forecast: Leaning Republican but doubtful.
Arizona - Electoral vote 1972 - 6
1968 Results:
Nixon 266, 721 - 54. 8 percent
Humphrey 170, 514 - 35.0 percent
Wallace 46, 573 - 9.6 percent
Nixon plurality 96, 207
The key to Arizona politics is Maricopa County (Phoenix) which
has more than 55 percent of the State's population. Pima County
(Tuscon) has over 19 percent. Phoenix is heavily conservative
and Republican and saved the political lives of Paul Fannin and
Governor Jack Williams in their re-election campaigns of 1970.
Issues and Interests
Approximately 10 percent of the State's population is over
65 years of age and is concentrated in Phoenix and Tucson.
The State depends upon tourism, Federal contracts, and
white-collar industry (especially in Phoenix and to a lesser
extent in Tuscon). Mining and cattle ranching are still
important along with the generation of electricity. Issues
include campus unrest, property and land taxes, and to a
smaller extent air pollution. There is a sizable Mexican-
American population (20 percent of the national total) in
the southern part of the State and a sizable number of Indians
in the North. Both groups are Democratic but are probably
not sufficient to offset Phoenix Republican strength.
8
The unsuccessful Democratic candidate for Governor
in 1970 was a popular Mexican-American from the
Tuscon area but was defeated primarily by the vote
out of Phoenix. Personal income is up a substantial
11. 2 percent over last year for the State.
Forecast: Strongly Republican
THE PACIFIC STATES
Obviously, the key to this area is California and more especially,
Southern California. President Nixon failed to carry Washington
and Hawaii in 1968, and there is not much reason to think that his
chances are going to be any better in these States for 1972.
The economic, racial, and political issue picture in this area is
much more volatile than in the Mountain States. There is a sub-
stantial Catholic population in the State of California. Of the
10, 128 (1968 figures), elementary and secondary schools in the
region, 2, 195 are private schools and 1, 532 of these are located
in California.
California -
Electoral vote 1972 - 45
1968 Results:
Nixon 3, 467, 664 - 47. 8 percent
Humphrey 3, 244, 318 ... 44. 7 percent
Wallace 487, 270 - 6.7 percent
Nixon plurality 223, 346
The estimated population for California for 1970 is approximately
20 million persons with 60 percent of them living in the ten
southern counties, including Los Angeles, Orange, and San Diego.
California has almost 2 million residents over the age of 65 with
most of them living in the south. Approximately six percent of
the population is black (1960 figures) and other minority groups
constitute three percent of the State's population including
substantial numbers of Japanese, Chinese, and Philippinos.
-9-
Republicans, including Nixon in 1968, received their greatest
support in Southern California (L. A. suburbs, Orange, and
San Diego Counties) while the Democratic stronghold is
San Francisco Bay area. However, it has less than 20 percent
of the votes.
California has 16 percent of the nation's Mexican-American
population with the heaviest concentration (approximately
one million) living in Los Angeles. The Central Valley
is dominated by large, highly mechanized agriculture (agri-
business), and it also provides strong Republican support.
Wallace received his greatest support (6. 7 percent of the 1968
vote) in the south and Central Valley. This vote was con-
servative, southern oriented and would normally go Republican.
Issues and Interests
Federal spending has more impact on California than any
other State of the Union. The economic base includes
general commerce, light industry, military preparedness,
defense production, and space-age technology especially
in the south. Issues include patriotism, racial turmoil
including bussing and open housing.
Property taxes, especially for schools, the burden of welfare,
air pollution, highway construction, and slack in housing and
the building trades.
Personal income is up only 5.8 percent over last year
and below the 6.4 percent national average.
In a close contest, the blacks and Mexican-Americans
could make a differences, especially if unemployment con-
tinues in aerospace and defense and if building starts are down.
Otherwise, issues will include inflation, property tax, unrest,
welfare, and patriotism.
Forecast: At present, there is no clear favorite for 1972.
Even slight improvement in the south and Central Valley
would tip the balance in favor of Republicans.
-10-
Oregon -
Electoral vote 1972 - 6
1968 Results:
Nixon 408, 433 - 49. 9 percent
Humphrey 358, 866 - 43.8 percent
Wallace 49, 683 - 6.1 percent
Nixon plurality 49, 567
This could be a difficult State to call in 1972. Democratic
strength will be found in Multnomah County (Portland) which
has approximately 26 percent of the State's population.
Republican strength will come from Portland's suburbs and
middle-class areas in the Willamette Valley, plus strength
in the rural areas. However, the eastern rural area of the
State has only 15 percent of the population. Oregon has a
homogeneous white middle-class population with only
approximately one percent black population.
Issues and Interests
Issues in Oregon will include taxes in 1969 a sales tax
endorsed by, Governor McCall was overwhelmingly defeated,
protection of the environment, domestic tranquility, and
bussing in the metropolitan areas. Personal income for
Oregon is up 8. 1 percent over last year.
Forecast: Leaning Republican but in doubt. This
could be clouded by the Hatfield re-election race.
Washington - Electoral vote 1972 - 9
1968 Results:
Nixon 588, 510 - 45. 1 percent
Humphrey 616, 037 - 47.2 percent
Wallace 96, 990 - 7.4 percent
Humphrey plurality 27, 527
Washington went for Humphrey in 1968 and there is no reason
to think it will go Republican in 1972. The GOP fared poorly
in 1970 and unemployment in the Seattle area is well over
10 percent. Personal income for the State is up only 1.2 percent
over last year which is the lowest increase in the entire nation.
Forecast: Strongly Democratic for 1972.
11 -
Hawaii - Electoral vote 1972 - 4
1968 Results:
Nixon 91, 425 - 38. 7 percent
Humphrey 141, 324 - 59.8 percent
Wallace 3, 469 - 1.5 percent
Humphrey plurality 49, 899
Issues and Interests
Issues in the State of Hawaii include environmental decay,
inadequate and overcrowded housing, inflation, and an
increasing problem of crime and delinquency particularly
in the Honolulu area. Personal income in Hawaii is up
8. 3 percent.
Forecast: Hawaii went Democratic in 1968 and with
the exception of Hiram Fong's re-election, it went
Democratic in 1970. There is little reason to think
that it will not go Democratic in 1972.
Alaska -
Electoral vote 1972 - 3
1968 Results:
Nixon 37, 600 - 45. 3 percent
Humphrey 35, 411 - 42. 6 percent
Wallace 10, 024 - 12. 1 percent
Nixon plurality 2, 189
Issues and Interests
Issues in the State of Alaska include the oil pipeline
controversy, native claims, transportation, economic
development, native education, and native health.
Forecasts: Alaska leans Republican and may be
helped by a vigorous campaign for re-election
by Ted Stevens plus a settlement of the oil pipe-
line controversy.
RM:jw 6/11/71
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 23, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H.R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
G
SUBJECT:
Magruder Meeting with
the Attorney General -
June 23
Today Magruder discussed the following subjects with the Attorney
General:
1. RNC Budget Problems:
Pursuant to the Attorney General's request, Magruder examined
the RNC cash flow, payroll, and organization chart. Magruder's
report, which the Attorney General reviewed quickly, is
attached. To summarize:
a) The RNC will have a deficit of $2,000,000 by
December, 1971; this results from $1,000,000 less
income and $1,000,000 more in expenses;
b) The RNC asserts that $900,000 is solely for the
support for the re-election of the President. This
is an overstatement;
c) The RNC is asking Citizens for $1,000,000. The
other $1,000,000 of the deficit will be raised by
the RNC. Magruder offers several options assuming
the decision is made to assume $1,000,000 of the RNC
deficit. The options include: Have Kalmbach, Nunn
and Sloan re-direct their efforts to acquire $1,000,000;
Citizens assume financial responsibility for some of the
functions that may be related to the re-election of the
President; fund the RNC with Citizens funds on hand; or
cut back RNC programs to fit the budget.
The options involving the fundraisers or funds on hand
will result in formidable difficulties, including the
possibility of resignation by Lee Nunn and Hugh Sloan.
2. Ken Rictz
Senator Brock urged the Attorney General to hire Ken Rietz
to be Executive Director of Young Voters for Nixon. Rietz
-2-
will sever all relationships with Treleaven, Allison and
Ricts and bozin working nt Citizens on July 1st at a total
salary of $30,000. argued that Riotz should receive
000,000, and the Attorney Central finally approved $28,000
from the Citizens budget and $0,000 from a discretionary
account (noe below 13).
3. The Attorney Conoral has authorized a "limited discro-
tionary account" for Magruder. Only Hank Buchanan, who is
not you doing the accounting work, will know of the account
at Citizens.
The amount of the account as well as Riotz's salary might
Le an appropriate subject to raise in the general finance
review session to be hold next week with the Attorney General
and Herb Ralmbach.
4. The Attorney Cencral reacted very favorably to the polling
plan propared by Higby and Magruder. The Attorney Ceneral
believes the polling structure suggested will be an excellent
solution to the current confusion. He would like to meet with
you and Flanigan naxe week to review the system.
5. Apparently, a personality clash is devoloping between
Los Junn and Tom AVENS. This has been aggravated by the
recent interest in R.C financial problems. The Attorney
General is concerned but has not decided upon a solution.
GS:1m
CITIZENS FOR THE RE-ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT
WASHINGTON
SUITE 272
1701 PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 2000.
June 22, 1971
(202) 333-0320
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
SUBJECT:
REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE BUDGET
As you requested, I have obtained information from the Republican
National Committee on their budget problems.
At Tab A is a functional organizational chart and description of their
activities for the RNC. They have asked not to do a regular organiza-
tional chart because many of their duties overlap. They have 156 full
time employees with a total payroll of $1,992,000. At Tab B is the pay-
roll by job classification. At Tab C is the report that they have al-
ready given you relating to their budget problems.
Some clarification should be made of statements contained in their
presentation. They indicate that over $900,000 is solely for support
for the re-election of the President. I think this is an overstatement.
Actually, much of that activity is part of the RNC's charter and would
continue as an activity for any incumbent President. It is true that
most of this activity could be beneficial to the re-election of the
President, but to say that it is solely for this purpose is simply not
correct.
They have indicated a repayment on their debt totalling approximately
$1,200,000. This debt was incurred in the 1968 and 1970 campaigns. It
is my understanding that at the end of the campaigns there were sufficient
funds to pay these debts but the funds were used for operating purposes at
the RNC rather than for the debt repayment.
Based on their cash flow, they will have an estimated $2,400,000 deficit
by December, and an actual budget deficit of approximately $2,000,000 by
that time. As their analysis shows, they will be $1,000,000 under their
proposed budget in income and $1,000,000 over in expenditures.
CONFIDENTIAL
2
They are asking the Citizens Committee to contribute approximately
$1,000,000 and they feel they can raise the other $1,000,000 SO they
can balance their budget.
The problem the RNC faces is that after the 1968 campaign they ex-
panded the services and the staff and have continued on this expanded
pattern since that time. Unfortunately, even if we felt it was im-
portant to cut spending at the RNC through payroll reductions and other
means, I doubt if we could come up with substantial savings as they
have already made a strenuous effort to reduce their operating expenses
and have cutback on various projects i.e., heritage group activities,
publication of the Republican Magazine, and other activities of this
kind. If they do not receive increased income they will be forced to
cut in areas that could adversely affect the re-election of the
President and would force us to spend probably greater sums to develop
these same activities. This is particularly true in their voter analysis
area.
If we are to assume $1,000,000 of their deficit, there are several pos-
sible ways to accomplish this goal.
1. Have our fund raising people raise the $1,000,000 for the
RNC and have the money paid directly to the RNC. John Dean feels this
would be the safest legally.
2. Assume payment of certain bills (particularly those related
to re-election efforts) from the RNC which, in effect, would then reduce
their budget and increase our requirements.
3. Fund the National Committee directly from our funds. This
would be very difficult to do legally and could create considerable
public relations problems because the President is not yet the nominee
of the Party.
4. Simply determine which programs actually do benefit the re-
election of the President and take over the responsibility for them here
at the Committee.
The question that this situation basically raises is the precedent it
will set from now until election day. By assuming responsibility for
part of their fund raising activities for this year it will then be
logical for us to assume responsibility for part of their fund raising
next year.
JEE MAGRUDER
FUNCTIONAL CHART RNC
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
B. Dole
Chairman
A. Armstrong Co-Chairman
T. Evans
Co-Chairman
FINANCE COMMITTEE
ADMINISTRATION & ORGANIZATION
WOMEN'S ACTIVITIES &
T. EVANS, CO-CHAIRMAN
SPECIAL PROGRAMS
J. Milbank, Chairman
P. Wilson, Co-Chairman
A. ARMSTRONG, CO-CHAIRMAN
COMMUNICATIONS
B. Odell, Director
L. Nofziger, Deputy Chairman
:-
N.F.R.W., Y.R., C.R.
RESEARCH & POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
E. DeBolt, Deputy Chairman
ADMINISTRATION
B. Mountain, Deputy Chairman
CONVENTION
J. Good, Director
R.G.A.
J. Galbraith, Director
CO-CHAIRMAN
ADMINISTRATION/ORGANIZATION
T. Evans
(1)*
EXEC. SEC'Y
SPECIAL ASST.
C. Crockett
B. Low (1)*
DEPUTY CHAIRMAN
DEPUTY CHAIRMAN
DEPUTY CHAIRMAN
ADMINISTRATION
RESEARCH & POL. ORGANIZATION
COMMUNICATIONS
B. Mountain
E. DeBolt
:
L. Nofziger
* STAFF SUPPORT
DEPUTY CHAIRMAN
ADMINISTRATION
B. Mountain
(1)*
EXEC. ASSISTANT
M. Austin
COMPTROLLER'S OFC.
MAIL & PRINT SHOP
GEN'L ADMIN.
APPTS./COMMISSIONS
EXEC. CORRESPONDENCE
R. Underwood
E. Peete
G. Lewis
L. Dale
W. Prettyman
Director
Supervisor
Supervisor
Director
Supervisor
EXEC. SEC'Y
ADMIN. ASST.
ADMIN. ASSI.
B. Tussing
B. Shanley
E. Garland
ASST. DIRECTOR
R. Smith
(C.P.A.)
*STAFF SUPPORT:
5
16
3
4
3
I
ADMINISTRATION
The Administration section exists primarily to support
other divisions and is charged with the responsibility of providing
coordination, control, and operational efficiency within the Com-
mittee. It also supervises all sundry tasks not logically a part
of other divisions:
The division consists of the following functional areas:
1. Comptrollers Office - This office handles
all the financial records at the Committee and receives
and processes all the Committees contributions and ven-
dors invoices. This office is presently developing a
new accounting system for the 1972 campaign.
2. Print Shop and Mail Room - This opera-
tion is a multi-purpose printing facility with a variety
of capabilities. This area also processes all intra-
Committee, incoming and outgoing mail.
*3. Appointments and Commissions - This of-
fice has established an effective system of locating
and rewarding deserving party members as well as Inde-
pendents and Democrats loyal to the President.
4. The Executive Correspondence section is
a sophisticated approach to handling larger volumes of
mail. As conceived it will be capable of efficiently
handling approximately 2,500 letters per week.
5. General Administration - This area car-
ries on the various day to day housekeeping functions at
the Committee. The following area are included: recep-
tion, volunteers, building maintenance, telephone opera-
tions and personnel.
*
For budget and organizational purposes, Appointments and Commissions
Department is a function of Administration. For practical reasons,
the director reports to Co-Chairman Evans.
DEPUTY CHAIRMAN
COMMUNICATIONS
L. Nofziger
EXECUTIVE SEC'Y
R. Monk
EXECUTIVE ASST,
NEWS ACTUALITIES
B. Tuttle (1) *
PUBLICATIONS
PRESS RELATIONS
SPEECHWRITING
DIRECT MAIL
SPECIAL VOTER GROU
F. Leonard
C. Maurer
A. Bakshian
D. Burns
Director
Director
Director
Supervisor
B. Grannis
Admin. Asst.
MONDAY
HERITAGE
J. Lofton
L. Pasztor
Director
Director
(Editor)
SENIOR CITIZENS
B. VanRensslear
ARTIST
Director
B. Fleishall
BLACKS
ARCHIVES
E. Secton
G. Miller
Director
Assistant
*STAFF SUPPORT:
3
1
1
2
3
2
1
COMMUNICATIONS DIVISION
The Communications Division is charged with the responsibility of dispensing
information and its services have been divided into six categories: direct
mailing, publications, advisory board, press relations, speech writing and
radio and television actualities.
DIRECT MAILING
1. Builds and maintains the mailing lists of the Communications Division of the
White House and the mailing lists of the Republican National Committee.
2. Carries through and makes sure mailings prescribed by the White House and
the Republican National Committee are completed.
PUBLICATIONS
1. MONDAY- a weekly publication sent to 45,000 people whose purpose is to
keep the press informed of our positions relative to potential Democratic
Presidential hopefuls as well as to inform party leaders and activists on
up-to-date information regarding Presidential-oriented issues.
2. 1st MONDAY to be sent monthly to those who contribute or more, this
publication is geared to Presidential issues. Publication begins in July.
3. IMPACT MATERIAL designed to educate the voter on specific issues within the
President's province.
4. YOUTH-ORIENTED MATERIALS--designed to inform youth of the President' con-
cern and efforts in the areas of interest to them.
5. ARCHIVES--designed to inventory and store campaign materials.
ADVISORY BOARD
The duties of the Advisory Board include the following:
1. To develop new programs to bring members of American ethnic and minority
groups and senior citizens into the Republican party.
2. To advise Chairman Dole on the interests and problems of American ethnics,
senior citizens, blacks, agriculture and labor.
3. To provide recognition for these special groups in the form of patronage
recommendations.
4. To provide a listening post through which the White House and the RNC can
obtain information on these special groups.
PRESS RELATIONS
SPEECH WRITING
RADIO AND TELEVISION ACTUALITIES
The preparation of radio and television actualities is designed to circumvent
the networks and deliver directly to local television and radio stations pro-
Administration news on pertinent issues.
DEPUTY CHAIRMAN
RESEARCH & POL. ORGANIZATION
E. DeBolt
(2) *
SECRETARY
L. Moore
EDP SYSTEMS
OPPOSITION RESEARCH
EXEC. ASST.
EXEC. ASST.
STATE SERVICES
R. Wiles
B. Chase
RESEARCH
POLITICAL
J. Rowe
Director
Director
S. Borches
P. Reberger
Director
BALLOT
CLIPPING
FIELD STAFF
SECURITY
BUREAU
Scanlon
East/South
EDUCATION/
TRAINING
INFORMATION
RETRIEVAL
Parker
North East
REDISTRICT
SPECIAL
Russo
SERVICES
Midwest/South
Miller
Midwest
Bailey
* STAFF SUPPORT:
West
5
14
1
3
2
Woodson
California
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
The objective of the Political Division of the Republican
National Committee is to improve the relative status of the Republican
Party in national politics so as to insure the reelection of the
President and the election of more Republicans at all levels. The
RNC's political programs examine, develop and utilize the latest
political techniques on which political decision-makers can base their
actions.
Field Operations - The field staff currently operates to
bring our Party organizations the expertise and talent available from
all RNC functions including but not limited to the 10-year MISSION 70's
party development program, fundraising assistance, management and
administrative techniques and liaison with Federal Government operations.
BALLOT SECURITY - Activities are underway to expand this pro-
gram developed in the 1968 election. It will include providing the
states with model elections laws, identifying probable vote fraud areas,
developing and improving techniques to combat vote fraud and working
closely with party leaders to develop effective programs.
REDISTRICTING AND ELECTION DATA ACQUISITION - The RNC thoroughly
researched and then published an unique compilation of information con-
cerning the legal aspects of congressional and legislative redistricting
by state legislatures, which is now being used extensively as a result of
the reapportionment required by the 1970 census. As the various states
carry out reapportionment the RNC is providing, in addition to this
legal advice, technical assistance and liaison with the Census Bureau.
As a result of the above work, the RNC has acquired election and Census
files which will be an intregal part of the '72 presidential election
statistical analysis.
EDUCATION AND TRAINING - The Political Division is managing
eight campaign management seminars to be held across the United States
in the summer and fall of 1971. The seminars are designed to educate
and motivate present and potential Party leaders and workers with a view
toward the '72 elections. In 1971 there will be 4 regional Republican
conferences in which the RNC will assist in conducting. Also the RNC will
conduct a professional staff conference to bring the latest professional
political techniques to the various staff members of the state organizations.
VOTER IDENTIFICATION PROGRAM (VIP) - A majority of the above-
mentioned activities are directly related to the VIP Program, which is
the comprehensive plan being developed to utilize vote history data,
socio-economic data and past and current public opinion survey data to
identify key areas in which"target campaign resources for the '72 presi-
dential election. When developed, this program will provide Republican
political decision-makers with one of the most advanced and comprehensive
tools ever developed for resource allocation for the campaign.
RESEARCH
The issue development area has been involved in the
production of a series of reports on Administration accomplishments,
programs and initiatives. Reports have been issued on the economy,
revenue sharing, health, government reorganization, welfare reform, the
cancer cure program, etc. In addition, a series of background reports for
speech use were prepared on foreign affairs, the first two on Vietnam and
the Middle East.
The unit maintains current files on all public opinion
polls issued by public polling concerns. A weekly "poll report" is issued
on all politically relevant polls of the preceding week and a special
monthly report is issued to state party organizations.
The unit maintains working files on election data,
election laws and demographic material.
The backbone of the issue research unit is the microfilm
retrieval system. The unit received 100 daily mewspapers and periodicals
and prepares them for input into the retrieval system. This section
distributes news clips of politically relevant information to RNC and
White House personnel daily.
The retrieval system contains about 150,000 documents
on the Nixon Administration along with major files on public opinion,
black newspapers and the National Democratic party.
The Research library is a good current political reference
source with microfilm files back to 1960.
The opposition section of the division gathers and
synthesizes factual information on national Democratic figures. The staff
has the capacity to document the positions and statements of leading
Democrats on all major issues. The microfilm system contains almost
100,000 documents on Democrats.
The Data Processing section of the Politcal/Research
Division assists in the maintenance of Committee operations currently
using the computer and provides technical guidance for the development
of new uses of the computer. Principally, it is involved in the
gathering, assimilation and analysis of a wide variety of political
information in computer form. This includes computer tape files con-
taining ten years of election results, 1970 Census population and
housing information and a large number of names of individuals and
organizations throughout the nation. Plans are being made to gather,
record and relate a considerable amount of survey data to the election,
Census and individual information already on computer tapes.
POSITIONS
YEARLY
YEARLY
MINIMUM
MAXIMUM
Co-Chairman and Deputy Chairman
$ 30,000
$ 40,000
Division Director & Special Assistant
18,000
28,000
Assistant Director & Exec. Assistant
14,000
25,000
Admin. Assistant
10,000
18,000
Executive Secretary & Supervisor
9,000
15,000
Secretary Level II and III
7,000
9,000
Machine Operator & Technical Clerk
5,000
8,500
Secretary Level I & Clerk
4,000
7,000
CONF IDENT TAL
Republican
National
Committee.
June 10, 1971
MEMORANDUM TO:
TOM EVANS
bury
FROM:
BARRY MOUNTAIN
As a result of our meeting on Monday,
several questions were raised concerning operations here at the National
Committee and additional information was requested concerning our current
and projected financial situation.
In accordance with these requests I
have attached the following information:
1) An explanation of the increase in
Administrative costs and of the decrease in operating costs;
2) A cash projection analysis listing
monthly expenditures and projected revenue for the months of June through
December, 1971; and,
3) A current monthly expenditure
analysis.
I have also attached information sheets
showing the functional structure of the RNC, the RNC operating costs for
1971, the total RNC budget responsibilities for 1971 and the projected
expenditures of the RNC aimed solely at re-electing the President.
In summation, I would like to emphasize
several items discussed on Monday.
First, the RNC is operating on a pre-
campaign schedule. We have initiated and assumed responsibility for
several major programs directly affecting the re-election efforts of
the President. These programs are individually listed on the attached
chart and total approximately $980,000.
Secondly, steps have been taken to cut
expenditures within the RNC operating budget. The total number of em-
ployees has decreased since January 15 when the present RNC Administration
took office. A freeze has been levied against all salary increases for
employees making over $10,000 and only a few minimal increases have
been granted to employees under this level. Operating overhead has been
Dwight D. Eisenhower Republican Center: 310 First Street Southeast, Washington, D.C. 20007. (202) 484-6500.
TOM EVANS
-2-
June 10, 1971
reduced to the bare minimum. A system of priorities has been established
and programs not considered priority have been indefinitely deferred.
The White House has also given us full cooperation by setting priorities
and guidelines in order to control spending.
However, even with these savings which
have and will continue to be realized, the RNC is in serious financial
difficulty. The need to repay the 1968 and 1970 campaign debts, totaling
$1,200,000, will absorb revenue which otherwise could have been directed
to RNC programs and operating costs. Furthermore, revenues for 1971 are
falling short of the projected level and at the current rate will not
meet the $5.9 million level mark set in December, 1970.
I would like to add that we have had
full cooperation from Bob Odell and the Finance Committee in preparing
these reports and although they admittedly say that their revenue pro-
jections are conservative, the figures listed present an objective pic-
ture of our current situation.
In conclusion it is essential that
we receive early financial relief in order that WE may continue our
present program which is budgeted and operational at $998,000. over the
original mid-December figure of $3,011,000. The additional pre-
campaign figure of $998,000 relates to programs developed and already
implemented by the three Deputy Chairmen with your approval and endorse-
ment as well as that of Chairman Dole and Co-Chairman Armstrong. Finance
Chairman Milbank and his staff have been made fully aware of all de-
velopments since the inception of the budget review in late February,
1971.
CC: Chairman Dole
Co-Chairman Armstrong
Chairman Milbank
kg/BM
ADMINISTRATION DIVISION BUDGET INCREASE OF $183,000
A) Three new departments have been included in the Administration
Budget for 1971. These are 1) the Patronage Department which
has been established to expedite a system of merit and reward
for loyal Republicans and for Independents and Democrats loyal
to the President. This office works closely with the White House
in locating deserving individuals and presently consists of a
Director and three staff members; 2) the Secretarial Pool which
will consist of 4 secretaries with superior skills whose purpose
will be to backstop the secretarial needs and demands for the
Executive, Political and Advisory Board departments. This staff
will reduce the number of personal secretaries assigned to each
of the above areas; and 3) a Correspondence Section which will
not only facilitate present correspondence demands of 600 plus
letters a week, but also provide the capacity for handling greater
demands during the campaign.
$ 80,000
B) Salaries and the payroll burden have been increased due to the
reclassification of accounts rather than from additional personnel.
In previous years, the Division's director and his immediate
staff were charged against the Executive Division. This year,
however, they were classified under their proper heading.
There are, in fact, two less employees in the Division than there
were in January, 1971 and the entire Division covers seven areas -
General Administration (reception, maintenance, and the Deputy
Chairman's office); the Comptroller's office, Mail and Printing,
Telephone Operations, Purchasing and Supply, Patronage and the
Secretarial Pool.
$ 50,000
C) The Professional Services budget was increased to provide pro-
fessional assistance in modifying our accounting system in pre-
paration for the 1972 campaign. This budget category was also
increased to meet the additional security requirements created
by the location of our new building.
$ 35,000
D) The remaining increase was caused by increases in a number of
sundry areas such as telephones, office supplies, xerox equip-
ment, printing, etc. It should be noted that a large portion of
this should be charged to other divisions, but for practical account-
ing púrposes is absorbed by Administration.
$ 18,000
OPERATING COST DECREASE OF $234,000
A) In 1970 the cost for modifying and redesigning
plans for the Eisenhower Center, along with
decorating and furnishing costs, was substan-
tial. However, although much of the work is
still uncompleted and was originally scheduled
for 1971, we have limited such improvements
to essential minimums and still satisfied
immediate needs.
B) The RNC airplane was sold realizing a major
cost savings.
C) Reductions have been made in travel and entertain-
ment expense.
D) A thorough study was made of printing and du-
plicating costs which resulted in a new system
of metering. These changes will save the RNC
over $2,500 per month.
Total estimated savings
$234,000
REPUBLICAN PARTY HEADQUARTERS
CASH PROJECTION
Beginning
Estimated
Projected
Projected
Cash Balance
Revenue
Expenditures
Cash Balanc
JUNE
$ 502,227
$ 300,000
$ 272,922*
$ 529,305
JULY
529,305
110,000
290,522*
348,783
AUGUST
348,783
140,000
272,922*
215,861
SEPTEMBER
215,861
780,000
964,511*
212,500**
[181,150]
OCTOBER
[181,150]
75,000
680,236*
212,500**
[998,886]
NOVEMBER
[998,886]
25,000
631,836*
212,500**
[1,818,222]
DECEMBER
[1,818,222]
25,000
477,829*
212,500**
[2,483,551]
TOTAL
$ 1,455,000
$ 4,440,778
$ [2,483,551]+
Total Excluding Debt Payments**
1,455,000
$ 3,590,778
$ [1,633,551]
*
RNC, RNFC & Auxiliary Operations
**
Projected payments on campaign deficit
***
Campaign deficit is presently $850,000
NOTE: Because of the present shortage of cash, we are deferring all bills not
requiring immediate payment. The expenditure increases for September,
October and November, therefore, reflect our intention to liquidate the
accumulation of these deferred obligations.
+
Variance will not exceed plus or minus 7% of $ 2,483,551
ESTIMATED REVENUE
JANUARY 1- - MAY 31 JUNE 1 - DECEMBER 31
TOTAL
RN ASSOCIATES, ETC.
$ 737,086
$ 385,000
$ 1,122,086
SUSTAINING
2,206,794
1,070,000
3,276,794
MARCH DINNER
420,321
-0-
420,321
0
TOTAL
$ 3,364,201
$ 1,455,000
$ 4,819,201
* Actual revenue budgeted for 1971 is $5,807,345
REPUBLICAN PARTY HEADQUARTERS
Uncommitted Cash Balance
May 28, 1970 - 1971
Increase/
1970
1971
(Decrease)
REVENUE
Uncommitted Cash January 1
$ 648,529
$ (354,781)
$ (1,003,310)
Contributions
3,814,873
3,364,201
(450,672)
Cash Available
$4,463,402
$3,009,420
$ (1,453,982)
EXPENDITURES
Expenditures 1/1 - 5/28
$ 3,106,536
$ 2,848,406*
$ (258,130)
Uncommitted Cash Available
May 28
$ 1,356,866
$ 161,014
$ (1,195,852)
SOURCES OF CONTRIBUTIONS JANUARY 1 - MAY 28**
0
Increase/
1970
1971
(Decrease)
RN Associates
$ 1,202,712
$ 585,313
$ (617,399)
Sustaining
1,787,515
2,206,794
419,279
Campaign Programs
95,686
89,876
(5,810)
March Dinner
562,004
420,321
(141,683)
Speakers Commissions
157,412
32,151
(125,261)
State Payments
3,486
-0-
(3,486)
Special Projects/Miscellaneous
6,058
29,746
23,688
TOTAL CONTRIBUTIONS
$ 3,814,873
$ 3,364,201
$ (450,672)
* includes debt repayment of $350,000
** Source from May 28 receipts & expenditure sheet
ANALYSIS OF PROJECTED CASH DEFICIT
C
December 31, 1971
Amount
Reductions in Revenue
Revenue budgeted for 1971
$5,807,345
Revised Revenue Estimate for 1971
4,819,201
Total Reduction in Revenue
$988,144
Budget Increase
Revised Budget
RNC
$4,009,522
White House
500,000
Campaign Debt
1,200,000
RNFC
1,159,315
6,868,837
C
Original Budget
5,870,345
Total Budget Increase
998,492
Cash Deficit January 1, 1971
Negative Balance Uncommitted
Cash January 1, 1971
354,781
Unbudgeted Items
Citizens' Committee
52,000
Film - President's Accomplishments
100,000
152,000
Projection Difference
( 9,866)
$2,483,551
REPUBLICAN PARTY NATIONAL READQUARTERS
Current Months Operation
June 1971
Salaries
$166,000
Rent
18,237
Telephone
14,000
Postage
43,000
White House Support
8,500
Airlines
4,000
Retirement
715
Employee Benefits
5,700
Professional Fees
7,770
Miscellaneous
5,000
272,922
Deferrable Costs
RNC Other Costs
123,182
RNC Support * No Debt Retirement
0
31,200
RNFC Program Costs
68,800
Total
496,104
Debt Retirement
120,400
616,504
Monthly Costs
Monthly Costs
Not Including
Including
Debt Retirement
Debt Retirement
June
$496,104
$616,504
July
519,929*
640,329*
August
528,929
649,329
September
741,329*
861,729*
October
450,829
571,229
November
375,829
496,229
December
477,829
605,429
Total
$3,590,778
$4,440,778
*
Includes Payments Due on Film
Without Debt
With Debt
Retirement
Retirement
Average Expenditures Per Month
$512,968
$634,397
TOTAL RNC BUDGET RESPONSIBILITIES
1970
1971
Expenditures
% of total
Expenditures
% of total
RNC Operations $ 3,565,408
48.0%
$ 3,687,825
53.6%
Debt Reduction
387,965
5.2%
1,200,000
17.5%
RNFC
1,827,732
24.6%
1,159,315
16.9%
Auxiliary
Support
395,778
5.4%
321,697
4.7%
Direct White
0
House Support
1,242,065
16.8%
500,000
7.3%
TOTAL
$ 7,418,948
100%
$ 6,868,837
100%
PROJECTS AIMED SOLELY AT
RE-ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT
BUDGET
FIELD OPERATIONS
$ 143,404
ACQUISITION OF BASE FILES
275,000
FILM - PRESIDENT'S ACCOMPLISHMENTS
100,000
POLLS & SURVEYS
140,000
R & D OF COMPUTER SOFTWARE
40,000
CITIZENS' COMMITTEE
:52,000
I
EXPANSION OF ISSUE RESEARCH CAPACITY
35,000
OPPOSITION RESEARCH - FIELD FORCE
30,000
TV & RADIO
93,000
OFFENSIVE SCHEDULING
75,000
TOTAL
$ 983,404
RNC OPERATIONS
1970
1971
Expenditures
% of Total
Expenditures
% of Total
EXECUTIVE
$ 661,131
18%
$ 537,485
16%
POLITICAL
841,867
23%
792,669
21%
COMMUNICATIONS
598,865
17%
683,125
19%
RESEARCH
303,660
9%
520,871
14%
ADMINISTRATION
452,974
13%
D 636,141
17%
OPERATING COSTS
701,911
20%
467,534
13%
TOTAL
$ 3,560,400
100%
$ 3,687,825
100%
FUNCTIONAL CHART RNC
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
B. Dole
Chairman
A. Armstrong
Co-Chairman
T. Evans
Co-Chairman
FINANCE COMMITTEE
ADMINISTRATION & ORGANIZATION
WOMEN'S ACTIVITIES &
T. EVANS, CO-CHAIRMAN
SPECIAL PROGRAMS
J. Milbank, Chairman
P. Wilson, Co-Chairman
A. ARMSTRONG, CO-CHAIRMAN
COMMUNICATIONS
B. Odell, Director
L. Nofziger, Deputy Chairman
N.F.R.W., Y.R., C.R.
RESEARCH & POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
E. DeBolt, Deputy Chairman
ADMINISTRATION
B. Mountain, Deputy Chairman
CONVENTION
J. Good, Director
R.G.A.
J. Galbraith, Director
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 17, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
G
SUBJECT:
RNC Delaware Study
Tom Evans has directed Ed DeBolt to spend $35-40,000 studying
the effect of selective media and campaign devices on voters.
Canvass polling of test and control precincts will attempt
to assess the impact of targeted approaches to voters by
direct mail, telephone, and door-to-door personal persuasion.
The test is described in some detail in the Draft Memorandum
attached at Tab A. Magruder will advise the Attorney General
of this project sometime next week.
Rose Woods sent you a memorandum on June 9 suggesting that
a survey be conducted in Delaware. Her memorandum with
backup is attached at Tab B. A suggested response to Rose
Woods for your signature is attached at Tab C.
Attachments
DRAFT OF MEMORANDUM
TO:
Bob Marik
FROM:
Ed DeBolt
SUBJECT: Delaware Test
PURPOSE
The purpose of the RNC's Delaware Test is to prove that voter
perception of President Nixon can be changed or fortified by utilization
of selective media and campaign devices. Delaware's modest size and proximity
to Washington makes for ease of supervision, low expenses, and relatively
inexpensive computer utilization. The test sample is a microcosim of the
Northeast, in that it has an urban area (Wilmington), a suburban ring and two
rural counties.
TIMETABLE
June 28: Precinct-by-precinct vote profile analysis will be completed. From
this analysis areas of Republicans, Democrats, and "ambivalents" will be
identified and displayed visually. The RNC will complete a precinct socio-
economic analysis that will locate areas of voters with a potential to
support the President based on Census data (Ist and 4th count) such as:
income, race, housing, education, etc. A state-wide survey commissioned by
a Delaware group will be completed and the results will be made available to
the RNC.
July 8: An in-depth precinct canvass will commence. Utilizing the precinct
and socio-economic analyses and the state-wide survey results, approximately
five weathervane, thirty test and thirty control precincts will be canvassed.
Approximately one hundred interviews will be conducted in each precinct. The
test questions will be developed and the technical supervision will be conducted
by Market Opinion Research.
July 20: Utilizing the results of the target precinct canvasses, the first of
twenty to thrity tests will be put into the field. The RNC is currently
developing the methodology for these tests which will include direct mail
techniques, utilization of telephone banks, door - to - door programs, printed
flyers and other communication techniques professionally designed to present
the President and his programs in a way to favorably stimulate a prospective
voter.
September: The test, control, and weathervane precincts will be recanvassed
to assess the impact of the twenty to thirty media and campaign tests.
MANAGEMENT
The RNC will be responsible for all aspects of the Delaware test including
management and recruitment of personnel to carry out the test goals.
June 9, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR BOB HALDEMAN
FROM:
ROSE MARY WOODS
Rosy
John Bucci who, you will recall, is with the Pennsylvania
Opinion Poll, has written me as per the attached letter.
I am enclosing the copy of his booklet which he sent to
the President and call your attention to his remarks con-
cerning a survey in Delaware, since I do not know what, if
any, plans are made for this type program at this time.
Attachments
copy of handwritten letter
Dear Miss Woods:
I thought the President & you would like to have copies of
our newly issued booklet.
We feel it can be very helpful.
Best wishes - also tell the President it would be very
valuable to conduct a survey in Delaware at this time.
Mr. Rollins usually arranges for. this.
Sincerely,
S / E. JOHN BUCCI
June 9, 1971
Dear Mr. Bucci:
Many thanks for sending along a copy of
your newly issued booklet, "What Really
Decides An Election. " As you requested,
I have passed along to the President the
copy which you enclosed for him. I
will also pass my copy and your comments
about the importance of conducting a survey
in Delaware along to the appropriate people.
With all good wishes,
Sincerely,
Rose Mary Woods
Secretary to the President
Mr. E. John Bucci
Pennsylvania Opinion Poll
P. O. Box 266
Swarthmore, Pennsylvania 19081
bc: Bob Haldeman w/incoming.
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 17, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
ROSE MARY WOODS
FROM:
H. R. HALDEMAN
Your memorandum of June 9 described John Bucci's suggestion that
a survey be conducted in Delaware.
The RNC is currently involved in a rather massive Delaware survey
research project. The initial work has been completed and the
questionnaire should go into the field in July.
I will see that you receive the results upon completion of the
project in September.
June 17, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
ROSE MARY WOODS
FROM:
H. R. HALDEMAN
Your memorandum of June 9 described John Bucci's suggestion that
a survey be conducted in Delaware.
The RNC is currently involved in a rather massive Delaware survey
research project. The initial work has been completed and the
questionnaire should go into the field in July.
I will see that you receive the results upon completion of the
project in September.
GS:elr
June 17, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
ROSE MARY WOODS
FROM:
H. R. HALDEMAN
Your memorandum of June 9 described John Bucci's suggestion that
a survey be conducted in Delaware.
The RNC is currently involved in a rather massive Delaware survey
research project. The initial work has been completed and the
questionnaire should go into the field in July.
I will see that you receive the results upon completion of the
project in September.
GS:elr
June 17, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
ROSE MARY WOODS
FROM:
H. R. HALDEMAN
Your memorandum of June 9 described John Bucci's suggestion that
a survey be conducted in Delaware.
The RNC is currently involved in a rather massive Delaware survey
research project. The initial work has been completed and the
questionnaire should go into the field in July.
I will see that you receive the results upon completion of the
project in September.
GS:elr
June 17, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
ROSE MARY WOODS
FROM:
H. R. HALDEMAN
Your memorandum of June 9 described John Bucci's suggestion that
a survey be conducted in Delaware.
The RNC is currently involved in a rather massive Delaware survey
research project. The initial work has been completed and the
questionnaire should go into the field in July.
I will see that you receive the results upon completion of the
project in September.
GS:elr
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 17, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
ROSE MARY WOODS
FROM:
H. R. HALDEMAN
Your memorandum of June 9 described John Bucci's suggestion that
a survey be conducted in Delaware.
The RNC is currently involved in a rather massive Delaware survey
research project. The initial work has been completed and the
questionnaire should go into the field in July.
I will see that you receive the results upon completion of the
project in September.
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 17, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
ROSE MARY WOODS
FROM:
H. R. HALDEMAN
Your memorandum of June 9 described John Bucci's suggestion that
a survey be conducted in Delaware.
The RNC is currently involved in a rather massive Delaware survey
research project. The initial work has been completed and the
questionnaire should go into the field in July.
I will see that you receive the results upon completion of the
project in September.
WHAT REALLY DECIDES
AN ELECTION
THE SIX KEY FACTORS
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FROM: LARRY Higby
TO: Bruce KeHRL,
THE WHITE HOUSE
pob.file
WASHINGTON
January 6, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
I think it important that the President
see this.
PAT BUCHANAN
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
January 6, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
PATRICK J. BUCHANAN
TROUBLE ON THE RIGHT
We have a serious political problem developing on the Right.
For some months, the American Conservative Union (Ashbrook,
Jeff Bell, the old YAF crowd, Bill Rusher, et alia -- the
Reaganites at the Miami Convention) has been harboring a
growing cynicism toward the Administration. The disaffection
has now spread to include a majority of the younger conser-
vatives. Lately, it is being given national publicity through
Evans & Novak; now Thimmesch, and, coming up, David
Broder. Originally localized, the infection is spreading and
now being broadcast, through the press, to the party
structure nationally.
We should anticipate some severe criticism of the Administration
at the Annual Conservative Awards Dinner -- which will bring
together the entire leadership of the Conservative Movement in
Washington in late January.
Briefly, a list of the on-going- and new grievances against the
President and the Administration would include:
1. The President is adopting a liberal Democratic
domestic program, indistinguishable from what an Ed Muskie
or Ed Kennedy would propose -- and the President's ability to
drag the GOP along behind his proposals makes him a more
effective 11 President Liberal" than any Democrat could possibly
be. (The Stewart Alsop column, in Newsweek, attached,
was especially damaging in this regard.)
-2-
2. The Right, which had felt that RN was luke-warm about
FAP, and "understood, 11 now finds the President 100% committed
to the program; they see a verbal abandonment of the "workfare"
aspect of FAP; the President pushing a national health insurance
program of the kind conservatives have fought for years, and
actively pursuing a "full employment budget" which will deliberately
produce deficits that violate the First Article of GOP Dogma
("balanced budget") for forty years. (In this light, while some
of the more knowledgeable and sophisticated Republicans can
appreciate the need for economic stimulation, in the form of
deficits and "full employment budgets, " one has to think the
little old ladies who work in the precincts are going to be
demoralized by an approach, that seems to say while the old
Democratic deficits were evil, this new Republican deficit is
good. Similarly, with other Administration initiatives in the
social arena, these would have been considered a few years
back as hemlock to a good many Republicans -- and we have to
be aware of the perplexing impact they are certain to have on
our folks in the hinterland.
3. There is no identifiable conservative left in a policy-
making position in the Nixon White House. Every conservative
remaining, is in some form of liaison or P.R. position; thus
the hope of a "conservative alternative" in domestic policy is
groundless. This complaint has been made with increasing
vigor since the departure of Arthur Burns. The original "balance"
in the White House staff is now felt to be gone with the departure
of Burns and Harlow, and the arrivals of Finch, Rumsfeld, Schultz
and MacGregor. Further, a general sense of despair over this
situation is traceable to the fact that the domestic structures are
now frozen for the duration. Ehrlichman's shop is seen as a
small group of pragmatic technicians who can teach it either
way; Schultz' operation as Budget Bureau career types who have
always leaned to Big Government and statist solutions; and the
Cabinet Departments as dominated, in the lower policy-making
areas, by liberal hold-over in the bureaucracy. Thus, the
options that come up, are solely "liberal" in orientation and
the President no longer has another point of view
"
-3-
4. One of the constant complaints heard is that RN
"takes the conservatives for granted; he doesn't think we
have anywhere else to go. 11 They feel that they are the dominant
force in the Republican Party; yet, the President seems sensitive
to them only at election times; they feel themselves to be the
"niggers of the Nixon Administration. 11 While they get the
"rhetoric" the liberals within the party get the policies and
programs. Further, they view the President as ever solicitous
of the points of view and sensibilities of the left and the media --
but not so much so of the Right. Their conclusion is more and
more that the squeaky wheel in the Nixon Administration gets
the grease -- and there are a variety of plans floating about
for them to start squeaking publicly.
5. One of the problems emerging is that the party people,
the workers, the backbone of the Nixon support for twenty years
must be increasingly disheartened by (a) the liberal activist
domestic policy of the Administration being pushed so strongly and
(b) the reports coming increasingly from columnists of conserva-
tives, party people, and even Republican Congressmen and
Governors disenchanted with the Nixon White House. Without
the party, without the basically conservative workers enthusiastically
and energetically behind us, 1972 will find us in "deep kimshee. 11
Other points that should be noted:
A. The Evans-Novak column indicating that Reagan was
black-listed from a White House established international meeting
was damaging, in that it re-fuels the sub-surface talk of a
Nixon-Reagan coolness, in the face of Nixon-Rockefeller warmth.
B. While Buckley's influence nationally is enormous,
his influence among the hard-core right politicos is being
diminished, and we cannot count on his bringing them over. Some
of them are caustic -- and Buckley gets a bit of the same constant
criticism that conservatives in the White House do -- that they'v
"sold out. "
-4-
C. The only criticisms I have received of RN's performance
the other night are from the Right. Reportedly, Buckley was
d isappointed, Kilpatrick expressed the same feeling; and half a
dozen or more conservatives have called saying that while
the President helped himself nationally, conservatives were
appalled at the new emphasis on FAP (away fr am incentives,
and towards "helping minorities, ") the comment about Kent State
and Jackson State as though the Administration wer somehow
connected and the enthusiasm with which RN seemed to speak of
his "full employment budget, " an "expansionary budget
a budget
in deficit. 11
D. There is serious talk heard now among conservatives
to urge Governor Reagan to begin to become a focal point of public
opposition to the President's domestic initiatives. Some conservatives
close to Reagan don't believe he will move in this direction -- as he
is basically not that type. But, at the Awards Dinner, the one
annual gathering of the most important conservatives, these kind
of things are certain to be talked up and promoted.
E. These are sentiments being picked up from the conser-
vative right with which I have some communication. One would
imagine that they are also prevalent on the Hill - and the President
should take some soundings from his own people to ascertain if
this is not SO.
F. Having investigated the Evans-Novak column thing as
requested, I am unable to learn who made the quotes but have
been told repeatedly they are not unrepresentative of a general
mood out there.
Buchanan's View and Thoughts
The situation on the Right is as bad as I have known it, since joining
RN. Some of the departing Right, are not coming back -- given the
nature of-the new domestic program. But we have to act to retain
the allegiance of those drifting off; to retain the support, at
least occasion, of the writers -- who are now increasingly dubious.
Also, we have to take the steps to stop this constant bickering in
-5-
the press within the Party and on the Hill - - about the President
not caring, or not consulting, or not listening to the Congressional
and Party Regulars.
How this last is done is a problem for our Congressional and
political people.
Some suggestions on all these matters:
(a) The need to bring the Congressional wing of the Party
in on the take-off of these domestic programs we are contemplating;
let the President hear their views on-FHIP before it goes and we
demand their backing.
(b) There may be a need for RN to get together with the
party types on their visits to Washington; and to take a more
active role in putting down the complaints that lead to all this
negative leakage in the press.
(c) The Conservatives need to be put on notice that their
policy alternatives, their program suggestions, from without can
get a hearing within. Right now, it is felt there is no conservative
programmatic recommendations that can get a hearing in the policy-
making procedures of the White House.
(d) There may be a need for the President to bring an
identifiable "conservative" in at the Rumsfeld-Finch-Ehrlichman
level -- who can be visible as a voice of the Right to which the
President will listen, and to whom the Right can take their
complaints.
(e) While the President's decisions and directions
domestically may be locked in -- perhaps there can be more media
emphasis, in terms of speeches and statements and appearances --
on the "Conservative" side of the RN policies.
A foreign policy speech, which explains the need for
greater defense expenditures based on Soviet activity and Soviet
spending -- would be most welcome. A presidential, or White
House emphasis, on what is being done for the Veterans of
Vietnam -- which is considerable -- might be helpful. In short,
-6-
while recently RN has been given public emphasis to the "liberal"
side of the Administration, a corresponding emphasis on the
"conservative" side of the Administration could help with the
party folks and the country.
(f) The President might himself meet with a representative
group of ideological conservatives in the writing community,
in the Congress -- to hear out their grievances. Many I am sure,
having been out of power and favor in Washington for so long,
want to be an integral part of the Administration. Given the
opportunity, they become the best defenders of the White House
in the conservative community we hav e.
This having been "out" for so long is one reason why
conservatives can SO quickly adopt a posture of opposition -- it
is a role in which, frankly, many of them feel most comfortable.
As Bryce once told me, "We have to retain all those guys on
the Hill; for ten years, they've been conditioned to bite anything
that moves at this end of Pennsylvania Avenue,"
(g) Some reports from within indicate that RN plans
to do no party meetings whatsoever this year -- not the GOP
women, not the Young Republicans in the East Room as last year, etc.
I feel this would be a great mistake -- since no one condemns
RN for being a party leader; that is a natural and expected role
for a President. What the media objection is, is to the partisanship"
of the campaign.
(h) Many of the conservative objections to Administration
policy have been and are being refuted on the grounds that
conservatives rarely come up with "programs" of their own to
present to the President. They recognize this to a great degree
the idea of a conservative Brookings is always mentioned; and
enthusiasm for this kind of idea from the President in a meeting
with conservatives like Buckley would be most useful. It is
something which needs to be done; it is a conservative short-
coming which the Right recognizes.
-7-
Finally, I think the problem contains enough potential harm to
the Administration, and its future, that I feel that RN should
draw the views of other conservatives within -- on all these
subjects; people like Bill Timmons, Harry Dent, Tom Huston,
Lyn Nofziger, Martin Anderson -- and all the political types
who have lines out in the conservative community.
as
PAT BUCHANAN
Plie Even Bulletin
Kevin Phillips
ADM sec 70
Color Nixon aides green
...for moneyed suburbia
Washington - Presidential Coun-
the image of a White House crippled
schirs Robert Finch and Donald Rum-
by a predilection for in-group appoint-
will are buay these days identifying
Opinion &
ments and cultural sameness when an
tramselves with a supposed new Nixon
infusion of new blood and ideas is
solitical strategy: a moderate, non-
needed. (Mr. Nixon's other chief White
Mentacient pitch aimed at America's
House aides - H.R. Haldeman, John
st-prowing suburbs.
Bill the trouble with the White
Review
Ehrlichman, and Robert Finch - are
also x-campaign aides and longtime
House's outlock is that it is already too
in-groupers, as well as typical upper-
suburban, and in a very narrow sense
middle-class suburbanites.)
of the word.
This staff provincialism played a
Most the people in the upper ech-
B
11
major part in warping the 1970 cam-
claim of the White House are upper-
PHILADELPHIA
paign, and it plays an important role
middle thiss lawvers or businessmen
in what is generally referred to 25 the
from the sort of charcoal-your-own-
Wednesday, Doc. 30, 1970
President's "isolation." This isolation
strak suburb normally featured in
is not so much physical as cultural.
Doris Day movies. They tend to see
It is a kind of Howard Johnson's-
America too much in their own image.
Morton to top jobs.
Book-of-the-Month-Cluh filter through
Split-lovel suburbia
All of these men are present or for-
which the problems of Appalachia, the
Farm Belt, bluecollar suburbia and
Even suburbia is extremely diverse.
mer Republican Congressmen, three of
them from prosperous suburban dis-
the ethnic city sidewalks (to say noth-
There are archetypal, fashionable sub-
tricts.
ing of black slums) do not pass in any
urbs like Scarsdale or Shaker Heights,
And they are all non-ideological,
significant way.
filling up with media managers, urban
middle-of-the-road Ivy Leaguers from
consultants, and the liberal like. Then
No vision of America
the hinterland where Ivy League gradu-
there is the more populous split-level
ares are bourgeois Republicans and
Whatever his aides may be saying
suburbia of Republican executives,
not Democratic intellectuals.
about a "suburban stratégy," the
businessmen and professionals. But
None of them have any com-
President knows that his Adminis-
most important of all are the vast
blue-collar. white-collar and service
mitment worth mentioning to Farm
tration must begin to reach into these
Belt, Southern or blue-collar America
other areas. Mr. Nixon is con-
obvious
(or, indeed, 100 much of anything).
templating programs for farmers.
smalltown residents, and blue-and
hopes, yet the White
Needed: new blood
white-collar workers. as well as for
Mouse's plitical counseiors-cum-subur
youth and blacks, and there are plans
Can strategists are little more attuned
Moreover, all four were among the
to bring representatives of some of
to the problems of acrospace Southern
handful of Congressmen closely associ-
these groups into the White House to
Callfornia or blue-collar Warren,
ated with Mr. Nixon's 1968 campaign.
help shape policy and maintain liaison.
Mich., than to those of up-country
Three of them were "surrogate" can-
But most of what Mr. Nixon's sub-
Georgia or the Farm Belt.
didates in the 1968 election, authorized
urban image-makers and problem-solv-
Some of the Administration's recent
to speak for nominee Nixon. The other,
ers do is skin-deep. Having no visioned
personnal changes suggest that this
Roger Morton, served as Mr. Nixon's
America and being sensitive to every
parachielism may be difficult to shake.
floor manager at the 1963 Republican
cliche uttered by the media, the A.1.
Consider President Nixon's appoint-
National Convention.
ministration changes images and
ment of Donald Rumsfold, Clark Mac-
The choice of these men as top-level
strategies as most people change
Greger, George Bush, and Rogers
officials and advisers simply adds to
clothes.
Till
Nixon Disconrages
Young Conservatives
WASHINGTON - If conservative presiden-
clined to serve in Washington. Recently, in a
tial aide Martin Anderson leaves the Nixon
speech to the National Association of Busi-
administration, as he is considering, his de-
ness Economists, he deplored the trend of
parture will not receive the fanfare accorded
federal welfare spending and urged "some
that of Interior Secretary Hickel or White
major changes in the way we handle our fis-
House counselor Daniel P. Moynihan.
cal political apparatus."
Richard V. Allen, now with King Re-
However, Anderson's weariness with Nix-
sources in Denver, served as chief of foreign
onian Washington is important because of a
policy research in the 1968 campaign, and
broader symbolism. To be sure, the 33-year-
then briefly as a deputy to Henry Kissinger.
old scholar's own background is impressive:
Allen left because of discontent and trouble
systems analysis, he was formerly a profes-
regarding his academic background.
sor at Columbia University, author of "The
To this list should be added the name of
Federal Bulldozer" (a well-received critique
Roger Freeman, a senior staff member of
of liberal urban programming and philoso-
the Hoover Institute, who served briefly as a
phy). More significantly though, he is the
special assistant to the President, leaving in
last of the young. program-oriented con-
June, 1970, because he felt that conservative
servative lawyers and academics who gained
views were receiving short shrift from the
prominence from their roles in the 1008
President and his advisors. In a speech that
campaign.
month in Seattle, Freeman declared that the
Among the departed or disillusioned:
White House had turned its back on the edu-
John Scars, now with the Washington law
cational program innovations promised in
firm of Gadsby and Hannah, began working
1968, in favor of the status quo desired by lib-
for Mr. Nixon in 1966 and rose to become
eral groups.
deputy counsel to the President and White
Apart from the discouraged Martin Ander-
House "political man" in January, 1960
son, the only well known young conservative
Sidelined within a few months, he resigned
in the White House left from 1938 is speech-
in September, 1000, During the 1970 cam-
writer Pat Buchanan. Liberals have taken
paign, he criticized the administration's lack
over almost every policy, as opposed to liai-
of programming and ideology.
son or public relations, position.
Richard Whalen is back as writer-in-resi-
Back in the spring of 1968, candidate Nixon
ii ace a: the Georgetown University Center
said: "We can't go with just good people
for Strategic Studies whence, in 1967, he
We have to go with the best, really
joined the Nixon presidential campaign as a
first-raters." He singled out young conserva-
speechwriter. Whalen left the entourage in
tives: The Whatens, Andersons, and Buchan-
August, 1968, after a quarrel over the high
ans.
command's lack of interest in spelling out
But this is the winter of 1970. And the
new policies for America.
young men of spring 1968, who hoped for
New York bu iness consultant Alan Green-
new programs and coalitions for an artic-
span, chief of domestic policy. research in
ulation of American alienation from liberal-
the 1963 Nixon campaign, from the start de
ism - have left or are thinking about it.
The point needs no further laboring
people and maybe most congressmen
-President Liberal's program is, of
think the Administration is indulging
course, President Nixon's. If President
the Pentagon even more than the Don-
Liberal were actually in the White
ocrats," which is. the precise opposite
House, it is not at all hard to imagine
of the-truth.
the reaction to his program. The right
During the campaign, the President
would be assailing President Liberal for
talked a good deal of the time as
bugging out of Victnam, undermining
though the family-assistance plan, in
American defenses, fiscal irresponsibil-
principle the most radical domestic pro-
ity, and galloping socialism. The four
posal since the New Deal, were simply
basic Presidential policy positions listed
a way of getting lazy good-for-nothings
above would be greeted with hosannas
off the relief rolls. The liberals played
by the liberals.
along, suggesting that the plan W...
Instend, the liberals have showered
some soil of niggardly reactionary
the President with dead cats, while
scheme, and supporting it topidly !!
most conservatives have maintained a
at all.
glum silence, and thus the Administra-
tion has been "little credited" for "much
DR. FELL
genuine achievement." But there are
There is also a human element in
certain special reasons, which Pat Moy-
this exercise in mutual obfuscation. To
nihan omitted to mention, why this is so.
the liberals, especially the liberal com-
For one thing, there is a sort of un-
mentators who dominate the media,
conscious conspiracy between the Presi-
Richard Nixon is Dr. Fell ("The reason
dent and his natural enemies, the liber-
why I cannot tell, but this I know and
al Democrats, to conceal the extent to
know full well, ] do not like thee, Dr.
which his basic program, leaving aside
Fell"). This is not surprising. Not too
frills and rhetoric, is really the liberal
many years ago, Richard M. Nixon was
Democratic program. Richard Nixon is
one of the most effective-and least
the first professional politician and "real
lovable-of the conservative Republican
Republican" to be elected President in
professionals of the McCarthy era.
40 years-and it is not in the self-inter-
There is good reason to suppose,
est of the liberals to give credit to such
moreover, that in his political instinct
a President for liberal initiatives. By the
Mr. Nixon is really welk to the right of
same token, it is not in the self-interest
President Nixon. In fact, on his past
of the President to risk his conservative
record, it_is: not at all bard to imagine
constituency by encouraging the notion
R.M. Nixon leading the assault on the
that he is not a "real Republican" after
President for "bug-out," "fiscal irrespon-
all, but a liberal Democrat at cut rates.
sibility," "galloping socialism," and all
OBFUSCATION
the rest of it. So how can one expect
Mr. Nixon to defend President Liber-
There are plenty of examples of the
al's program with the passionate cou-
mutual obfuscation which results from
viction that a President Robert Ken-
this nutual interest. The withdrawal of
nody, say, would have brought to the
half a million men from Vietnam- is
defense of such a program?
quite obviously the greatest retreat in
A President- any President-is a cap-
American history. But the President
tive of the national situation. Any Presi-
talks as though it were somehow a
dent, by whatever name, would now be
glorious advance, certain to guarantee
withdrawing from Victnam, or propos-
a "just and lasting peace." When the
ing a basic change in the horrible wel-
President-like any commander of a re-
fare system, OF accepting a deficit. and
treat-resorts to spoiling actions to pro-
SO on. The President's dilemma is that
tect his dwindling rear guard, the lib-
the national situation has pushed him
orals howl that he is "chasing the
to the left of himself, while his metimal
will-o'-the-wisp of military victory."
constituency and his natural mind set.
When the President cuts back real
as reflected in his appointments and M.
military strength more sharply than in a
rhetorie, keep pushing him to the right.
quarter of :. century, the liberals attack
One result is that "much genning
him for failing to "Yeorder priorities.
achievement" tends to be overlood.
The President, in his rhetoric about a
to be replaced by a senso of wand
"strong defense." plays the same game.
ing, a seeming lack of direction
The result, as Tohn Kenneth Galbraith
conviction. to this way, the President's
accurately noted recently, is that "most
dilemma is the country's dilemna tco.
Non-week, January 11, 1971
WP
Rowland Boans and Robert Novak
12-17-70
Darkening Republican Mc
SUN VALLEY, Idaho--
ernor's decision not to hurl
elson, who has never had a
perceive the President's ina-
Beneath the surface criti-
any public thunderbolts at
private talk with Mr. Nixon
bility or refusal to under-
cism of President Nixon at
Mr. Nixon's handling of the
since he entered the White
stand and deal with their
Republican Governors'
presidency, from the ereep-
House but used to dine at
own problems as sympto-
Co. here was the
ing economic crisis to the
the White House with Lyn-
matic of his failure to reach
deeper, more ominous anxi-
botched November election
don Johnson, finally got his
that larger goal.
eye that Mr. Nixon's formi-
campaign. As one Midwest-
10 minutes on the phone--
Thus, instead of growth
deble repulation as a practi-
crn governor who survived
but with his old friend Vice
they fear is shrinking party
cal politicium may prove to
November told us: "That
President Spiro Agnew, not
which, on the national leve),
be one of the great myths of
would only make matters
Mr. Nixon.
is driving away blacks and
contemporative polities
worse. We're all 00 the
when retiring
youth with little compensal-
At the end of the gover.
life raft."
Gov. David Cargo of New
ing gains in the middle class
noes' festive evening on
PRIVATELY, ver,
Mexico was pointedly asked
-largely because of the 10.
Sunday, defented Gov.
the list of grievances against
by the President last fall
that combination of unem-
Chouck Rid. of Florida
the Nixon White House tells
what job he might like in
ployment and inflation.
pulled a wad of bills from
a story of blatant political
the administration, Irish-
Evidence of how deep this
his hip pocket, peeled off
ineptitude, souch of it con-
Catholic Cargo said he could
anxiety really runs is found
$100 and offered an open bet
cealing a callous disregard
think of only one: ambassa-
in Kentucky Gov. Louie
the the Republican ticket
dor to Ireland. Fine, said
of the Republican gover-
Numb's private decision to
in ID72 would not be headed
Mr. Nixon, send me a note
nors. Matters of perhaps
give up his earlier plan to
by Richard M. Nixon.
to remind me.
run for the Senate in 1972,
small significance in them.
For lame-duck Kirk,
Several weeks after send-
after his present term ends.
selves, these grievances in-
whose irrepressible anties
ing the note, Cargo got an
Instead, he now plans to AC.
evitably establish Mr.
answer from White House
cept a federal judgeship.
provided the only light
Nixon's declining creaibility
political aide Murray Cho-
The obvious reason: 1972 be-
louch in the Ouree-day win-
as a shrowd party leader.
tiner saying that his letter
gins to look like a disaster
ter meeting of the Republi-
had been referred "to the
year for Mr. Nixon's party.
Last August, for example,
proper people" and that if
The President thus- COM-
when law dock Gov. Don
Cargo 201 a favorable 10-
front crisis of contidence
of freed a
sponse Chotiner would like
with his OWT Republics
problem of eri pro-
to hear about it.
of
the
governors, BOW reduced
portions, he telephoned the
from 32 to 21, which would
mood the gripped the
White House asking for no
110 MR. NINON were suc.
surely have exploded into
large majority of Republi-
more man 10 minutes on the
ceeding in his larger goal of
nasty headlines were it not
Can governors after two
telephone with Mr. Nixon,
making the Republicans the
for their fears that washing
years of the Nixon presi-
at the President's conven-
majorly party. this limitless
the party laundry in public,
dency.
ience. Impossible that day.
list of grievances could be
far from cleaning up the cri-
in fact, the strength of
he was informed. He fried
dismissed as petty griping.
this mood of anxiety was the
sis, would simply make it
again, several days later,
Instead, many of the most
dirtier.
chief factor behind the gov.
with the same result. Samu-
thoughtful governors here
( 1910. Publish rs-Hall Syndicate
Rouland Erans and
Among
HAD PRESIDENT
mood pervading Washington
with high Nixon aides.
per of Cabinet-level of
MIXON somehow slipped
three years 230, all the
"They are detached," said
ficials, one assistant secre-
unseen into the Dec. 10 re-
more remarkable because it
the consultant, "as If they
tary whose Nixon connec-
tirement party at 1.12 May-
lacks the focal issue (Viet-
are custodians running
tions date back to early
flower Hotel :or Assistant
nam) or the organization
somebody else's govern-
presidential campaign days
Republican National Chair-
ment."
said in despair: "Mow on
man Elly Peterson, he might
(the dump-Johnson move-
Item: A leading Republi-
earth can i get world 10
well have felt a kinship for
ment) that destroyed Presi-
can pollster has informed
those people"-"those peo-
Capt. Bligh on the bridge of
dent Johnson.
clients that Mr. Nixon may
ple" meaning the White
H.M.S. Bounty.
Because Mr. Nixon's ver-
be unable to earry any of
House.
Reveating in Itself. old pro
bal punishment may not fit
the 10 mest populous states
ADDITIONAL ITEMS to
Peterson's list for the party
his crime, this could be a
in 1972. llence, his prelimi-
included only one presiden-
mid-term malaise that soon
spare can be pasted on this
nary advice to Reupblican
will pass. Transitory or not,
mosaic of distrust, disillu-
tial assistant, Lecnard Gar-
office-seckers: avoid identifi-
ident (who
however, what Republicans
sion. and allenation. In
ention with the President.
briefly). Also revealing, not
are saying privately merits
truth, what the unlicans
study. All of what follows
Item: Two Republican
are saying is harsher than
another White House aide
governors have decided to
comes from card-carrying
most criticism in the press
bothered to drop it, despite
the long tradition of open
Republicans across the par-
refuse telephone calls from
or by the Democrats. Its
one of the President's top
hospitality at political recep-
ty's entire ideological spec-
sharpness derives partly
political aides, their way of
tions. Thus fraed from inhi-
trum:
from low expectations of im-
registering discontent with
bitions, Republicar poli-
Item: One high-level
provement.
Nixon party politics.
Accordingly,
cosmetic
ticians (including several ad-
Nixon administration offi-
Item: A group of politi-
ministration officials) who
cial, deeply involved in poli-
changes-more press confer-
cally active conservatives
crowded the bar and buffet
cymaking, confided that the
ences, greater presidential
has decided to ask Gov. Ron-
administration is undergo-
accessibility. more attention
ict their hair down in a way
ald Reagan of California to
that can fairly be described
ing a "erisis of the spirit."
to domestic affairs-will not
publicly criticize President
as mutinous.
Why? "I don't know, but I've
reach the roots of discon-
Nixon's "high spending"
Although there was noth-
had a bellyful of (Attorney
tent. As 0 few presidential
not preliminary to a dump-
ing SO un-Republican as talk
General) John Mitchell"
advisers perceive, Mr. Nix-
Nixon operation but to pres-
Item: An Eastern liberal
on's problems are neither
about quixotic dump-
sure the President back to-
Nixon movement. the Presi-
Republican senator arranged
concrete nor small but cm-
ward orthodoxy.
a meeting with conservative
brace large questions of con-
dent was not blessed with a
Item: One Nixon adminis-
businessmen angry over his
fidence and leadership.
single kind word. Moreover,
tration presidential ap-
conversation that night re-
Senate positions. To his
In that gloomy perception
pointee, a liberal but always
amozement, they ignored his
may be found Mr. Nixon's
flected that mutinous talk
a party regular, has made
among Republicans has
sins of liberalism and poured
political salvation-that and
inquiries about John Gard-
been rising, not diminishing,
out -vituperation against Mr.
the President's own remark-
ner's Common Cause, an
Nixon's handling of the eco-
able history. Having been
since the Nov 3 election--a
embryonic third-party vehi-
resurrected once from politi-
truth still not appreciated
nomy.
cle. The reason: "What place
cal oblivion, he certainly
by the White House.
Item: A part-time consult-
is there in this administra-
cannot be counted out yet as
ant to the Nixon administra-
tion for my kind of Republi-
THIS DARK MOOD is
3 victim of his present tor-
tion was perplexed and trou-
can?"
merits.
reminiscent of the anti-LBJ
bled after a long meeting
Item: At an informal din-
C 1971, Publishers Hall Syndicate
IV NICK THEN ESCH
FOR RELEASE TUESDAY
JANUARY 5
CONSERVATIVES COMPLAIN ABOUT NAKON
BY NICK THEMMESCH
(C) 1971, Nowsday, Inc.
WASHINGTON -- The difficulties Mr. Mixon experiences is poultioning
himself as a centrist President are immediately revealed in the steedy
complaining heard from conservativos and right-wingers who feel
unrequited love.
The President already has liberals, some moderates, and much of the
communications and intellectual apparatus against him. And Dr. Galing,
that sobor diagnostician of national feeling, hasn't been too kind to his
lately. This week be proclaimed that while President Wixon tops the
"Most Admired Man." list in 1970, his vote is "considerably smaller than
that recorded in last year's annual audit."
The President is accustomed to liberal disfavor, but to have
conservatives dog him, well, it must test his patience.
This wook, "Battle Line," the monthly publication of the American
Conservative Union (counterpart to the liberal Americans for Democratic
Action, ominously headlined: "Twenty-Four Months Left for Nixon?"
Assessing Nixon at mid-point in his first term, "Battle Linc" said:
"
we think we can say conservatives are no longer even getting the
words. Only the knife." The words being "rhetorical libations poured
by Vice Procident Agnew.
"
"BL) is Line" is bitter about "the fact that Richard Vixon is
supposed DO be a Republican President
the ringing phrases of
conservative philosophy which enchrouded the Nixon welfare bill
National health Insurance
"
It suggests that the Nixon line 1s:
"Appease Red China. Encourage Red trade. SALT talks forever. Cut
defense custo to the bone. Get out of Vietnam, with only the pace of
withdrawal the issue. Victory? Barry Goldwater's beloved blockading of
Haiphong? No, sic."
New this is pungent stuff, like most of that spun by ideologues of
the left and right. But "Human Events," " another conservative publication,
also changes the President with refusing to out spending, claims the
Admini main wants to launch spending binges for new social programs.
and "such geniuves at wasting the taxpayer's revenue as Robert
Finch and anti-poverty warrior Donald Rumsfeld. "
ABC THEMESCH
FOR RELEASE TUESDAY
JANUARY 5
Conservatives are sore at the Nixon Rdministration's centrist-to-
progressive domestic program, however pourly it has been presented to the
Congress. At most, they give reluctant support to his Vietnamization
program and effort to reduce the American presence clsewhere in the world.
Beyond that, individual conservatives are irked with the manner the
White House treats them. Goldwater wishes somebody would have given him
better research and briefing on the SST 50 be could have argued for it
early on the Senate floor. Texas Sen. John Tower is miffed because the
President waited until only two hours before announcing the nomination
of John Connolly as Treasury Secretary before letting Tower know. Other
conservatives complain they can't get through the White House bureaucracy,
a gripe schood by liberals as well.
Conservatives with strong convictions are like liberals with strong
convictions--they are likely to be the quickest to be disappointed by the
leader they think they own. When conservatives have a talk with
themselves and think it all over, they know they have nowhere else to go
but to Rixon. John Tower, who was a key figure in holding off the Reagan
threat to Nixon's nomination in 1968, isn't about to belt to another
candidate. Indeed, Reagan himself knows he has only the most remote
opportunity of becoming a factor in the 1972 presidential picture.
So Conservatives will have to console themselves with the knowledge
that a liberal doesn't sit in the White House; that the government is
taking a firmer line on law-and-order; that the Supreme Court is swinging
back to center; and that, gee, Bill Buckley of those Conservative Buckleys
was appointed to the advisory commission of the United States Information
Agency.
(c) 1971, Newsday, Inc.
FROM: NEWSDAY SPECIALS
Garden City, N.Y. 11530
nonavative View"
Junes
J.
FOR JANUARY 9/10, 1971.
Tn hushington: Snow, Sleet and Pog
WASHTHGTON.
It was ruining in Washington Monday night when the
President Met with his four inquisitors-a slow, bone-chilling rain,
just this side of sleet, the gutters full of slush and the Washington
Momment lost in a dismal fog.
To a reporter abroad in the city, late that night, the
evening offered an odd combination of illusion and reality: The cozy
room on a TV tube, and outside the streets show mottled; a confident
President in the White House, a wrecked truck on an icy parkway;
bright lights in a library, red flares in a drizzle.
"1971 will be a good year," Mr. Nixon told the correspondents,
"and 1972 will be a very good year." It was the identical prediction,
down to the very words, syllables and inflection, that Mr. Nixon had
offered another group of correspondents on November S. There is nothing
either good or bad, said Hamlet, but thinking makes it SO. The Prince
of Demark was talking to Rosencrantz of prisons.
To what extent, a reporter wonders, is the President a
prisoner of illusion? Where does the slush and, the curb begin?
Mr. Nixon's greatest domestic problem lies in combatting inflation; his
first weapon, be says, will be an expansionary budget. And what kind
of badget will this be? It will be another deficit budget, but it
"will not exceed full employment revenues." #
Flares sputter, monuments vanish. What in this ghostly
night are "full employment revenues"? Such revenues, one assumes, are
the revenues the Treasury would take in if--if there were full
employment. But full employment in not in prospect. The best Mr. Nixon
can hope for in the year ahead is an unemployment rate of perhaps
5 percent. One peers through a windshield darkly. No full employment
revenues can be perceived.
(MORR)
M COPY FOR JANUARY 9/10.
PAGE INO.
the Major thrust of his State of the Union mossage, says
the President, will go toward is now plan for shoring Pederal revenue
with the States. Splendld, But is it is splendid dream or a splendia
realize? The concept of revenve-sharing, with no strings attached, is
an off, concept. It has mang around Congress for 20 years
or INVOICE Mr. Resember was is great one for revenue-sharing. Be
wanted to cake the Pederal tax on Lolephone bills and transfer the
income 43 a boken of allection to the States. But whenever The called
for help no on the Hill, all the lines were busy.
Mr. Nixon sees a good your ahead. He sees it from the
liberary, with Mr. Severeid in a wing chair, nodding. Here on the
parkway at middight, a tow-truck is straining, its orange eye revolving,
and the view ahoud is rather different. Next month the threat of a
rail strike returns. Steelwoxkers start negotiating in the early
spring. Longshoremen, alumimm workers, coal miners, glassmskers--a1l
these are waiting in line; and they seek expansionary budgets also.
Mr. Sevareid inquires of the President: What has been
your greatest disappointment? It is the failure of Congress, says
Mr. Nixon, to approve it Family Assistance Plan. But how did a
Republicion Presidont--a putatively conservative President-nget SO
obsessed with ci plan to double or triple the welfare rolls? In any
vermion (and the White House has nont up half a dowen versions), the
plan would transfer millions of families to a now dependency on public
dole. Yet the Senate's refusal to achieve this dubious goal is the
President's greatest disappointment.
Well, it is a foggy night in this frozen town, and the
President's road in patched with ice. "Slippory when wet," the sign
says, and 1971 promises to be a wet year and 1972 a very wet year.
Maybe Mr. Nixon can make it safuly home. The market is trending up;
interest rates are easing down. The outlook is for personal income,
after taxes, of some $740 billion this year. December's retail sales
were good. Things could be worse.
Have confidence. That WIS the President's prayer on
Monday. ti's something the country would like to have, but right now
we did exceping behind a Lowebruck slowly, recembering real Aprils
in the minds, of a winter night.
####
(c)
1971 The Washington State Syncicate, Inc.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
January 21, 1971
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR
The Attorney Gèneral
H. R. Haldeman
FROM
Jeb S. Magruder
SUBJECT
Reorganization of the Republican
National Committee
As you have suggested, new blood at the top of the Republican
National Committee gives us the opportunity to make structural and
personnel changes to strengthen the Committee and to enhance the
Committee's usefulness to the President and the State Committees.
The RNC has been operating in the traditional between-election role
of holding the party together. The emphasis has been directed towards
organizational and program support for Republican candidates. Neither
functional support for the White House nor service support for the
State Committees has been provided by the RNC. Consequently, much
of the $6 million budget has been dissipated in "make work" efforts.
The key staff members of the RNC have been unable or unwilling
to respond to White House directives. Sometimes, the problem is caused
by Division Directors being "in over their heads, 11 with insufficient
technical or managerial experience to provide the leadership or technical
direction required to assure implementation of requests. In other cases,
the problem is caused by many staff members coming up from State
Party organizations and not the President's campaign staff.
Coupled with the continued absence of the Deputy Chairman from
RNC headquarters, these two problems confused lines of responsibility
and authority, resulting in substantial in-fighting between Divisions
and generally poor work. The Research Division, for example, was
not given guidance by its Director and, therefore, was used by other
Divisions for various projects, resulting in inadequate research
production. Similar problems produced a wholly ineffective Communications
Division.
Programs In
smithment
so
Amistiming
Cusmont
WOMEN'S DIVIDED
Bring
was to
country
Collage the
Retion
slow
Commissions Directors
RECEIVEN Duicias
Describe:
PART
leases
Associated
CARPING
was
Security
I
Special Redt
Financis CHAMANY
J. Milloonia
co-care
=
Special Nort
DEPUTY Communical
POLITIONS
ADDITIONATION Drivers
Printerse Deviced
Discover
Dianaha Welson
Processional
COMMUNITION
SECTIONS
SERVICE
Groups
Do covernment
HERMAND Cases Your
sparts
noin
orton
Young Republicans
CHART I
National Federation
Current Organization of
Special Assistant
A. Herman
of RepublicanWeres
Republican National Committee
Association
FAIRS SECTION
Chairman
Executive Director
lison
R. Hi#
Executive
Secretary
Comptraller
Personnel
Secretary
office
conventions
Service
POLITICAL DIVISION
CANDIDATE
ASSISTANCE
SPECIAL PROGRAMS DIVISION
Director
Director
Director
B. Low
B. Limehouse
R. Curry
Admin. Asst.
Asst. Director
Asst. Director
Secretary
Secretary
HORN, STATIVE
Secretary
College-Affutys
REGISTRATET
Field Representatives
State Services
Political Information Services
Young Republicans
Executive
Bailey
Activity
Activity
Action Now
Secretary
College Affairs
Miller
Specialist
Specialist
Black Political
Senior Citizens
Secretary
Admin. Asst.
Secretary
Heritage
Activity
Activity
Specialist
Activity
College Republicans
Specialist
Specialist
Executive
Secretary
Secretary
Technical Asst.
Secretary
Technical
Admin.
Secretary
Asst.
Secretary
Staff
Asst.
Assistant
-
Chairm
Assistant Chairman
E. Peterson son
R.Mort
Namen's Activities
POLITICAL AFFAIR
Finance (nairman
Deputy Chai
J. Milbank
J. Allist
RESEARCH
DIVISION
COMMUNICATIONS DIVISION
Director
Director
R. Jungmann
G. Wade
Executive
Systems
Secretary
Executive
Coordinator
Admin. Asst.
Secretary
EDP
Secretary
Receptionist
Programmer
Programmer
Daily Mailing Lists
Media
Relations
Assistant
Assistant
Director
Director
Supervisor
Director
Creative
Services
Library
Director
Publications
Bla.
Assistant
Assistant
Librarian
Director
/
Clipping Bureau
Miracode
Sp
Archives
Manager
Manager
S
Art Director
Assistant
Assistant
Elections
Public
Opinion
Film
File
Statistics
Assistant
Assistant
Assistant
Research Assistants
The Attorney General
H. R. Haldeman
January 21, 1971
page 6
Robert Jungman be replaced as Director of the Research
Division by a broad analytical thinker with some management
experience
Frank Leonard be appointed as Manager of Communication
Services
Very little is known about other RNC personnel to make a fair
evaluation. Senator Dole and Tom Evans should asses their needs
early and make the acquisition of top-flight personnel their first priority.
Fred Malek would be able to assist in the recruitment of needed
top-level personnel. Some of these people might be found already within the
Federal Government.
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
The Attorney General
H. R. Haldeman
January 21, 1971
page 5
6. Mrs. Armstrong assumes control of three functions -
the Women's Division, Special Programs, and affiliate
liaison (NFRW, YR, CYR, and RGA). If her role should
become more public relations oriented, with a heavy
speaking schedule on appropriate issues (consumer affairs
and the economy, women's role in the 1970's, etc.), the
operational functions of her job could be placed under the
Political Division.
7. The Political Division is revamped to give special focus
to Special Groups and to Political Service. An Assistant
Director of the Political Division for Special Groups, as
well as a Manager for each group, should assist to develop
this significant service area.
8. A special assistant for scheduling and advancing is added
to the Chairman's office to assure proper arrangements are
made for the Chairman's travels. Ron Walker has advance men
available who could fulfill this function well.
9. A general purpose special assistant is added to Co-Chairman
Evans' office for his personal needs.
RECOMMENDED PERSONNEL ACTIONS
Since organizational shifts alone will not change the RNC, it is
recommended that the following personnel actions be taken:
a replacement for Bob Hitt be found to take over the
Administration Division
Bill Low remain as Director of the Political Division
Gordon Wade be replaced as Director of the Communications
Division by a creative marketing type of person who also
has broad management skills
The Attorney General
H. R. Haldeman
January 21, 1971
page 4
to provide creative approaches to selling the
President's programs. For example, brochures
should be developed for the Manager, Heritage
Groups which point out "What the President Has
Done for the
11 (Polish, Italian, etc.);
arrangements should be made for the President to
be filmed with appropriate Heritage groups in
appropriate places in the course of Presidential,
"non-political" travels.
to develop appropriate positions for attacking the
Democratic Party and its leading Presidential
contenders
to provide the Chairman, on his speaking and political
travels, with a high-level companion who can speak
with authority to local press and local politicians
4. The Communications Division is broadened from the existing
"production shop" to a creative marketing division with
strengthened media services, the addition of a Special Groups
feature desk and a speech writer, the tying together of
all productions (publications, brochures, films, etc. ) under
a Communications Services Group, and the addition of a
separate Direct Mail operation. With the increasing
importance of direct mail, this operation should be separate
and provided with the necessary resources to expand.
5. The Research Division retains a statistical research section,
but loses data processing to the Administration Division.
Statistical research is a creative function, while data
processing is an on-going technical service function. Under
the direction of the Deputy Chairman, this Division should
supply the Chairman and Co-Chairman with creative substantive
input on issues.
The Attorney General
H. R. Haldeman
January 21, 1971
page 3
special groups, and campaign guidelines. The RNC's strength and
usefulness to both the President and State Committees will depend
directly on its ability to provide such services.
RECOMMENDED STRUCTURAL CHANGES
The RNC is currently organized around distinct program or
operating responsibilities, as shown in Chart I. To shift from this
orientation to mission support and to ensure the limited resources
(50 professional personnel and $6 million budget) are focused on this
mission, the RNC organization should be modified, as shown in Chart II.
1. Tom Evans, as Chief Operating Officer, becomes primarily
responsible for implementing the RNC mission and for
coordinating all Committee activities through Mrs. Armstrong,
a Deputy Chairman for Political Affairs, a Deputy
Chairman for Communications, and four Division Directors.
Tom Evans' desire to be "Mr. Inside", his take charge attitude,
and his proven managerial skills make him particularly
fitted for this role.
2. The position of Deputy Chairman for Political Affairs is
retained. However, its function shifts from principal
operating officer of the Committee to political service and
get-out-the-vote functions (Administration Division and
Political Division). This Deputy Chairman is to implement
the RNC's mission of providing organizational and technical
support services.
3. The position of Deputy Chairman for Communications is created
to implement the RNC's mission of developing and implementing
a creative information and education program. The Research
Division and Communications Division, which many people
have previously urged be combined, are linked under this
Deputy Chairman. The prime functions of this office are:
to give the Research and Communications Divisions
proper direction to ensure the compilation of
necessary information for appropriate users in
usable form and in a timely manner
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 3, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
PATRICK J. BUCHANAN
SUBJECT:
POLITICAL MEMORANDUM
THE PR CAMPAIGN
We face an increasingly serious political problem in the
rising crescendo of news stories about the "image makers" in
the White House. It reached a new level this weekend, when
Bob Pierpoint went on network television news for the first time
with his theme of "twenty-two image makers" now on the White
House staff, following the three additions, whoare allegedly the
ones counseling the President to make the recent spate of
public appearances. Others are certain to pick up the line,
using the arrivals of Scali and Moore as their take-off point.
Further, both Humphrey and Muskie have touched on the
matter, (HHH accusing us of "public relations gimmickry) and if
pressed, it could present a serious problem for if there is anything
that turns off Middle America, it is Madison Avenue.
Secondly, for every minor color item we have moved
into the media, there has probably been one major story on the
"new effort to humanize the President. 11 This latter theme coursing
through the national media is decidedly not to our advantage.
One wonders if the trade-off was worth it between the Barbara
Walters Show/Potomac Nine Interview on the one hand -- and all
the news stories about what we were actually up to on the other.
While I do not have any complete answers to this problem,
I think it is a serious one, which could become quite serious in the
1972 campaign; and herewith some thoughts:
2
First, we should de-escalate the time and energy and thought
spent on pushing little "color anecdotes about the President and
shift our emphasis on associating the President with "accomplishments"
of his Administration. The President did not get here by being warm
and human and witty and charming -- he got here by being capable
and tough and qualified and politically courageous. And if we stay
here, it will be because of those latter virtues and accomplishments --
not the former. I do not recommend that we eschew altogether
telling the press and media anecdotes and stores which flesh out
the President's personality. But if we are relying on that, are
in trouble. And further the efforts to push these to the press
becomes at once counter-productive, as Ziegler tells me; for the
press room quickly buzzes with the story that we are "pushing" these
materials. And they insert in future stories that the 11 PR campaign"
is geared up again.
Again, in speeches and interviews and backgrounder S, the
colorful anecdote is useful, and should be utilized but this
effort should not call forth the present institutionalized effort.
More than one friendly reporter has told me we "are turning people
off, 11 with these efforts.
Frankly, the one in the best position to drop the "anecdotes"
about a meeting is Ron Ziegler, or some official who has "reason" to
be in the meeting -- where it occurs a reason other than there to
write up the color. Example: PJB attends the Congressional leadership
meetings; it is an easy and natural thing to do when asked about that
meeting to relay the anecdotes. But unless it's an extraordinary
incident, a phone call from me to Time to "tell" them the anecdote
will produce an entry in the "Time File" to the effect that we are out
pushing anecdotes.
The McGinnis Book leaves us far more vulnerable than we
might otherwise be to this type of political attack.
One concern about press conferences is that invariably the
media zeroes in on "Vietnam, 11 an issue on which every American
has probably made up his mind, and every American is tired of
hearing debated and discussed. Thus, the President's decision
to hold the second conference Saturday and to focus it on
domestic affairs, was the right one. For once, the President
could swing out a little, hit the marijuana thing, hit those who
create "hysteria" in this country by raising the spectre of police
3
state. He could talk about unemployment in Southern California; could
put the needle to Humphrey "who I am glad is going to support us. 11
In short the range of opportunities for the President to expand on what
we have done, and what positions we take was a golden one. It is
time the President was associated with his popular political positions,
more often in the press, time we were mo re closely identified with
what we have done in the area of environment, etc. All those things
that give the President the "activist" problem-solving image which
the liberal press has made the sine qua non of the successful
President.
We ought to find out the major concerns of the American
people, "their issues" and wed the President's public appearances
to those concerns. Surely, the President's appearance at Pendleton
was directly consistent with this. We ought not to make the mistake
of thinking "our" issues, i. e. revenue sharing and reorganization,
are the concerns of the public: we should find out for sure the
concerns of those national communities, ethnic, racial, political
and associate ourselves with them. Again, this does not argue for
abandoning our "six great goals" at all -- these have given us the
stamp of an activist progressive administration; but if we are to
rally great enthusiasm for the President, then we must closely
identify with issues where their enthusiasm resides. One
example: As of this point (9 a.m. Monday) certainly the capital
city and perhaps the country's point of concern is the hell-raisers
in Washington. As of now, the President should be given the credit
for sweeping out that park; the President might well make a
public gesture to the Washington Police and the troops who have
done a first-rate job of police work.
Just a guess -- but we ought to be prepared for some in-
d epth pieces on the President's "public relations men. I The press has
been sniffing around this story for some time; and my guess is that,
with Pierpoint's piece and recent arrivals, we can expect some along
these lines.
Finally, I think that what we have to sell is competence, not
personality, a strong capable successful President, not Mr. Nice
Guy. We should make every effort to destroy the myths about the
President that have been created over twenty-five years -- but
we should not depend upon this to see us through. We should recognize
that the people have an impression about the President built up over
years and decades of time -- and twelve months is not going to change
that impression perceptibly.
4
Attached is a clipping by a normally hostile John Pierson,
a fellow who generally finds it next to impossible to write well
of us -- yet, he has something here.
PATRICK J. BUCHANAN
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way,
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Finally, while a fun-loving spirit probably
siy 18 Capics N C:
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atively minor as the presidential humor.
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and its attendant deceptions have greatly ro-
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10
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reporters. "That's my nature. Each has to by
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word SI FS credit r
83
first-namer or basically, as you know. shall
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on
story
than some of his staff. "I don't tend to be
PHUM UOXIN on punore ONE
Mr. Nixon seems to appreciate this better
sp
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ferent and that each must be true to himself.
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recognition, all around, that each man is dif-
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clubs and dy rod. John Mennedy his
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once said, "an introvert in an extrovert pro-
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have convinced him that far from being one
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If anyone had any doubts about it before.
mother,
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reads biographies of Melbourne and Disraeli
71.11
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is bet-
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THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
WASHINGTON
April 19, 1971
Personal and Confidential
TO: Bob Haldeman
FROM: RE: Attached John Mitchell my
Attached is the proposal of Bill Brock concerning
which I spoke to you on the telephone last week.
I subscribe completely to Brock's concept of where
the Nixon youth votes will come from and propose to recom-
mend that he proceed with his proposal unless you have
reservations.
Bill Brock's activity should, of course, be
coordinated with whatever Bob Finch will be doing in the
youth area out of the White House.
DRAFT PROPOSAL - YOUNG VOLUNTEERS FOR NIXON
I would like to begin now building a "Young Volunteers for Nixon"
campaign team.
As a partisan of this Administration, I have reached the end of my
rope with those political jeremiahs whose myopic and occasionally paranoid
view of current problems is allowed to obscure the obvious need for a unity
of purpose and planning today so that we may enable the President to achieve
his deserved mandate in 1972. It's time to get back on track.
My request is predicated upon five perceived conditions: First,
that there exists within the 18 to 22 age group a potential of more than 5
million votes for Richard Nixon: second, that potential exists regardless of
any existing philosophical and party lines; third, it is dependent more upon
the magnitude and quality of our efforts to obtain it than upon any other single
factor; fourth, there exists today no organization or method, either at the
state or national level, to achieve this goal; and, finally, I believe in
Tennessee we established a design which can be implemented on a national
basis to do SO.
Attached hereto as Appendix I, is a short survey of my "Young
Volunteers for Brock" organization in Tennessee in 1970. While obviously
sketchy, I believe it will give you an indication of the kind of effort which
can be made in virtually any state in the Union.
Appendix II is a broadly stated design concept for implementation
of a national "Young Volunteers for Nixon" campaign. Essentially its
objective is to achieve the mobilization and coordination of more than 500, 000
new workers for the President in this particular age group. While I hope
the attached addenda will speak for themselves in program terms, I think
- 2 -
it is important to establish at this point the feasibility of such an operation
(the desirability of such a goal is obvious).
Based upon my own experience, this generation offers fantastic
potential for the Republican Party. While it may or may not be "the most
misunderstood generation in history", as some of its college groups would
have you believe, there is no question that it can be subjected to the
greatest political miscalulation in recent times.
I've seen the polls saying that 37% consider themselves to be liberal
and 40% middle of the road. As a matter of fact, my staff has spent the
last several weeks collecting every obtainable data source on this subject
that we could find. Virtually all these sources concede the college generation
considers itself more "liberal" than its elders. Virtually none have probed
the philosophic base of this semantic identification on campus, and literally
none have explored the philosophy and preference of the non-college young -
even though this latter group constitutes 2/3 of the whole and, paranthetically,
is unquestionably more "conservative" than their contemporaries on campus.
Thus it is toward the working young that I propose we direct a major
campaign effort. This group of new voters offers more opportunity for the
Republican Party than any other - yet it is almost totally ignored today by
politicans and political analysts alike.
At the same time, we can add the potential of college youth. In this
regard, I believe we can stress to advantage smaller state universities,
community colleges, vocational and technical institutes, and private and
parochial institutions. As with the "working young" these offer a group with
a higher yield/effort factor.
- 3 -
Based upon my experience with the 22 member Campus Task Force,
one fact comes through loud and clear, no matter where you are, North,
South, East or West, no matter what kind of campus you are on, liberal,
conservative, rich, poor, private, parochial or public. It is that this
generation is desperate in its search for personal identity and a sense of
meaningful involvement. Of course every conversation begins with Vietnam,
the environment, racial untolerance, and the rest; but the longer you talk
and the more you probe, the more eloquent the plea becomes for a chance
to live one's own life and to have a meaningful voice in one's future - to
be able to effect the course of events, to feel a sense of contribution, of
participation. Admittedly many are not able to articulate their frustration,
but its essential cause can not be hidden, nor can we afford to overlook the
implications of such a condition.
The central fact of this circumstance is that the desire for participation
and constructive activity overrides all other issues, both emotional and
intellectual. It can be capitalized on to the advantage of not only the
Republican party and its presidential nominee, but of the young people as
well.
Thus, I think the first condition of any political effort is that WC
disabuse ourselves of the semantical shibboleths which currently prevent
not only understanding but even communication, on the part of young and
old alike. Our young are not a collection of nihilists and hedonists, as some
of their olders apparently believe. Nor are they wedded to the paternalism
of the Democratic party and its apparent principles, as some of the youth
themselves would indicate by their adopted labels and slogans.
- 4 -
Thus it is my contention, and deeply rooted conviction, that if our
campaign not only asks for their help, but also allows these individuals to
become involved in a meaningful way, it can expect a remarkable response.
Let me stress again one additional factor: for every young person in college,
there are two of his contemporaries either gainfully employed in a civilian
occupation, serving in the military, or acting as a housewife. Even if we
college
accept the major / political charts indicating tendencies away from our
nominee - and I would not for one minute do so if we act now to correc
condition - the remaining base of 12 million non-college new voters offers
a political opportunity of incredible magnitude.
Let me recall (with a pardonable degree of relish) my experience of
last year. I was running against our Southern super-dove and liberal Albert
Gore. Thus, it was understandable when the national press came to Tennessee
with the full expectation of seeing a massive youth movement for Gore. Their
shocked disbelief (and, on occasion, utter consternation) when they found that
the converse was true - is also understandable.
My opponent had minimal youth organization. It was not a campaign
asset, and that which existed was poorly coordinated. On my side, the youth
organization was abundantly apparent in every locality, large or small.
Throughout the campaign we had over 8, 500 sincere, attractive, articulate
young people working day and night for my election.
The why of all this is important. The attached appendix explains
the modus operandi, and sketches some of the activities, of these 8, 500
workers. But if I had to state the real reason for the success of this
operation, it was due to the fact that we not only had talented young people
to lead it, but we gave them a freedom of action sufficient for them to
- 5 -
feel a personal sense of responsibility and a measurable sense of accomplishment.
In sum, I would like to work to take the best of our program and
implement it (together with other ideas which might work in this area) on a
national basis. The accompanying Appendices tell how.
Appendix III is a suggested time-flow chart for project development.
You will notice the projected high budget (Appendix IV) is based upon the
national campaign carrying the total cost of this project - a situation which
I believe we can avoid. The projected Cost Feasibility Analysis (Appendix V),
if valid, is evidence that this is not an unwarranted effort. Appendix VI is a
brief demographic sketch of the new voter group whose ages fall between 18
and 22. Appendix VII is a short compendium of remarks on this issue by
political analysts and others.
There are just two short footnotes I want to stress with regard to
this proposal. First, it is presented as a national (50 state) program.
Obviously this is important for the public image. However, from the
practical side it can be reduced to a concentration of effort on the Nixon
target states. Thus we could more effectively focus our talent and resources
- within a lower budget.
In essence, my thesis is that, regardless of the scope of the program,
this can be brought to fruitation at a cost of less than 25¢ per additional
Nixon vote. I know of no other area which would yield such a favorable
cost-benefit ratio.
- 6 -
Secondly, I am very muc h aware of the real motivation behind, and
implication of, the proposed limitation on media campaign expenditures.
This vehicle will allow us to live within any such law Congress may pass
without suffering. I should add that similar organizational expenditures
which can be developed in other voter groups might prove equally advantageous,
given this new limitation. I hope these avenues will be thoroughly utilized
and would value the opportunity to work with you here as well.
APPENDIX I
Critique of Young Volunteers for Brock
Tennessee Senatorial Campaign 1970
One of the most exciting and productive Youth Organizations in our
nation's history was developed for Senator Bill Brock in the 1970 Tennessee
Senatorial campaign. By working with the young people of Tennessee for the
past 18 years Senator Brock has developed an extensive understanding of
Tennessee's young generation. The Young Volunteers for Brock under the
direction of John D. Stamps, Tom Bell and Larry Ledford capitalized on
his past experiences and captured a tremendous majority of the youth support
and vote.
Senator Brock was interested in involving any young individuals that
were willing to contribute ability, financial resources, or moral support.
Our primary objective in this youth movement was involvement. The Y.V.B.
organization involved more people than any previous youth movement that the
State of Tennessee had ever experienced. It emphasized Bill Brock's commit-
ment to the youth of Tennessee through Y.V.B. organizations in every county,
every city and on every college campus, as well as in most of the state high
schools.
There were three primary segments of the state youth population we
wished to develop during the course of the campaign -- young voters (employed
or military), college students, and high school students.
These three movements were coordinated by a state chairman, deputy
chairman (paid), and executive director (paid). There were also two field
men (paid) traveling the state in direct contact with the county leaders. In
addition there were also two volunteer office coordinators in our Nashville
office at all times. The Young Volunteers for Brock were under the direct
- 2 -
supervision of Brock Campaign Manager, Ken Rietz, but for the most part
were a separate organization from the regular campaign operations.
The Y.V.B. organization raised most of its own money, conducted
its own projects, maintained its own offices, and developed its own staff.
Though the Y.V.B. and regular campaign organization were separate
operations, they worked together in every possible instance; and the Y.V.B.
organization supplied much of the manpower for regular Brock campaign
projects.
The Y.V.B. organization was divided into a number of segments all
coordinated under the direction of the forementioned chairmen, executive
director, and deputy chairman. These divisions were:
College
Finance
Y.R.'s
High School
Publicity
TAR's
Young Voters
Military
Seminar-training
Each of these divisions had its own director, and was carried out
on a statewide basis.
Accomplishments of Young Volunteers for Brock, Tennessee Senatorial
election 1970:
- The first and foremost accomplishment of the Y.V.B. organization
was involvement. There were over 8, 500 young people actively involved
in every imaginable capacity of the Brock campaign.
- Y.V.B. organizations were developed in every county in the state.
(Some of these counties had never even heard the term "Republican worker"
before this election).
- 3 -
- All 38 major college campuses in the state were organized, and
every resident hall on these campuses was canvassed.
- 17 mock elections were held across the state, of which we won 15,
tied 1, and lost 1. (Development of win psychology)
- 368 high schools had active Y.V.B. clubs with memberships
ranging from 18 to 189 young men and women.
- Over 1, 000, 000 flyers were distributed in the final 10 days of the
campaign in a very profitable blitz effort.
- Over 26, 000 bumper stickers were put on cars and over 860, 000
pieces of Brock literature were distributed during three bus trips across
the entire state (an additional 50, 000 bumper stickers were placed in other
drives).
- During a five day "kinfolk" operation, 28,000 Kinfolk cards were
mailed throughout the state. (Kinfolk cards are postcards asking recipient,
usually a relative, to vote for Bill Brock. They are hand signed.)
- Every major college and high school football game was canvassed
with Brock literature - as was every other mass gathering of people - in
the final weeks of the campaign.
- 125,000 pumpkin door hangers reading "Even the Great Pumpkin
is Voting for Bill Brock", were placed on door knobs the night before
Halloween.
- Youth "Demonstrations" were held for Bill Brock in every major
metropolitan area.
- A mass "Young Voters" registration drive was carried out four
months prior to election.
- 4 -
- Hospitals and old age homes were canvassed and the pro-Brock
patients registered in August and September. In October and early November
return visits allowed Brock supporters to vote absentee or by the assistance
of transportation.
- Travel agencies were checked to see who was going out of town and
these people were contacted and asked and assisted to vote absentee for Bill
Brock before they left.
- A Young Volunteers for Brock newsletter with a circulation of
13, 000 was published every other week.
- State, regional and district seminars training young people to work
for Bill Brock were held throughout the state.
- Ecology projects were carried out in Bill Brock's name.
- Extensive election day activities - such as baby sitting, poll watching,
car pools, etc.
These are just some of the many projects undertaken, and carried
out by the Y.V.B. organization. We feel that the Y.V.B.'s activities were
a major factor in the Senator's election. The Young Volunteers for Brock
organization was an excellent example of what young people will do when
they are asked to become actively involved. We attribute the fantastic
success of the Y.V.B. organization to the following:
1. Bill Brock sincerely cared about the young people of Tennessee.
He asked them openly to become involved, and he made them feel their voice
would be heard. His organization met this commitment through constant
organization and communication with the team.
- 5 -
2. The Y.V.B. organization was originated, developed, controlled,
and staffed by a very talented group of young people who understood the youth
of Tennessee and what their problems and interests were. Because the
organization itself was young, it had no trouble communicating and involving
the state's youth.
We have demonstrated that a group of responsible young people can
participate in a constructive manner within the framework of a political
campaign. The Brock campaign gave thou sands of young Tennesseans the
opportunity to become active in a meaningful manner in Tennessee Republican
politics.
JOHN D. STAMPS
ToM D. BELL, JR.
APPENDIX II
PROPOSAL FOR NATIONAL NIXON YOUTH CAMPAIGN
PHASE I. July, August, September and October
I propose the organization of those Members of Congress below the
age of 40 into an ad hoc advisory board under the Nixon campaign manager
to offer broad policy guidance for the National campaign among those voters
between the ages of 18 and 22. This Board would in turn appoint a limited
staff of no more than 5 people initially to develop the basic outline of a
national campaign and to develop preliminary state contact lists of
Republican leaders, and through them, potential state youth leaders.
This first stage would require a maximum of 4 months for implementation,
running from 1 July through 1 November, and a maximum budget of approx-
imately $42, 000.
PHASE II. - November, December, and January
Following the preliminary planning stage, phase II would run from
November through January of 1972, and would primarily be concerned with
completion of the basic campaign plan and the employment and training of
the remainder of the national and regional field staff required.
PHASE III. - February, March, and April
Phase III contains those months of February, March and April 1972,
during which time the campaign would begin to move into its public role.
By the end of April, full state and regional staffing should be completed. At
this point we can begin the young voter education and identification drives.
The school phase of this program would concentrate on identifying positive
and possible Nixon supporters among high schools, vocational schools, junior
college and colleges, concentrating first, of course, on the 21 target states.
- 2 -
Simultaneously the campaign among youth employed in the civilian work force
and the military would proceed apace, with a drive to identify not only all
potential Nixon supporters in this particular group, but to specifically enlist
the young community leadership necessary to organize these groups and
effectuate their voting strength.
Also during this period we would be in position, having completed
the identification program on a community basis, to conduct a registration
drive to maximize the registration of those voters who would tend to favor
our campaign. To be perfectly clear, I do not advocate a mass non-specific
registration drive - it's hard enough to hunt where the ducks are. We have
neither the time nor the resources to do otherwise.
PHASE IV.
Phase IV would be concerned with a completion of our organizational
structure at both the state, county, and community level in order to be
prepared to go into the fall campaign. During these summer months of May,
June and July the primary emphasis would be upon organizational structure
and upon the completion of our voter identification and registration programs
among the employed youth.
PHASE V.
Phase V is of course the climax effort to direct the total resources
identified and organized up to this point toward the maximum vote turnout
for Richard Nixon. By early October the education, identification and
registration of all voting age youth should be completed as well as organization
of these pro Nixon young people into campaign teams. During this time the
- 3 -
direct mail program to both employed and college young people will reach its
maximum, as will the organizational effort to direct the energies of this
group towards constructive campaign activity which is coordinated with
and complimentary to the National Republican campaign and the campaign
as it is conducted on a state and local basis.
The sum total of this effort is directed towards achieving a goal of
450, 000 attractive, articulate, young workers for Nixon to be made available
as a basic campaign team for the national campaign.
Suggested Program Objectives and Projects
Purpose - Develop a national leadership team with the capacity to:
1) train and lead regional state leaders
2) create a program which will excite and involve a significant
portion of the 18, 000, 000 voters between 18 and 22
3) support and supplement the program of the national campaign
Goals - Involvement through organization and challenge of:
1) youth for Nixon teams in every state
2) youth for Nixon organizations among the working and military young
3) youth for Nixon organizations in every high school
4) youth for Nixon organizations in every college
4) 450, 000 young workers for Nixon in support of the regular campaign.
Potential Projects:
1) national youth education drives
2) national youth canvass
3) national youth registration of pro-Nixon youth
- 4 -
4) national youth voter turnout of pro-Nixon youth
5) national hospital and nursing home registration of pro-Nixon
aged (care program)
6) national absentee voter drive
7) national bumper sticker, bill board, flyer campaign, etc.
8) national support program for the Nixon campaign in such areas
as poll watchers, precinct workers, baby sitting, drivers, etc.
9) national "kinfolk" operation
Suggested Job Description Summaries - by Groups
Employed Staff Planning Group This group will begin work on the preliminary
campaign design, begin contact with national, regional and state Republican
and campaign leaders, develop lists of potential contacts by states, catalog
information on all high schools, vocational schools, colleges, etc., form and
staff the national advisory board, contact, employ and train regional staff.
National Advisory Board This group will oversee entire campaign, approve
budgets, approve major staff appointments, approve major campaign themes,
and act in a continuing advisory role to assist the national program staff.
National Staff This group will conduct the national campaign, oversee and
direct regional field activities, conduct fund raising when and where authorized
by the National Nixon campaign, coordinate all activities with the National
Nixon campaign manager, publish newsletter, design national youth campaign
themes, etc.
- 5 -
Regional Staff This group will supervise and coordinate the activities of state
organizations within each region, implement programs as requested by the
national staff, train and supervise state leaders.
State Staff This group will have direct responsibility of implementation of
the state youth program, coordination and cooperation with the state Nixon
campaign, fund raising as authorized by the Nixon state campaign manager,
organization of every high school, vocational school, and college in the
state young voter canvass, young voter registration drives, young voter
vote drive, and such other programs as they are asked to implement. It
should be the stated objective of the state youth campaign to identify, enlist,
and organize a minimum of one young worker for each 40 young voters (18-22)
in that state. Each worker would have a target of identifying, encouraging,
and voting 20 voters for President Nixon.
APPENDIX III
PRE-PLANNING
FULL PLANNING &
EARLY STATE
FULL
FULL
STAGE
STAFFING STAGE
ORGANIZATIONAL
ORGANIZATIONAL
CAMPAIGN
STAGE
STAGE
Jul - Oct
Nov Dec Jan
Feb Mar Apr
May Jun Jul
Aug Sept Oct
1971
1971
staff planning
group
50% 100%
name advisory
committee
33% 66% 100%
develop preliminary
state contact lists
50% 100%
develop basic
campaign plan
25% 50%
100%
employ national &
regional field staff
25% 50%
75% 100%
employ or appoint
state organization
25%
50% 75% 100%
conduct voter
identification drives
10% 20% 30%
40% 50% 60%
80% 100%
conduct registration
drives
10% 20% 30%
40% 50% 60%
80% 100%
implement full
campaign
100%
APPENDIX IV
PROJECTED HIGH BUDGET
National Program
State Program
Total Cost
Phase I
July 1971
$6,000
August
8,000
September 10,000
October
12,000
Phase I total
$36,000
$36,000
Phase II
November
23,000
December 28,000
January '72 30,000
$12,000
81,000
12,000
Phase II total
93,000
Phase III February 32,000
15,000
March
34,000
18,000
April
36,000
21,000
102,000
54,000
Phase III total
156,000
Phase IV May
38,000
24,000
June
40,000
27,000
July
42,000
30,000
120,000
81,000
Phase IV total
201,000
Phase V August
45,000
30,000
September
50,000
30,000
October
55,000
30,000
150,000
90,000
Phase V total
240,000
Total Project Cost
489,000
237,000
$726,000
APPENDIX V
COST FEASIBILITY ANALYSTS - LOW BASIS
I
Estimated Vote without Youth Program
Potential Voters (18-22) 18,000,000
X Estimated turnout 25%
4,500,000
X Projected Nixon Vote (minimum 22%)
990,000
(maximum 44% 1,980,000
Estimated 1972 Nixon Vote (mean 33%)
1,500,000
II
Estimated Vote with Youth Program
Proposed Goal of Workers
450,000
X 20 Votes per worker
9,000,000
X 50% effeciency factor
4,500,000
Estimated 1972 Nixon Vote produced
by Youth Organization (from all ages)
4,500,000
III
Net Additional Nixon Votes
3,000,000
IV
Cost Per Vote
Estimated Minimum Program Cost
489,000
New Voters
3,000,000
Minimum Cost per vote
16.3¢
Estimated Maximum Program Cost
720,000
÷
New Voters
3,000,000
Maximum Cost per Vote
24.0¢
APPENDIX VI
PROJECTED PROFILE 18 - 22 year olds in 1972
Newly eligible (18-20)
11. 4 million
8. 4% voting age population
Newly eligible (21-22)
7. 1 million
5.1% voting age population
18.5
13.5%
Total in college
6.5 million (1)
Total employed - civilian
8.0 million
Total employed-military
1.0 million
Unemployed
.8 . million
Housewives
1.7 million
Other
.5 million
18.5
College Student Profile (2)
Republican
24%
Conservative
17%
Independent 44%
Moderate
40%
Democrat
32%
Liberal
37%
(1) This figure represents only the college population in this age group.
The total census of higher education is slightly over 8 million. If
added to this voter group, it would carry the total to 20+million, or
14+% of the population.
(2) These represent a composite of generally accepted national polls -
our own, Gallup, Harris, etc.
APPENDIX VII
Statistical Information
Christian Science Monitor, December 22, 1970
The Supreme Court may have elected a President.
When the votes are counted in 1972, it may well be that the 18 to 21
age group will have been decisive in nudging the election one way or
another. A Harris poll of December 3, shows Senator Edmund S.
Muskie picking up 49% of this new youth vote, with only 22% going to
President Nixon. Interestingly enough, George C. Wallace picks up
19% of this same youth vote in the poll which ran a hypothetical three
man, Nixon-Muskie-Wallace race. This poll might well spur GOP
planners to include in their strategy more programs with obvious appeal
to youth. There is at least one other national poll that shows Mr. Muskie
running well behind Senator Edward M. Kennedy among the young people.
Should there be a Democratic surge in the direction of Kennedy, this
factor, a Kennedy appeal to yough, might pull the Senator into the
nomination.
The President and the GOP should be giving much thought to the
youth groups as it shapes its legislative program. One might look
for more GOP emphasis on programs that aid the environment and
further Civil Rights, for example. Certainly, too, this new development
will do nothing to slow the Nixon-engendered momentum for getting out
of the Vietnam war.
- 2 -
U. S. News and World Report, January 4, 1971
At least 21 million more persons will be eligible to vote in the 1972
presidential and congressional elections as a result of an act of Congress
and a December 21 Supreme Court ruling.
Total Voting - Age Population
138. 9 million
Newly Eligible Young Voters
18. 5 million
Voting-age population under 21
11. 4 million
New Voters, ages 21 and 22
7. 1 million
Thus, in 1972, about 1 in 8 Americans of voting age in federal elections
will be old enough to vote for the first time.
The Wall Street Journal, January 7, 1971
"
The conventional reasoning could err on 2 counts: More of the
18-to-21 year-olds may vote than expected, and they may vote more
monolithically, usually on the liberal side. In 1972, at least, widespread
publicity about the first-time voters should swell their participation. Youth
groups and civic organizations plan special drives to spur registration and
voting, by young people. The war, the draft, student loan policy or other
special impact issues could enlarge the youth turnout. 11
The Washington Post, June 29, 1970
A recent professional poll suggests the Democratic party identification
is waning among the young. Taken early this year, the poll found that 40%
of the population identifies with the Democratic party (while 27% chooses
the GOP). But ony 30% of the 21 - to -29 age group identified with the
Democrats -- a slippage of 10 points from the station as a whole.
- 3 -
Broader attitudinal surveys indicate that the young despite their
growing indifference to centrist major parties, are not moving consistently
toward either extreme.
A Gallup poll early this year found that adults under 30 years of
age were divided about equally between liberal and conservative
designations.
Is the young generation really violently opposed to the war in Vietnam?
Apparently not, if the pollsters are right. A series of Gallup polls indicated
that young voters were less inclined than their elders to call the war a
mistake.
What of the attitude toward Richard Nixon? Is he really far out of tune
with the younger generation? Again, the pollsters say no. As late as
last November, 62% of the people aged 21 to 29 approved his handling of
the presidency, about the same proportion as the over-50's, according to
Gallup.
A poll by a national professional sampling organization concludes,
bewilderingly, that 70% of the youngest voting segment in America consider
themselves to be members of the "silent majority".
The Gallup Opinion Index, June, 1969
A growing tendency exists on campus to avoid identification with either
major party. The proportion of college students who describe themselves
as Independent in politics has grown steadily since 1966 when 39% put
themselves into the category to 52% today, the high point to date. Among
the remaining 48% who indicate a party preference, the weight of opinion
- 4 -
The Gallup Opinion Index, June, 1969 cont 'd
slightly favors the Democrats.
Party labels have far less appeal on campuses today than they do with
the general public of today. If the political views of the present generation
of college students are indicative of a trend that will gain momentum
during the next decade, then the two major parties need to do a lot of new
thinking and planning.
The Gallup Opinion Index, March, 1970
If the 10. 5 million Americans who are 18, 19, and 20 years old obtain
the right to vote in all 50 states they could easily change the result of close
elections such as the 1968 Presidential election, when Richard Nixon and
Hubert Humphrey were separated by only 514, 155 votes, (1% of the total
vote) and the 1960 election when John Kennedy and Richard Nixon were
separated by the bare margin of 118, 550 votes (0.2 of 1 per cent of the
total vote).
About one in three civilians 18, 19, and 20 years old are currently
enrolled in colleges and universities. Two persons in three (7 million or
66%) have completed four years of high school; about 2.9 million (28%)
have completed one to three years of high school while 600,000 have had
less education.
Date in January, 1970 Bureau of Labor Statistics report indicated
that about 5.9 million 18, 19 and 20 year olds were in the civilian labor
force. Of this number, about 5.2 million were employed and 600,000
unemployed.
- 5 -
The Gallup Opinion Index, March 1970 cont'd
Another 800, 000 were in the armed forces. Two million five hundred
thousand were going to school, 1.1 million were young women keeping house;
and 300, 000 were otherwise classified. Males and females in this age
group are approximately equal in number: 5.3 million men and 5.2 million
women.
The Gallup Opinion Index -- 1971 Poll of College Students
Favorable
Unfavorable
Lindsay
81%
19%
McCarthy
79%
21%
Muskie
78%
22%
Kennedy
75%
25%
McGovern
76%
24%
Nixon
49%
51%
Party labels have become increasingly meaningless as a means of
classifying college students politically. The most recent survey shows
approximately half of college students interviewed (52%) identifying
themselves as Independents, compared to only 30% who say they are
Democrats and 18% classifying themselves as Republicans.
Survey evidence indicates that a more meaningful method of
classifying college students is their political philosophy. 35% consider
themselves Left to Far Left, while 63% consider themselves Moderate to
Right Wing. The proportion of students describing themselves as Left
to Far Left increases by class from 28% among freshmen to a majority
of 59% among graduate students. A great majority of students reject the
extremes of any political spectrum.
- 6 -
Senator Bill Brock, March, 1971
"The forgotten voter is not on campus, he is a 20 year old breadwinner
hard at work providing for his young wife and new baby. He is one of the
silent 70% who do not go to college. His philosophy is at once pragmatic
and patriotic. Undisturbed by welfare rhetoric or esoteric promises, his
loyalty is to his family. His vote will be determined not by party, but by
the hope for economic stability, job security, and opportunity -- and a
lasting peace. His is the voice of common sense. Those who heed it
will earn its support.
The New York Times, June 28, 1970
John S. Andrews, Chairman of the Ohio GOP, cites a survey indicating
that about 60% of young voters from Ohio remain independent, with the
remaining 40% splitting evenly between the two parties. "It has always
been assumed that party patterns won't change because the young follow
the voting patterns of their parents, but in this time of upheaval, I am
no longer sure of that."
Democrat Governor Warren E. Hearnes, Missouri, said, "If Nixon
signs that bill, he's beat. The 18 year olds are against him. 11
Marvin Madeson, St. Louis, National Chairman of the New Democratic
Coalition declared, "I think it will make politicans fear a swing to the left
and cause them to move to the left even though they don't have to. It
will be an unnecessary reaction, but all to the good as far as I am
concerned. 11
- 7 -
The New York Times, June 28, 1970 cont'd
Alabama Governor Albert P. Brewer, defeated for nomination last
month by Wallace, said he would have won had the 18 year olds been able
to vote for him.
"
they were progressive and less receptive to Mr.
Wallace's racial appeals. 11
E. J. Boling, University of Tennessee President, said, 'a lot of
people may be surprised at the votes these young people cast, because I
am not sure the 18 to 20 year olds who are being heard reflect the views
of the majority in that age bracket. 11
The W:11 Street Journal, January 7, 1971
Nixon seems to be one pro, in fact, who recognizes the possibility
that lowered voting age, particularly when counted with new, more liberal
residency requirements, may have far more impact than most professional
politicans and election-watchers currently predict.
11
on his televised
"conversation Monday night, he conceded that younger voters appear to
favor the Democrats, though he quickly added his belief that large
number of young people are undecided, and that coming achievements
would give the GOP a very good crack at this age group by 1972 .
"
-6-
STATISTICAL INFORMATION
Vote by Groups in Presidential Elections
(1952 - 1968)
1952
1956
1960
1964
1968
Wal-
Dem. Rep.
D
R
D
R
D
R
D
R lace
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
NATIONAL
44.6
55.4
42.2
57.8
50.1
49.9
61.3
38.7
43.0
43.4
13.6
Men
47
53
45
55
52
48
60
40
41
43
16
Women
42
58
39
61
49
51
62
38
45
43
12
White
43
57
41
59
49
51
59
41
38
47
15
Non-white
79
21
61
39
68
32
94
G
85
12
3
College
34
66
31
69
39
61
52
37
High School
45
55
42
52
48
G2
28
43
5
Grade School
52
48
50
55
45
34
3
33
15
Prof. & Bus.
36
64
32
68
42
58
54
46
34
56
10
White Collar
40
60
37
63
48
52
57
43
41
47
12
Manual
55
45
50
50
60
40
71
29
50
35
15
Farmers
33
67
46
54
48
52
53
47
29
51
20
Under 30
51
49
43
57
54
46
64
36
47
38
15
the
30-49 years
47
53
45
55
54
46
63
37
44
41
15
50 years & older
39
61
39
61
46
54
59
41
41
47
12
Protestant
37
63
37
63
38
62
55
45
35
49
16
Catholic
56
44
51
49
78
22
76
24
59
33
8
Republicans
92
96
5
95
20
80
86
5
Democrate
85
84
16
87
13
74
12
11
Independents
35
30
70
13
52
56
44
31
44
25
-7-
STATISTICAL INFORMATION
POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY
Question: "This card lists political positions from the far left to the far right. Considering your own
political views, where would you place yourself on this scale?"
DECEMBER, 1970
Far Left
Left
Middle-of-Road
Right
Far Right
Don't Know
%
%
%
%
%
%
NATIONAL
7
30
40
15
2
6
SEX
Male
7
30
37
18
2
6
Female
5
29
47
11
2
6
AGE
18 years & under
7
30
40
15
2
6
19 years
4
32
42
14
2
6
20 years
4
34
37
18
3
4
21 23 years
11
30
41
12
1
5
24 years & over
6
38
31
17
-
8
REGION OF COLLEGE
East
8
39
39
5
2
7
Midwest
8
29
38
17
3
5
South
5
21
53
17
1
3
West
6
29
32
21
2
10
TYPE OF COLLEGE
Public
7
27
42
15
2
7
Private
7
37
36
14
2
4
Denominational
4
31
41
17
4
3
PARENTS INCOME
$15,000 & over
7
34
36
17
2
4
$10,000 $14,999
4
29
44
14
3
6
7,000 $ 9,999
6
30
44
15
1
4
JUnder $7,000
8
27
37
19
2
7
CLASS IN SCHOOL
Williors will be L'
Freshman-
6
22
48
15
2
7
Sophomore
5
34
36
17
2
6
11/2
Junior
6
29
41
15
3
6
in
Senior
7
36
36
16
1
4
Graduate
15
44
32
6
I
3
RELIGION
Protestant
3
22
48
20
2
5
Catholic
3
27
45
18
2.
5
THE WHITE HOUSE
DETERMINED TO PE AN
WASHINGTON
RKING
By
6-102
CONFIDENTIAL
4-7-82
July 12, 1971
Mr. Thomas W. Benham
Executive Vice President
Opinion Research Corporation
Princeton, New Jersey 08540
Dear Tom:
First, let me apologize for the delay in my response after your
joint discussion with Herb Klein about the plan to spread your
polls for Opinion Research Corporation around somewhat more among
the press. There are a number of good reasons, but I won't go into
them.
The attached are key newspaper bureaus -- groups and individual
newspapers -- that have headquarters in Washington whom your man
would want to contact with the polls. I have selected a key news-
paper for each city based on either circulation or general attitude that
I believe is most likely to cooperate with you in this project.
Every state is covered in either the group or individual list.
My suggestions are these:
1.
First, have your man make contact with the group newspaper
bureaus and indicate the poll material will be available to them
on a continuing basis if they care to use it. He should have
samples of recent polls and some method, if possible, of proving
their accuracy. The key groups in this regard are Copley, Gannett,
Hearst, Knight, Newhouse, Scripps Howard and (because of the New
Hampshire Primary) Loeb. But all the groups should be surveyed
for usage. This is Tab A.
2.
Then, when you get a test of sentiment among the groups, you
should go after the individual newspapers. I would be careful to
avoid circulation duplication. For example, if Bill Theis at
Hearst gets approval to run the survey, I would not contact other
papers in Albany, Baltimore, Boston, Los Angeles, San Francisco or
Seattle (although San Francisco is no problem since the Chronicle
uses only the wires including the special wires and has no
Washington TIRLII. These are Tab B.
7
3.
Simultaneously, I would contact the key television news stations
listed in Tab C. A personal visit is, of course, preferable, but
failing that a good, well-considered and clearly-written letter should
do the job.
If we put together this package, it will really be our own little
mini-syndicate. Correctly done, we really could score. Then, I would
suggest we mail it out to a broadbrush list -- editorial editors, and
radio-television news directors SO they will recieve it about one day
late -- in time not to ruin the exclusivity but in time to use it if
they want or keep it for reference if they want.
In addition, I am including at Tab D a list of columnists in the
Washington area whom I feel should get the survey. Most of them won't
use it, but all of them will keep it in their files -- and eventually
they 'll work it into some of their columns, which shouldn't hurt.
I hope this is helpful. Please don't hesitate to call on me if I can
be of further assistance.
With my best wishes,
Cordially,
DeVan L. Shumway
Assistant to the Director of
Communications for the
Executive Branch
Enclosure
cc: Mr. Klein
Mr. Colson
Mr. Strachan
1
WIRE SERVICES
Associated Press
1300 Connecticut Avenue, N.W.
20036
833-5300
Ray Stephens, Assistant Bureau Manager
Walter R. Mears, National Political Writer
United Press International
315 National Press Building
20004
EX 3-3430
Grant Dillman, News Editor
Raymond Lahr, National Political Writer
NEWSPAPER GROUPS AND BUREAUS (Washington Correspondents - Managers )
Booth Newspapers of Michigan
515 National Press Building 20004
737-7770
William F. Pyper, Bureau Chief
Robert A. Hoving, Correspondent
(Ann Arbor News, Bay City Times, Flint Journal, Grand Rapids Press, Jackson
Citizen Patriot, Kalamazoo Gazette, Muskegon Chronicle, Saginaw News)
Copley News Service
1629 K Street, N.W.
20004
396-8565
Raymond J. McHugh, Bureau Chief
(Alhambra Post-Advocate, Aurora Beacon-News, Burbank Review, Culver City
Star-News, Elgin Courier News, Glendale News-Press, Joliet Herald News,
Monrovia News-Post, Redondo Beach Daily Breeze, Sacramento Union, San Diego
Tribune, San Diego Union, San Pedro News Pilot, Springfield State Journal,
Springfield State Register, Venice Vanguard.)
Carponter News Bureau
784 National Press Building
20004
393-4488
Leslie E. Carpenter, Bureau Chief
(Abilene Reporter News, Amarillo News & Globe Times, Arkansas Gazette,
2
Carpenter News Bureau (Continued)
Austin American, Austin Statesman, Beaumont Enterprise, Beaumont Journal,
Corpus Christi Caller-Times, Honolulu Advertiser, Lubbock Avalanche-Journal,
San Angelo Standard Times, San Antonio Express and Evening News, Waco
News Tribune, Times-Herald, Wichita Falls Record-News & Times.)
Donrey Washington News Bureau
780 National Press Building 20004
783-1760
Bill Kennedy, Bureau Chief
(Aberdeen Daily World, Bartlesville Examiner-Enterprise, Blackwell (Okla.)
Journal-Tribune, Booneville (Ark.) Democrat, Carson City (Nevada) Appeal,
Chicasha (Okla.) Daily Express, Ely (Nevada) Daily Times, Frederick (Okla.)
Daily Leader, Guymon (Okla.) Daily Herald, Futhrie (Okla.) Daily Leader,
Hawaii Today, Hilo Tribune-Herald, Holdenville (Oklahoma) Daily News,
Kealakekua (Hawaii) West, Las Vegas (Nevada) Review-Journal, Moberly (Mo.)
Monitor-Index & Democrat, Okmulgee (Okla.) Daily Times, Ontario (Calif.)
Daily Report, Pauls Valley (Okla.) Daily Democrat, Pawhuska (Okla) Journal-
Capital, Pomona (Calif.) Progress Bulletin, Red Bluff (Calif) Daily News,
Rogers (Ark.) Daily News, Southwest Times Record (Ark.), Weatherford (Texas)
Democrat, Wewoka (Okla.) Daily Times.)
Federated Publications, Inc.
1107 National Press Building 20004
737-2901
Thomas T. Ochiltree, Bureau Chief
(Battle Creek (Mich.) Enquirer & News, Bellingham (Wash.) Herald, Boise
(Idaho) Statesman, Lafayette (Ind.) Journal and Courier, Lansing (Mich.)
State Journal, Marion (Ind.) Chronicle Tribune, Olympia (Wash.) Daily
Olympian.)
Gannett News Service
795 National Press Building 20004
393-3460
Jack W. Germond, Bureau Chief
(Binghamton (NY) Press, Camden (NJ) Courier-Post, Cocoa (Fla) Today,
Danville (Ill.) Commercial-News, Elmira (NY) Star-Gazette, Hartford (Conn.)
Times, Ithaca (NY) Journal, Mamaroneck (NY) Daily Times, Melbourne (Fla.)
Times, Mt. Vernon (NY) Daily Argus, New Rochelle (NY) Standard-Star, Newburg-
Beacon (NY) News, Niagara Falls (NY) Gazette, Olean (NY) Times-Herald, Ossining
(NY) Citizen Register, Peekskill (NY) Evening Star, Pensacola (Fla.) Evening
News, Pensacola (Fla.) Journal, Plainfield (NJ) Courier News, Port Chester
3
Gannett News Service (Continued)
(NY) Daily Item, Port Huron (Mich.) Times Herald, Rochester (NY) Democrat &
Chronicle, Rochester (NY) Times-Union, Rockford (Ill.) Morning Star & Register
Republic, Rockland County (NY) Journal-News, San Bernardino (Calif.) Sun
& Evening Telegram, Saratoga Springs (NY) Saratogian, Tarrytown (NY) Daily
News, Titusville (Fla.) Star-Advocate, Utica (Mich.) Sentinel, Utica (NY)
Daily Press, Utica (NY) Observer-Dispatch, White Plains (NY) Reporter
Dispatch, Yonkers (NY) Herald Statesman. )
Griffin-Larrabee News Bureau
1237 National Press Building 20004
554-3579
Donald R. Larrabee, Bureau Chief
(Anchorage (Alaska) Times, Augusta (Maine) Kennebec Journal, Bangor (Maine)
Daily News, Brockton (Mass.) Enterprise, Buffalo (NY) Courier Express,
Cape Cod (Mass.) Standard-Times, Charleston (W. Va.) Daily Mail, Danbury
(Conn.) News-Times, Fairbanks (Alaska) Daily News-Miner, Fall River (Mass.)
Herald News, Greenville (S.C.) News, Holyoke (Mass.) Transcript-Telegram,
Lynn (Mass.) Item, Middletown (NY) Times Herald Record, New Bedford (Mass.)
Standard-Times, Newport (R.I.) Daily News, Northampton (Mass.) Gazette,
Oneonta (NY) Star, Pawtucket (R.I.) Times, Plattsburgh (NY) Press-Republican,
Pocono (Pa.) Record, Port Jervis (NY) Union-Gazette, Portland (Maine)
Press Herald & Evening Express, Quincy (Mass.) Patriot Ledger, Sioux City
(Iowa) Journal, Trenton (NJ) Times, Waterloo (Iowa) Courier, Waterville
(Maine) Sentinel, Worcester (Mass.) Telegram-Gazette.
Hearst Newspapers & Hearst Headline Service
1701 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W. 20006
298-6920
J. William Theis, Bureau Chief
(Albany (NY) Knickerbocker News & Times-Union, Baltimore (Md.) News-
American, Boston (Mass.) Advertiser & Record American, Los Angeles (Calif.)
Herald-Examiner, San Antonio (Texas) Light, San Francisco (Calif.) Examiner,
Schenectady (NY) Union-Star, Seattle (Wash.) Post-Intelligencer.)
Frank Hewlett Bureau
720 National Press Building 20004
783-4496
Frank Hewlett, Manager
(Honolulu Star-Bulletin, Pacific Daily News (Guam), Salt Lake City Tribune)
4
Knight Newspapers
1195 National Press Building 20004
638-2844
Robert S. Boyd, Bureau Chief
(Akron (Chio) Beacon Journal, Charlotte (N.C.) Observer, Detroit Free
Press, Miami Herald, Philadelphia Inquirer, Tallahassee Democrat.)
Loeb Newspapers
2475 Virginia Avenue, N.W. 20037
965-5610
Edith Kermit Rossevelt, Correspondent
(Connecticut Sunday Herald, Manchester (NH) Union Leader, St. Albans
(vt.) Sunday News, Vermont Sunday News (Burlington).
Newhouse National News Service
1750 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W.
20006
298-7080
Dean Reed, Editor
William E. Howard, Managing Editor
(Birmingham News, Harrisburg Evening News, Harrisburg Patriot, Huntsville,
News & Times, Jersey Journal, Long Island Press, Mississippi Press Register,
Mobile Press & Register, New Orleans Times Picayune, Newark Star-Ledger,
Oregon Journal, Springfield (Mass.) Union & Republican, St. Louis Globe-
Democrat, Staten Island Advance, Syracuse Herald American and Herald
Journal, Syracuse Post-Standard.
Ridder Publications
1325 E Street, N.W.
20004
737-8627
William W. Broom, Bureau Chief
(Aberdeen (S.D.) American-News, Boulder (Colo.) Daily-Camera, Duluth (Minn.)
Herald and News Tribune, Garden Grove (Calif.) News, Gary (Ind.) Post-
Tribune, Grand Forks (N.D.) Herald, Long Beach (Calif.) Independent & Press
Telegram, Pasadena Star News, San Jose Mercury and News, St. Paul Pioneer
Press & Dispatch.
5
Scripps Howard Newspaper Alliance
1013 Thirteenth Street, N.W. 20005
DI 7-7750
Earl H. Richert, Editor-in-Chief
(Albuquerque Tribune, Birmingham Post-Herald, Cincinnati Post & Times-Star,
Cleveland Press, Columbus Citizen Journal, El Paso Herald Post, Evansville
Press, Fort Worth Press, Hollywood (Fla.) Sun Tattler, Kentucky Post &
Times-Star, Knoxville News-Sentinel, Memphis Commercial Appeal, Memphis
Press Scimitar, Pittsburgh Press, Rocky Mountain News, Washington Daily News.)
A. Robert Smith
328 Pennsylvania Avenue, S.E. 20003
544-5100
A. Robert Smith, Bureau Chief
(Anchorage Daily News, Corvallis Gazette Times, Eugene (Ore.) Register
Guard, Medford (Ore.) Mail Tribune, Oregon Statesman, Pendleton (Ore.)
East Oregonian, Portland (Ore.) Oregonian, Tacoma (Wash.) News Tribune.)
Timmons News Service
1253 National Press Building 20004
393-0146
Bascom M. Timmons, Bureau Chief
(Baton Rouge Morning Advocate & State Times, Chattanooga News Free-Press,
Dayton Journal Herald, Fort Worth Star Telegram, Houston Chronicle, Jackson
Clarion Ledger, Nashville Tennessean, Orleans States Item, Raleigh News
& Observer, Shreveport Times, Wichita Beacon & Eagle, Wilmington Evening
Journal & Morning News, Youngstown Vindicator.
Frank Vander Linden
128 C Street, N.E.
20003
544-5200
Frank Vander Linden, Bureau Chief
(Jackson (Miss.) Daily News, Nashville Banner)
Cleveland Plain Dealer
521 National Press Building 20004
638-1366
John Peter Leacacos, Bureau Chief
Columbus Dispatch
809 National Press Building 20004
DI 7-3144
George A. Embrey, Bureau Chief
Dallas Morning News
637 National Press Building 20004
NA 8-5030
Robert E. Baskin, Bureau Chief
Dayton Daily News
557 National Press Building 20004
393-2550
Douglas Walker, Correspondent
Denver Post
993 National Press Building 20004
RE 7-1381
Barnet Nover, Correspondent
Des Moines Register & Tribune
952 National Press Building 20004
347-9111
Clark R. Mollenhoff, Bureau Chief
Detroit News
511 National Press Building 20004
NA 8-4566
J.F. (Jerry) terHorst, Bureau Chief
3
Houston Post
788 National Press Building 20004
638-4332
Fred Bonavita, Correspondent
Indianapolis News
641 National Press Building 20004
638-6425
Louis C. Hiner, Bureau Chief
(Indianapolis News, Muncie Press, Phoenix Gazette)
Kansas City Star and Times
1750 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W. 20006
298-7770
John R. Cauley, Correspondent
Louisville Courier-Journal & Times
1265 National Press Building 20004
628-7704
Ward Sinclair, Correspondent
Los Angeles Times
1700 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W.
20006
296-1440
David Kraslow, Bureau Chief
Thomas J. Foley, Political Writer
Milwaukee Journal
734 National Press Building 20004
RE 7-6453
John W. Kole, Bureau Chief
Minneapolis Tribune
940 National Press Building 20004
DI 7-5885
Charles F. Bailey, Bureau Chief and White House Correspondent
4
New Orleans Times Picayune
1029 National Press Building
20004
737-2934
Edgar A. Poe, Correspondent
Newark News.
507 National Press Building 20004
NA 8-4240
William May, Correspondent
New York Daily News
1272 National Press Building 20004
NA 8-5058
Jerry Greene, Bureau Chief
Newsday
621 National Press Building 20004
393-6686
Russell Sackett, Bureau Chief
Oklahoma City Times & Daily Oklahoman
907 National Press Building 20004
628-0335
Allan W. Cromley, Bureau Chief
Omaha World-Herald
1217 National Press Building 20004
EX 3-0644
John W. Jarrell, Correspondent
Philadelphia Bulletin
1296 National Press Building 20004
737-0403
Lawrence M. O'Rourke, Bureau Chief
Robert Roth, Correspondent
Pittsburg Post-Gazette
1280 National Press Building 20004
EX 3-4580
Milton G. Jaques, Representative
3
Providence Journal-Bulletin
925 National Press Building 20004
NA 8-6214
Hamilton E. Davis, Bureau Chief
Richmond Times-Dispatch
20005 Stirrup Lane
Alexandria, Virginia
780-1325
Charles McDowell, Jr., Correspondent
St. Louis Post-Dispatch
1701 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W. 20006
298-6880
Richard Dudman, Chief Correspondent
Salt Lake City Deseret News
5716 N. Kings Highway
Alexandria, Virginia 22303
SO 5-5478
Cordon E. White, Correspondent
Seattle Times
718 National Press Building 20004
347-4350
William W. Prochnau, Correspondent
Toledo Blade
1280 National Press Building 20004
EX 3-4580
Frank R. Kane, Representative
Tulsa World
330 A Street, S.E. 20003
544-2998
Malvina Stephenson Correspondent
6
Washington Star
225 Virginia Avenue, S.E. 20003
LI 3-5000
Newbold Noyes, Editor
Winston Salem Journal & Twin City Sentinel
1814 37th Street, N.W. 20007
333-7820
Lloyd T. Preslar, Correspondent
Albuquerque - Dick Knipfing, KOAT
Atlanta - Dave Riggs, WSB-TV
Birmingham - Joe Langston, WBRC-TV
Boston
-
Jeff Schiffman, WBZ
Chicago - Ward Quall, WGN
Cleveland - Bill Feest, WJW
Columbus - Tom Dorsey, WBNS
Dallas - Eddie Barker, KDFW
Denver - Jack Bennet, KLZ
Des Moines - Bob Wilbanks, WHO
Houston - Eddie Barker, KDFW (see Dallas)
Indianapolis - R. Lee Giles, WISH-TV
Los Angeles -- Bill Eames, KNXT
Joe Benti, KABC
Miami - Wayne Farris, WCKT
Bill Bayer, WPLG
Milwaukee - Bill Kreuger, WTMJ
Minneapolis - Sherman Headley, WCCO
Nashville - Chris Clark, WLAC-TV
New Orleans - Ed Planer, WDSU-TV
New York City - Al Primo, WABC-TV
Omaha - Tom Murray, WOW-TV
Philadelphia - Barry Nemcoff, WCAU-TV
Phoenix - Bill Close, KOOL
Pittsburgh - Bruce McDonald, KDKA
Portland - John Armstrong, KOIN
Richmond - Rob Bauder, WJVR
7
2
St. Louis - Bob Shaefer, KMOX
Salt Lake City - Art Kent, KSL
San Francisco - Pat Polillo, KGO
Washington, D.C. - Andrew Ockershausen, WMAL-TV
SYNDICATED COLUMNISTS AND FEATURES
Syndicate
Holmes Alexander
McNaught
Robert Tate Allan
Washington Religious News
Robert S. Allen
(Inside Washington)
Publishers-Hall
Joseph W. Alsop
Los Angeles Times
Jack N. Anderson
(Washington Merry Go Round)
Bell-McClure
Charles Bartlett
(News Focus)
Publishers-Hall
Bruce Biossat
Newspaper Enterprise
Tom Braden
(Mankiewicz-Braden column)
Los Angeles Times
Marquis Childs
(Washington Calling)
United Features
Ray Cromley
Newspaper Enterprise
Lyle Denniston
Evening Star
Ralph de Toledano
(Assignment: Washington)
King Features
Roscoe Drummond
Los Angeles Times
Willard Edwards
(Capitol Views)
Chicago Tribune
Alan S. Emory
North American
Rowland Evans, Jr.
(Evans-Novak column)
Publishers-Hall
Clayton Fritchey
Newsday Specials
John A. Goldsmith
(Inside Washington)
Publishers-Hall
Noe] Grove
(Washinston Netchock)
Newspaper Enterprise
2
John Herling
(Report on Labor)
National Newspaper Syndicate
Paul Hope
Evening Star
James J. Kilpatrick
(A Conservative View)
Evening Star
Joseph Kraft
(Washington Insight)
Publishers-Hall
David Lawrence
(Lawrence Dispatch)
Publishers-Hall
Ted Lewis
(Capitol Stuff)
Chicago Tribune
Don Maclean
United Features
Mary McGrory
Evening Star
Marianne Means
King Features
Edward J. Michleson
Bell-McClure
North American
Robert D. Novak
(Evans-Novak column)
Publishers-Hall
Crosby Noyes
Evening Star
Kevin P. Phillips
King Features
John P. Roche
King Features
Carl T. Rowan
Publishers Hall
Joseph Slevin
(Inside the Economy)
Newsday Specials
Richard Starnes
United Features
J.F. terHorst
North American
Nick Thimmesch
(Eye on the Presidency)
Newday Specials
Walter Trohan
(Peport from Washington)
Chicago Tribune
Andrew Tully
(Capital Fare)
Bell-McClure
3
Philip Wagner
Wagner
W. David Webb
(Washington Periscope)
Webb
William S. White
(Washington Analysis)
United Features
Richard L. Wilson
Register & Tribune
L