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To: H.R. Haldeman From: Harry Dent RE: letter from Rob Minor to Harry Dent about a copy of a recent poll of 910 Auburn University, Auburn, Alabama students. Letter and Data attached. 3 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 5/1/1972
To: L.R. From: Gordon Strachan RE: File Alabama Poll. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], no date
To: H.R. Haldeman From: Gordon Strachan RE: Market Opinion Research Poll of Alabama. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 10/5/1971
To: H.R. Haldeman From: Gordon Strachan RE: Market Opinion Research Poll of Alabama. Includes Technical Comments and Substantive Results. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 10/4/1971
To: Committee to Encourage Winton Blount to Run for the U.S. Senate From: Jimmy Allison (Allison Treleaven & Rietz Incorporated) RE: Excerpts from a statewide Alabama survey conducted June 21-July 14, 1971. 3 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/8/1971
To: Gordon Strachan From: L.Higby RE: Pulling one-page excerpt of important items contained to attached. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/17/1971
Handwritten notes (author unknown) RE: Alabama survey. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Other Document], no date
Market Opinion Research Poll on Alabama. All interviewing was done between June 21 and July 14, 1971 in order to provide base data on Alabama voters prior to the 1972 election year. 71 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
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WHSF: Contested, 44-5
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WHSF: Contested, 44-5
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This file contains:
To: H.R. Haldeman From: Harry Dent RE: letter from Rob Minor to Harry Dent about a copy of a recent poll of 910 Auburn University, Auburn, Alabama students. Letter and Data attached. 3 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 5/1/1972
To: L.R. From: Gordon Strachan RE: File Alabama Poll. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], no date
To: H.R. Haldeman From: Gordon Strachan RE: Market Opinion Research Poll of Alabama. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 10/5/1971
To: H.R. Haldeman From: Gordon Strachan RE: Market Opinion Research Poll of Alabama. Includes Technical Comments and Substantive Results. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 10/4/1971
To: Committee to Encourage Winton Blount to Run for the U.S. Senate From: Jimmy Allison (Allison Treleaven & Rietz Incorporated) RE: Excerpts from a statewide Alabama survey conducted June 21-July 14, 1971. 3 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/8/1971
To: Gordon Strachan From: L.Higby RE: Pulling one-page excerpt of important items contained to attached. 1 pg. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 9/17/1971
Handwritten notes (author unknown) RE: Alabama survey. 2 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Other Document], no date
Market Opinion Research Poll on Alabama. All interviewing was done between June 21 and July 14, 1971 in order to provide base data on Alabama voters prior to the 1972 election year. 71 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], no date
citationUrl
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Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection
Contested Materials Files
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
Contested Materials Collection
Folder List
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
44
5
5/1/1972
Campaign
Memo
To: H.R. Haldeman From: Harry Dent RE:
letter from Rob Minor to Harry Dent about a
copy of a recent poll of 910 Auburn
University, Auburn, Alabama students.
Letter and Data attached. 3pgs
44
5
>
Campaign
Memo
To: L.R. From: Gordon Strachan RE: File
Alabama Poll. 1pg
44
5
10/5/1971
Campaign
Memo
To: H.R. Haldeman From: Gordon Strachan
RE: Market Opinion Research Poll of
Alabama. 1pg
44
5
10/4/1971
Campaign
Memo
To: H.R. Haldeman From: Gordon Strachan
RE: Market Opinion Research Poll of
Alabama. Includes Technical Comments
and Substantive Results. 1pg
44
5
9/8/1971
Campaign
Memo
To: Committee to Encourage Winton Blount
to Run for the U.S. Senate From: Jimmy
Allison (Allison Treleaven & Rietz
Incorporated) RE: Excerpts from a statewide
Alabama survey conducted June 21-July 14,
1971. 3pgs
44
5
9/17/1971
Campaign
Memo
To: Gordon Strachan From: L.Higby RE:
Pulling one-page excerpt of important items
contained to attached. 1pg
44
5
Campaign
Other Document
Handwritten notes (author unknown) RE:
Alabama survey. 2pgs
Tuesday, February 07, 2012
Page 1 of 2
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
44
5
>
Campaign
Report
Market Opinion Research Poll on Alabama.
All interviewing was done between June 21
and July 14, 1971 in order to provide base
data on Alabama voters prior to the 1972
election year. 71pgs
Tuesday, February 07, 2012
Page 2 of 2
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date : May 1, 1972
all
To:
H. R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
HARRY DENT ABD
Please handle
For your information
alabama
party State Executive Committee
April 28, 1972
Mr. Harry Dent
The White House
Washington, D. C.
Dear Mr. Dent:
Dick Bennett asked me to send you a copy of a
recent poll of 910 students at Auburn University,
Auburn, Alabama. As you can see, the overwhelming
majority of the students were for President Nixon.
I thought that you might want this information for
your files.
A Senatorial preference is also shown with Mr.
Blount leading Mr. Nettles and both leading Mr. Martin.
Sincerely,
Rob Minor
ROB MINOR,
Executive Director
RM/jlp
Enclosure
NUMBER JJ ES.CANVASSED
91.0
NJMBLR REGISTER of
600.0
PERCENTAGE 0.659
NUMBER NOT REGISTERED
310.0 PERCENTAGE 0.341
PARTY PREFERENCE
REPUBLICAN
243.0
PERCENTAGE 0.257
DEMOCRAT
110.0 PERCENTAGE 0.121
INDEPENDENT
557.0 PERCENTAGE 2,512
PRESIDENTIAL
PREFERENCE
(ANSWERED BY REPUB. ICANS & INDEPENDENTS)
NIXIN
596.0
PERCENTAGE 7.754
MUSKIE
13.0
PERCENTAGE 0.016
WALLACE
90.0
PERCENTAGE 0.114
OTHER
18.0
PERCENTAGE 0.23
UNDECIDED
73.0
PERCENTAGE 0.092
REPUBLICAN SENATOR PREFERENCE (ANSWERED BY GJP 5 IND. ALA. RESIDENTS)
NETTLES
155.0
PERCENTAGE 0.252
BLOUNT
189.0
PERCENTAGE 7.373
MARTIN
148.0
PERCENTAGE 7.237
UNDECIDED
131.
PERCENTAGE 0.210
END OF CANVASS
DATA CONSTLTANT AND PROGRAMMER
BUTCH NOA
338 WEST GLENN ST.
AUBURN, ALABAMA 36830
PHONE 205-821-3838
CANVASS BY
AUBURN UNIVERSITY YOUNG REPUBLICAN CLJB
P. 0. BOX 1003
AUBURN, ALABAMA 36832
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date:
TO:
LR
J
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
File
alabama
Poll
October 5, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
2/2
Eir
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Market Opinion Research Poll of Alabama
You asked for a one page summary of the MOR poll of Alabama conducted
between June 21 and July 14 under the direction of Allison Treleaven
and Rietz for the Committee to Encourage Winton Blount to Run for the
U.S. Senate. Even without the material on Blount's candidacy the
results are interesting, but technical weaknesses cast doubt on the
poll's accuracy:
1) Although 805 personal interviews would yield results with a
statistical error of + 3.58, an indeterminate number of deecret
ballots" were administered either as part of or substitutes for
the personal interviews;
2) Only 64 Republicans and 61 18-24 year olds were interviewed
yet conclusions are offered without noting that the accuracy
level would be no better than + 7-128,
3) If any "weighting" process were used to assure accuracy of the
sample there is no discussion of the process. Only a crude "verifi-
cation" system that compares known voting results from 1968 with the
claimed voting behavior of the respondents is mentioned;
4) The report contains internally contradictory statements;
5) The demographic table indicates that 50% of the respondents
refused to give their age. One wonders how successful the inter-
viewers were in obhaining accurate results to other questions.
Substantive results of interest include:
1) In either two-way (Nixon-Wallace) or three-way trial heats the
President loses Alabama but not by much (2.1 if Nixon vs. Wallace;
2.7, 6.8 and 8.1 if Nixon vs. Muskie, Humphrey or Kennedy respectively,
with Wallace as a third party candidate.
2) In non-Wallace trial heats MOR does not probe who benefits from
Wallace's absence;
3) The open-end and comparative position before and during Nixon's
Presidency indicate that 20% of those who disapprove of the President
mention he "is not working hard enough," yet only 11.2% mention bussing
as a source of disapproval.
4) Alabamans rank the social issue first, Vietnam second, the economy
third and the environment fourth.
GS:elr
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
October 4, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR:
H. R. HALDEMAN
FROM:
GORDON STRACHAN
SUBJECT:
Market Opinion Research Poll of Alabama
Technical Comments
The substantive results, even without the material on Blount's candidacy,
are interesting, but the technical weaknesses cast considerable doubt on
the accuracy of the poll. 805 personal interviews would yield results
with a statistical error of + 3.5%, but an indeterminate number of "secret
ballots" were administered. In addition, conclusions are based on 61 18
to 24 year olds and 64 Republicans, yet the report does not mention that
the accuracy level would be no better than + 7-12% for these two groups.
There is no discussion of the type of "weighting" process which may or may
not have beeh used to assess the accuracy of the initial sample. Instead
MOR used only a "verification" system that compares known voting results
from 1968 and the claimed voting behavior of the respondents. Conflicting
statements in the report undermine its credibility: "a sample of regist-
ered voters in the state of Alabama" VS. (a) pproximately 84% of the
adults interviewed are registered voters in Alabama." Also, the demo-
graphic table indicating that 50% of the respondents refused to give
their age makes the interviewers' representation of the balance of the
results questionable. Finally, a copy of the actual questionnaire should
have been included.
Substantive Results
In either two-way (Nixon-Wallace) or three-way the President loses Alabama
but not by much (2.1 if Nixon VS. Wallace; 2.7, 6.8 and 8.1 if Nixon VS.
Muskie, Humphrey and Kennedy respectively, with Wallace as third party
candidate). MOR offers non-Wallace trial heats, but does not probe who
benefits from Wallace not being in the race. Also, MOR surprisingly
claims that Kennedy leads Muskie and Humphrey against Nixon with Wallace
out of the race.
The perception of political figures section of the survey contains use-
ful open-ended questions, such as " (w) hy do you disapprove of the way
Nixon is handling his job as President?" as well as the comparative pos-
ition questions such as (s) ince President Nixon became President, have
(Vietnam, Racial Problems, etc.) become better or worse?" The two
most interesting results in this section are: 20% disapprove of Nixon be-
cause he "is not working hard enough, while only 11.2% mention the school
bussing situation as a source of disapproval. Few in Alabama believe
the President is responsible for bussing because a follow-up question
indicates that 67.9% blame the Federal courts while only 5.5% blame
the President. Of course, the interviewing was conducted before the
mid-summer heat on bussing, so these results might have changed.
ALLISON TRELEAVEN & RIETZ
INCORPORATED
CONF IDENTIAL
By Emprise NARS Date 5-23
2-102 section 12069' "0"H
ADMINISTRATIVE MARKING
September 8, 1971
NV 38 OL
Memo To: Committee to Encourage Winton Blount
- to Run for the U.S. Senate
From: Jimmy Allison
:
Attached are excerpts from a statewide Alabama survey conducted
June 21 - July 14, 1971 by Market Opinion Research of Detroit,
Michigan.
When reviewing the Presidential information, it should be noted
that the survey was made prior to the President's economic policy
address. It also was made, however, before the recent heat on bussing
increased in the South. I think it's safe to say that, on balance, the
President today would still rate the same or possibly higher than
shown in this research.
I. Presidential Information
The President makes a good showing in Alabama. In my opinion,
he comes much closer to Wallace in both the three-man ràce and the
head-to-head contest than most professionals in Alabama would say is
possible. Wallace still is strong but it's evident his strength is
slowly declining. This is true largely because he has been in office
and, as Governor, has had to deal with unpopular tax and spending
problems. His peak was reached in 1968 and he's had nowhere to go but
down. Remember, he was just barely elected Governor over Albert Brewer.
Of course, Wallace's decline is not the sole reason for the
President's good showing. People in Alabama feel he has done a good
job generally, that he's "doing his best", trying to "bring the boys
home, etc." He defeats all Democrats by wide margins, although it is
interesting to note that Kennedy does slightly better against Nixon
than the others. Kennedy's increase all comes in District 6 (Birmingham),
where he does much better with young voters and Blacks against Nixon
than the other Democrats.
1225 19TH STREET NW WASHINGTON DC 20036 (202) 833 1764
-2-
It's realistic to say that a Presidential race today in Alabama
would be a close one. But this should be encouraging to the
Administration, because in other Southern states Wallace certainly
wouldn't be as strong as he is in Alabama.
Nixon's two significant weaknesses in Alabama are the economy
and the "bussing/doesn't keep his promises" concern. A year from
now both of these could be cooled. If so, the President will be in
good shape.
II. The Blount Candidacy
As for the Red Blount candidacy, there are a lot of encouraging
facts in the report. First, the President's popularity is a real plus.
Realistically, a candidate can't ride his coattails, but an unpopular
President can defeat the candidate.
The Blount awareness is higher than I would have guessed
63%. It's significant too that the percentage is even higher among
ticket-splitters -- 74.7%. For a non-incumbent this far before an
election, cabinet member or not, this high an' identification is a
favorable sign. This is especially true because there are no real
negatives against Blount. Increased postal rates, etc. just aren't
real issues, nor is his wealth.
The big plus in the survey is the fact that Sparkman
does not get 50% of the vote in any test against Blount. The undecided
count is fairly heavy but that is natural at this stage of the game.
An incumbent's in trouble when he cannot muster 50%.
The survey shows that Blount handily defeats any other
Democrat including Lambert Mims, John Cashen and Jimmie Faulkner. And
he defeats Jim Martin in a Primary in seven of the eight Districts
(Martin carries only his own, the 7th). No other Republican shows any
weight in the survey. The poll conclusively shows that no other
Republican has a chance to defeat Sparkman except Blount.
But Blount's chances have to be considered uphill. First,
there's a very small, straight Republican vote and, as we know, the
Party is functioning poorly at the state level in Alabama. This means
he'll have to pull about 85% of the ticket-splitters and 40% of the
Democrats to win.
Secondly, there are few issues for a campaign with the exception
of Sparkman's age. Many people identified him as old or in office too
long and this is a plus handled correctly. But there's no Gore or
Yarborough stigma to Sparkman in Alabama. The issues have to be youth
and leadership and "He will do more for Alabama." Sparkman should be
pushed as far to the left as possible, but this will be difficult.
-3-
The Blacks will be for Sparkman. There should be no
great financial expenditure to attract this vote because it can't
be won. The best solution would be for a John Cashen to run as
a 3rd Party Senate candidate. Each vote he attracts will come from
Sparkman, not Blount, so encouragement of a Black candidate is in
order.
III. Summary:
The Senate race is winnable but a "mistake-free" campaign
is necessary. We know that the turnout will be high in the Presidential
year so a positive campaign to attract the ticket-splitters and
Democrats is called for. A real study of the Danforth-Symington race
in Missouri in 1970 needs to be made as there are many similarities ---
age of candidate, lack of conservative/liberal issues, relatively high
awareness of non-incumbent, little chance to get the Black vote, poor
Republican organization, etc.
As we said in our earlier report, the odds probably are
60/40 against us. But they're no worse than any other Southern
campaign this far before the election --- and in recent years
we've won some with even greater odds against the Republican candidate.
Encs.
JA:erh
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 17, 1971
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR:
GORDON STRACHAN
FROM:
L. HIGBY
Bob asked that you pull out a one-page excerpt of the important
items contained in the attached. He views this as a test of your
insight in this whole area. Pull carefully.
Attachment
ala- -
1) purpose of survey not realized
in allison Hemmory
2) pers in + secret bollots mail ?
3) allison cover mentions Econ eat
not crina - note dates of
4) sampl interviewing evor 3.5 - of ORC
nopl-5) morginal? am 2nd Pa ? ?
co) Cong Dis 7.9.0.15.9 L distation
7) 11.5% DK own ne
& analysis of vote needed hl
segments sweak - more
on one forgel other
a) Dems older + Rs younger ?
10) age demos- - 15 graphise = prelis
3 TP S
no base for compar
one Blount
2
>>
good accuracy open endFU
M
Form
UP agree - is most
Wallace repport-aming
public(media) notmuel mp
ul mistreats
blades- amaging of
Questions - worse off,
make letter off god oniosies
Issues
Social is, is then un
Rating -genl, singe + FU meatimp
Dest Do break good for Cand know
whl iss to puna
Environ - tied u/ loss of jobs
no cross brealco -whe - same
ap/Rn as wal ?
Ultemately integrate -interesting
ALFR but note bassing balance
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
FOREWORD
Purpose
The purpose of this study was to provide base data on Alabama voters
prior to the 1972 election year. The study sought to:
(1) identify the ballot strengths and weaknesses of
various Presidential and Senatorial candidates
(2) analyze voter perceptions and awarenesses of
incumbent office holders and of the abilities
of their potential challengers
(3) determine the factors that can be influential
in voters' ballot decisions
(4) identify the national and state issue structure
of voters in Alabama
Research Design
Eight hundred and five (805) personal interviews and secret ballots
were administered to a sample of registered voters in the State of
Alabama. All interviewing was done between June 21 and July 14, 1971.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Interviewing was conducted by professional interviewers under the
supervision of Market Interviews, a wholly owned subsidiary of Market
Opinion Research.
The sample of registered voters interviewed was selected in a manner
to guarantee their representativeness of the registered voter
population in Alabama. A probability-proportionate-to-size stratified
area sampling design was used. This technique allows precise computation
of the probable sampling error in the research estimates: the standard
error (sampling error) of a sample of 800 is + 3.5%. This means
that an interval of 3.5% on either side of the percentage results
found in this survey will very probably contain the true population
value.
As a verification of the sample, the report of the past vote was checked
against the actual Alabama vote in the 1968 Presidential election.
The figures for the Humphrey vote are within sampling tolerance, while
those for the Wallace vote are not. This finding is consistent with
the observed tendency of voters to overclaim the victor (Nixon) and
underclaim the loser in a post election survey.
1968 Presidential Election
Actual Vote
Poll Committed Vote
Nixon
14.0%
32.8%
Humphrey
18.7
18.7
Wallace
65.9
49.0
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
For purposes of analysis, the data were broken in five ways:
Number Of
Percentage Of
Respondents
Respondents
By Type of Voter
Republican
67
8.3%
Ticket-splitter
178
22.1
Democrat
380
47.2
Marginal
180
22.4
By Congressional District
One
98
12.2
Two
88
11.0
Three
112
13.9
Four
64
7.9
Five
96
11.9
Six
107
13.3
Seven
128
15.9
Eight
112
13.9
By Age of Respondent
18 to 24
61
7.6
25 to 34
141
17.5
35 to 44
123
15.3
45 to 54
143
17.8
55 to 64
162
20.1
65 and over
167
20.7
Don't know
8
1.0
By Income of Respondent
0 - $4,999
284
35.3
$5,000 - $9,999
256
31.8
$10,000 - $14,999
102
12.7
$15,000 and over
70
8.7
Don't know
93
11.5
By Race of Respondent
White
636
79.0
Black
163
20.2
Don't know
6
.8
Questionnaire response editing, coding, keypunching, computing,
tabulation, and analysis were performed by trained personnel and computer
systems at the Market Opinion Research office in Detroit, Michigan.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
BACKGROUND
Introduction
The adult population can be categorized into four groups, based on their past
voting behavior. The behavioral Republican voter group consists of persons
who vote either a straight Republican ticket or who vote mostly Republican.
The behavioral Democrat. similarly, consists of persons who vote a straight
Democratic ticket or who vote mostly Democratic. The behavioral Ticket Splitter
consists of persons who divide their votes between Republican and Democratic
tickets in some roughly equal proportion. The Marginal voters consists of
persons who did not vote in the last election and who do not remember how they
voted. The definitions of these four groups is well established in political
research and is of considerable use in data analysis. The groups occur in the
adult population in the following proportions:
Type of Voter
% of Total Adults
Republican
8.3 %
Ticket Splitter
24.1
Democratic
47.2
Marginal
24.2
A Republican candidate, to win in an Alabama election by even a small margin
will need (1) very strong support among his own party, (2) to dominate among
the Ticket Splitters, and (3) to run fairly strong among his opponent's party.
Furthermore, (4) he would have to secure almost half of the vote of those
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Marginal voters that do turn out. For example:
Candidate A (Republican): 53% of popular vote needed to win:
% Vote Among Party
% of Popular Vote
Party/Voter Type
% of Total Voters
Needed by Candidate A
Needed
Republican
8.3%
95%
7.9%
Ticket Splitter
24.1
85
20.4
18.8
Democrat
47.2
42
20.0
19.8
Marginal
24.0 22.4
20
4.8
4.5
100.0
Popular Vote of Candidate A
51.0%
Congressional Districts by Voter Type
In all eight Alabama Congressional Districts the Democratic voters outnumber
all other voter types. Congressional Districts Two, Four, Five, Seven, and
Eight are the most heavily Democratic. On the other hand, there are propor-
tionately more Republicans in Districts Six, Seven, and Eight. Ticket Splitters
are found most often in Districts One and Two. The Marginal voter appears most
often in Districts Three, Five and Six.
Congressional Districts
Type of Voter
Total
One
Two
Three
Four
Five
Six
Seven
Eight
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Republican
8.3
4.1
2.3
3.6
6.3
4.2
14.9
14.9
12.5
Ticket Splitter
22.1
24.1
30.6
36.3
17.0
21.9
11.5
27.1
22.7
4
12.5
Democrat
47.2
44.9
44.1
38.4
51.6
50.0
38.3
53.9
64.2
Marginal
22.4
20.4
27.3
41.1
20.3
34.4
29.6
8.6
10.7
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Key Demographic Variables by Voter Type
Among age groups, there are relatively more Democrats in the over 35 bracket.
Republicans are found most often in the young-middle age group (25-34),
and Ticket Splitters in a slightly more broad age group (25-44). The young
(18-24) and the very old (65+) contain the largest proportion of Marginal Voters.
Age
Type of Voter
Totals
18-24
25-34
35-44
45-54
55-64
Over 64
Republican
8.3%
4.9%
13.4%
4.9%
9.1%
7.5%
8.4%
Ticket Splitting
22.1
18.0
28.4
26.8
21.0
21.0
16.2
Democrat
47.2
11.5
37.5
52.8
53.9
55.6
50.3
Marginal
22.4
65.6
20.5
15.5
16.1
16.1
25.2
Among all income groups, the Democrat voter is the most prevalent type of voter.
However, as income rises, the relative proportion of Democrats decreases, the
proportion of Republicans and Ticket Splitters increases, and the proportion of
Marginal voters decreases. While the lowest income group is four to one Demo-
crats to Ticket Splitters and over eight to one Democrats to Republicans, the
uppermost income group is only three to one Democrats to Ticket Splitters and
three to one Democrats to Republicans.
Among racial groups, blacks tend to be more Democratic or Marginal voter, and
less Ticket Splitter or Republican than whites.
Income
Race
$0-
$5,000-
$10,000-
$15,000-
Totals
5,000
10,000
15,000
Over
White
Black
Republican
8.3%
6.0%
5.5%
11.8%
15.7%
9.7%
3.1%
Ticket Splitter
22.1
13.4
26.9
31.3
30.0
25.0
11.6
Democratic
47.2
51.7
46.5
44.1
45.7
46.5
49.7
Marginal
22.4
28.9
21.1
12.8
8.6
18.7
35.6
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Registered Voters
Approximately 84% of the adults interviewed are registered voters in Alabama.
The Democrats are most registered (96.6%), the ticket-splitters very close
by (94.4%), and the Republicans surprisingly lower (92.5%). The lowest group
are the marginal voters (45.0%). Congressional Districts One, Three, Five,
and Six are below the sample average proportion of adult registered voters.
Expectedly, the young (18-24), the poor (income under $5,000) and the blacks
have the highest levels of nonregistered voters.
Are you a registered voter in Alabama?
Type of Voter
Income
Age
Under
$5,000-
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marg
$5,000
$15,000
$15,000
18-24
Over 24
.100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Yes
84.2
92.5
94.4
96.6
45.0
81.3
84.6
91.4
50.8
86.8
No
15.8
7.5
5.6
3.4
55.0
18.7
15.4
8.6
29.2
13.2
Congressional Districts
Race
One
Two
Three
Four
Five
Six
Seven
Eight
White
Black
100% 100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Yes
81.6
85.2
75.9
87.5
75.0
82.2
95.3
89.3
86.5
76.1
No
18.4
14.8
24.1
12.5
25.0
17.8
4.7
10.7
13.5
23.9
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Regularity of Voting
Forty-one point four percent (41.4%) of the persons interviewed claim to
vote in nearly all elections, while 29.9% indicate they vote in all elections.
The proportion that votes in one-half or less is only 12.5%, and persons that
do not vote in any elections total 13.4%. Ticket-splitters seem to be the
most regular voters by a slight margin, Districts Four and Seven hold an edge
on other Districts in terms of their regularity of voting, and whites vote more
often and regularly than blacks.
Thinking about all elections would you say that you
Type of Voter
Race
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marg.
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Don't vote at all
13.4
1.5
--
1.3
56.7
10.2
25.2
Vote in less than
one-half
4.8
--
2.8
6.6
5.0
3.8
9.2
Vote in one-half
7.7
9.0
11.8
7.1
4.4
7.7
6.7
Vote in nearly
every election
41.4
49.3
47.2
50.3
13.9
43.9
32.5
Vote in all
29.9
32.8
37.1
33.4
14.4
31.4
25.2
Don't know
2.7
7.5
1.1
1.3
5.6
3.0
1.2
Congressional Districts
Total
One
Two
Three
Four
Five
Six
Seven
Eight
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Don't vote at all
13.4
16.3
14.8
23.2
12.5
18.8
17.8
4.7
1.8
Vote in less than
one half
4.8
5.1
10.2
3.6
3.1
7.3
--
2.3
8.0
Vote in one-half
7.7
8.2
8.0
.9
4.7
4.2
8.4
14.1
10.7
Vote in nearly
every election
41.4
38.8
39.8
42.9
31.3
44.8
46.7
32.8
50.9
Vote in all
29.9
27.6
25.0
28.6
48.4
24.0
26.2
46.1
17.0
Don't know
2.7
4.1
2.3
.9
--
1.0
.9
--
11.6
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Perceived Voting Affiliation
Quite aside from what type of voter a person might be on the basis of his
past voting behavior, respondents were asked what they considered themselves
...
Republican, Democrat, or Independent. Most persons see themselves as
Democrats (49.4%), while 26.3% see themselves as Independents, and 14.3%
as Republicans. About 10% (9.9%) indicate they don't know. A higher percentage
of behavioral Republicans see themselves as Republicans than do behavioral
Democrats see themselves as Democrats or behavioral ticket-splitters see
themselves as Independents. This latter group, while splitting its tickets,
tends to call itself Democratic more so than Republican.
Do you consider yourself a
Type of Voter
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marginal
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Republican
14.3
82.1
9.6
3.7
16.1
Democrat
49.4
--
27.5
77.1
31.1
Independent
26.3
14.9
55.6
16.1
23.3
Don't know
9.9
3.0
7.3
3.2
29.4
Key Past Elections
In the 1968 Presidential election, 35.0% of the respondents indicated that
they voted for Wallace, 23.5% for Nixon, 13.3% for Humphrey, and 28.4% did not
vote/do not remember. Behavioral Republicans stood solidly behind Nixon, while
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
ticket-splitters and marginals split between Wallace and Nixon. Behavioral
Democrats supported Wallace followed by Humphrey and Nixon. Congressional
District Six was the only one clearly for Nixon, the others going to Wallace
(except for Four, which was tied between Nixon and Wallace). Wallace got
his best support among the over-35 voters, from the under $10,000 income
households and from whites, while Nixon got his support evenly across age
groups, from upper income ($15,000+) households and from whites. Blacks went
predominantly to Humphrey.
How did you vote for President in 1968?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
$10,000
Over
Under
and
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marg:
18-24
25-34
34
$10,000
Over
White Black
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Nixon
23.5
62.7
37.6
16.3
10.0
--
26.2
25.4
18.7
39.0
26.7
11.7
Humphrey
13.0
3.0
7.9
21.6
3.9
1.6
12.8
14.1
14.6
11.0
5.0
43.6
Wallace
35.0
6.0
41.6
46.1
16.1
9.8
24.8
39.8
35.6
29.1
44.0
1.2
Didn't
vote/D.K. 28.4
28.4
12.9
16.1
70.0 88.5
36.2
20.7
31.1
20.9
24.2
43.6
In the 1966 Senatorial election, 54.7% of the respondents indicate they voted
for Sparkman, 5.5% for Grenier, and 39.8% did not vote or do not remember. All
voter groups went to Sparkman by significant margins and Grenier was comparatively
strong only in Districts Four and Six and among upper income households ($10,000+).
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
How did you vote for Senator in 1966?
Type of Voter
Income
$10,000
Under
and
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marg.
$10,000
Over
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Sparkman
54.7
41.8
59.6
71.3
19.4
53.5
56.4
Grenier
5.5
19.4
8.4
3.9
.6
3.0
11.6
Did not. vote/
Don't know
39.8
38.8
32.0
24.8
80.0
43.5
32.0
In the 1970 Gubernatorial election, 40.6% of the respondents claim voting
for Wallace against 34.5% for Brewer, with 24.8% not voting/not knowing.
Republicans went over two to one for Brewer, but ticket-splitters significantly
preferred Wallace, and the behavioral Democrats gave Wallace a slim
decisive edge. Brewer won Districts Four and Six and was close in Seven,
all others going to Wallace. Higher income groups ($10,000+) went to Brewer,
while blacks were heavily in favor of Brewer; a 30% nonvote cut down on
Brewer's margin. Whites, of course, were heavily for Wallace.
How did you vote for Governor in 1970?
Type of Voter
Income
Race
Under
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marg
$10,000
$10,000
White
Black
.100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Wallace
40.6
23.9
52.2
48.4
18.9
40.7
36.0
50.2
4.9
Brewer
34.5
52.2
37.6
41.1
11.1
31.9
43.6
28.3
58.9
Did not vote/
Don't know
24.8
23.9
10.1
10.6
70.0
27.4
20.3
21.5
36.2
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Voter Group Demographic Profiles
Republicans are fairly similar demographically to ticket-splitters, and
together they are considerably different from the Democratic and marginal
voters. The Republican and ticket-splitterare significantly more likely to
have a college or college post-graduate education, more likely to be in a
higher income bracket ($10,000+), more likely to be in the 21-34 age groups,
more likely to be white, more likely to be of the Roman Catholic religion,
and more likely to be professional/technical in occupation. The Democrat,
on the other hand, is more likely to have an education only up to high
school, to have income under $10,000, to be blue collar, to be older (35 and
above), to be black, and hold the Protestant faith. The marginal voter is
somewhat similar to the Democrat, aside from the higher incidence of young
people (18-24), housewives and students, lower than high school education and
lower incomes.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Demographic Data
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marg.
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
EDUCATION
Grade school or less
27.7
19.4
18.5
29.2
36.7
Some high school
21.2
10.4
20.8
23.7
20.6
Graduated high school
29.2
32.8
28.1
30.3
26.7
Some college
11.3
14.9
13.5
10.8
8.9
Graduated college
6.6
9.0
12.9
4.2
4.4
Post graduate work
3.0
10.4
5.1
1.6
1.1
Refused
1.0
3.0
1.1
.3
1.7
INCOME
0 - $2,999
20.0
14.9
10.1
21.3
28.9
$3,000 - $4,999
15.3
10.4
11.2
17.4
16.7
$5,000 6 $5,999
9.1
1.5
10.7
7.6
13.3
$6,000 - $6,999
10.1
9.0
11.2
11.1
7.2
$7,000 - $9,999
12.7
10.4
16.9
12.6
9.4
$10,000 - $14,999
12.7
17.9
18.0
11.8
7.2
$15,000 - $24,999
7.5
14.9
10.7
7.1
2.2
$25,000 and over
1.2
1.5
1.1
1.3
1.1
Refused
11.6
19.4
10.1
9.7
13.9
AGE
18 - 20 years
2.6
--
--
--
11.7
21 - 24 years
5.0
4.5
6.2
1.8
10.6
25 - 29 years
9.6
13.4
12.4
7.1
10.6
30 - 34 years
8.0
14.9
10.1
6.8
5.6
35 - 39 years
6.8
6.0
10.7
6.6
3.9
40 - 44 years
8.4
3.0
7.9
10.5
6.7
45 - 49 years
8.7
11.9
9.6
8.7
6.7
50 - 54 years
9.1
7.5
7.3
11.6
6.¹
55 - 59 years
60 - 64 years
50%
10.8
7.5
10.1
13.4
7.2
9.3
10.4
9.0
10.3
7.2
65 and over
20.7
20.9
15.2
22.1
23.3
Refused
1.0
--
1.7
1.1
.6
SEX
Male
50.4
47.8
52.2
51.3
47.8
Female
49.6
52.2
47.8
48.7
52.2
NATIONAL ORIGIN
American born white
78.5
92.5
88.8
77.4
65.6
Negro
20.2
7.5
10.7
21.3
32.2
Foreign born
.5
--
.6
.5
.6
Not stated
.7
--
--
.8
1.7
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Demographic Data
(Continued)
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marg.
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
UNION MEMBERSHIP
Yes
14.3
13.4
12.9
16.3
11.7
No
80.7
83.6
82.6
77.4
85.0
Not stated
5.0
3.0
4.5
6.3
3.3
RELIGION
Jewish
--
--
--
--
--
Protestant
91.7
89.6
92.7
93.7
87.2
Roman Catholic
3.5
9.0
3.9
2.6
2.8
Other
4.2
1.5
2.8
3.4
8.3
Not stated
.6
--
.6
.3
1.7
OCCUPATION-RESPONDENT
Professional/Technical
6.8
14.9
11.2
4.5
4.4
Farm owners/Managers
2.6
--
2.8
2.9
2.8
Officials/Business owner
4.7
4.5
5.6
6.1
1.1
Clerical/Sales workers
7.3
9.0
7.9
8.4
3.9
Skilled craftsmen/Foremen
7.1
6.0
5.1
9.2
5.0
Operatives/Kindred workers
10.6
3.0
8.4
12.4
11.7
Service workers/Laborers
8.2
6.0
5.6
8.2
11.7
Housewife/Student
34.7
37.3
36.0
30.5
41.1
Retired
15.3
19.4
15.2
16.3
11.7
Unemployed/Disabled/Refused
2.7
--
2.3
1.6
6.7
OCCUPATION-HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD
Professional/Technical
9.2
19.4
12.9
6.1
8.3
Farm owners/Managers
4.5
--
5.6
4.5
5.0
Officials/Business owner
7.2
7.5
8.4
7.6
5.0
Clerical/Sales workers
8.9
17.9
9.6
8.7
5.6
Skilled craftsmen/Foremen
13.7
6.0
13.5
15.5
12.8
Operatives/Kindred workers
14.9
7.5
12.9
16.8
15.6
Service workers/Laborers
10.2
9.0
9.0
10.0
12.2
Housewife/Student
9.1
11.9
9.6
8.4
8.9
Retired
18.3
19.4
14.0
19.7
18.9
Unemployed/Disabled/Refused
3.7
1.5
2.8
2.6
7.8
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Ratings of Factors Important to Voters in an Election
Respondents were asked to consider each of eleven possible factors in election
decisions and to then rate the factor on an eleven point scale, depending on how
to
important it was them. The total electorate rates Honesty by a significant margin
as the most important factor (9.5) in deciding which candidate to vote for.
This is followed by Intelligence (9.2). Next are Position on Vietnam (8.4),
Experience and Position on racial problems (both 8.3), followed by Maturity (8.1)
and Position on unemployment (8.0). Position on pollution (7.5) comes next,
with Youthfulness (4.9) and Political party (4.5) following. Last and expressed
as fairly unimportant is the Area of the state the candidate is from (3.0). This
latter rating is an interesting result, considering the variability of the
secret ballot races by Congressional District. It indicates that people do
have geographic (local) favorites in spite of what they claim to be true under
a direct question.
When the data are broken by type of voter, Republicans tend to rate Position on
Vietnam and Intelligence more important than other voters. Ticket Splitters
give notably lower ratings to Area of state, Political party, Position on
Vietnam, Youthfulness; they give higher ratings to Position on racial problems
and maturity. Democrats put a premium on Experience, Political party, Position
on unemployment, and Area of state.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Rate how important each of the following factors will be to you in deciding
which candidate to vote for
(Important is scaled from 0, very unimportant, to 11, extremely important)
Type of Voter
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marg.
Honesty
9.5
9.6
9.6
9.5
9.5
Intelligence
9.2
9.5
9.4
9.1
9.1
Position on Vietnam
8.4
8.6
8.3
8.3
8.6
Experience
8.3
8.4
8.0
8.4
8.2
Position on racial problems
8.3
8.1
8.4
8.2
8.3
Maturity
8.1
8.1
8.5
8.0
7.8
Position on unemployment
8.0
7.8
7.9
8.2
8.1
Position on pollution
7.5
7.6
7.8
7.4
7.3
Youthfulness
4.9
5.2
4.8
5.1
4.5
Political party
4.5
4.4
3.4
5.1
4.2
Area of state he's from
3.0
2.4
2.8
3.6
2.9
Ratings of Political Endorsements
Respondents were also asked to rate how important to them a political
endorsement by each of several figures would be. Endorsements, in
general, are valued low, as indicated by the low ratings on the eleven
point scale. Among the total electorate, endorsements by George Wallace
are said to be most important, followed by those of President Nixon and
close behind, Albert Brewer and James Allen. Least important are endorsements
by Attorney General John Mitchell, Hubert Humphrey, and Senator Edmund
Muskie. Republicans value endorsements by Nixon, Allen, and Agnew the
most. Ticket-splitters say those by Nixon and Wallace are most important,
while Democrats say Brewer and Wallace are most important. Marginals
give a Wallace endorsement the highest rating, followed by one from
Senator Edward Kennedy.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Rate how important the endorsement of each of the following persons
is to you
Type of Voter
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marg.
George Wallace
4.6
3.7
4.4
4.7
5.0
Richard Nixon
4.3
4.5
4.4
4.1
4.1
Albert Brewer
4.1
4.2
3.7
4.7
3.7
James Allen
3.9
4.5
3.8
3.8
3.8
Spiro Agnew
3.3
4.6
3.3
2.7
3.8
Edward* Kennedy
2.8
2.4
1.7
2.8
4.2
Edmund Muskie
2.7
2.6
2.1
2.6
3.5
Hubert Humphrey
2.7
2.7
1.9
2.5
3.7
John Mitchell
2.6
3.8
2.5
2.8
1.2
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Presidential Race
1. Nixon - Muskie - Wallace
At the present time, voters in Alabama place Governor Wallace slightly
ahead of President Nixon (33.3% to 30.6%), with Senator Muskie trailing
far behind (11.9%). Almost one-quarter (24.2%) of all persons polled
indicate they are presently undecided. .Over the various repeat ballots
conducted on this Presidential race (needed to test the combination
of Senatorial candidates) there are no significant differences between
each candidate's polling.
Wallace runs strongly with the traditional Democratic voting group
and takes about half of the ticket-splitters. . Wallace is also strong
among the marginal voters. Nixon follows a similar pattern, except
that he pulls more of the core Republicans than Wallace does of the core
Democrats. Muskie's support comes from the traditional Democrats,
who as a group vote for Nixon as often as they do Muskie. Geographically,
Nixon's strength and leadership is found in central Alabama, Congressional
Districts Four, Five, Six and Seven. Wallace dominates in the south
and northernmost parts of the State (Districts One, Two, Three, and
Eight), being weak in the regions of Nixon's strength (Districts Six and
Seven). Muskie makes his strongest showing relative to his statewide
average in Districts Three through Six, even though these areas are
dominated by Nixon and Wallace.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
In terms of demographic groups, Wallace leads Nixon the over 35
age groups, in the under $10,000 income groups, and among whites.
Aside from the support from younger voters, this pattern is similar
to the pattern of upper-end socio-economic support for the Republican
candidate observed elsewhere in the nation. Muskie is more similar
to Nixon than Wallace in his support. Muskie runs stronger with younger
voters, higher income voters, and blacks than he does with older, lower
income or white voters.
Type of Voter
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marg.
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Nixon
30.6
74.6
44.9
18.7
25.0
Muskie
11.9
--
2.8
18.2
12.2
Wallace
33.3
6.0
37.1
33.7
38.9
Undecided
24.2
19.4
15.2
29.5
23.9
Congressional Districts
One
Two
Three
Four
Five
Six
Seven
Eight
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Nixon
28.6
28.4
15.2
35.9
38.5
43.9
35.9
20.5
Muskie
8.2
5.7
17.0
14.1
13.5
19.6
10.2
7.1
Wallace
43.9
51.1
44.6
31.3
31.3
6.5
20.3
42.0
Undecided
19.4
14.8
23.2
18.8
16.7
29.9
33.6
30.4
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Demographic Tables
Total
Nixon
Muskie
Wallace Undecided
INCOME
0 - $4,999
100%
22.9
11.6
33.5
32.0
$5,000 - $9,999
100%
29.7
14.5
36.7
19.1
$10,000 - $14,999
100%
39.2
11.8
32.4
16.7
$15,000 and over
100%
52.9
10.0
21.4
15.7
AGE
18 - 24 years
100%
37.7
13.1
27.9
21.3
25 - 34 years
100%
34.8
13.5
34.0
17.7
35 - 44 years
100%
30.9
14.6
31.7
22.8
45 - 54 years
100%
31.5
13.3
32.2
23.1
55 - 64 years
100%
22.2
10.5
34.0
33.3
65 years and over
100%
31.1
9.0
,34.7
25.1
RACE
White
100%
30.7
7.5
40.9
20.9
Black
100%
29.4
29.4
3.1
38.0
2. Nixon - Wallace
When Wallace faces Nixon alone on the Presidential ballot, the President
trails by a narrower margin than previously, 2:1%. More than one-
quarter of those polled indicate they are undecided between the two
candidates at this time. There are no significant differences between
these proportions over five ballots administered on which this was the
Presidential choice. The vote that previously went to Muskie goes to
Nixon (4.4%), Wallace (3.8%) and undecided (3.6%).
Among voter groups, the core Republicans are eight to one in favor of
Nixon over Wallace, and the ticket-splitters give Nixon a significant
edge over Wallace (48.3% to 33.7%). Behavioral Democrats are less
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
certain: while they favor Wallace by a two-to-one margin, more than
one-third are undecided. Marginal voters go for Wallace more than
Nixon, by a small margin (6.1%).
As previously, Nixon leads in central Alabama, Congressional Districts
Four, Five, Six, and Seven. Wallace's strength comes from Districts
One, Two, Three, and Eight (southern and northernmost parts of Alabama).
As might be expected, each candidate is weakest in the other's strongest
region.
Demographic patterns follow the trends established previously in the
Nixon, Muskie, Wallace race: persons most in. favor of Nixon come from
the under 44 age groups, the over $10,000 income groups, and the blacks,
while the older, lower income, and white voters in Alabama are more
likely to support Wallace.
Type of Voter
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marg.
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Nixon
35.0
74.6
48.3
22.6
33.3
Wallace
37.1
9.0
33.7
42.6
39.4
Undecided
27.8
16.4
18.0
34.7
27.2
Congressional Districts
One
Two
Three
Four
Five
Six
Seven
Eight
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Nixon
32.7
29.5
20.5
42.2
43.8
53.3
39.8
21.4
Wallace
48.0
50.0
50.0
34.4
34.4
8.4
32.8
41.1
Undecided
19.4
20.5
29.5
23.4
21.9
38.3
27.3
37.5
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Demographic Tables
Total
Nixon
Wallace
Undecided
INCOME
0 - $4,999
100%
29.6
35.9
34.5
$5,000 - $9,999
100%
32.0
43.4
24.6
$10,000 - $14,999
100%
43.1
34.3
22.5
$15,000 and over
100%
58.6
21.4
20.0
AGE
18 - 24 years
100%
50.8
29.5
19.7
25 - 34 years
100%
38.3
35.5
26.2
35 - 44 years
100%
39.0
35.8
25.2
45 - 54 years
100%
33.6
36.4
30.1
55 - 64 years
100%
24.7
40.1
35.2
65 and over
100%
34.7
38.9
26.3
RACE
White
100%
32.2
45.0
22.8
Black
100%
45.4
6.1
48.5
3. Nixon - Humphrey - Wallace
In this three-way Presidential race, Wallace leads Nixon by a significant
margin (35.7% to 28.9%), and Humphrey polls a distant third with 14.4%
of the ballots. Compared to the Nixon-Wallace race, Humphrey's support
has emerged primarily from the ranks of the undecided and previously-
Nixon voters. In addition, Humphrey runsslightly stronger than Muskie
as the Democratic candidate (14.4% for Humphrey, 11.9% for Muskie).
Nixon runs very strong among core Republicans, more so than does Wallace
run among core Democrats. Ticket-splitters favor Nixon by a slight
margin. Democrats favor Wallace by a substantial margin over Humphrey
and Nixon, who run fairly close. Marginal voters favor Wallace by almost
two to one over Nixon, with Humphrey plasing third.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Geographically, Nixon leads in central Alabama as previously. Humphrey
shows most support in Congressional Districts Four, Five, and Six,
while Wallace is again leading in southern and northernmost Alabama.
The demographic groups in support of the candidates are similar to
patterns observed previously with the following exceptions: the
younger voters are only slightly more in favor of Nixon and the group
is limited to those aged 18 - 24. Wallace leads in all other age groups.
Apparently placing Humphrey on the ballot pushes the younger voter
more to Wallace instead of Nixon. Higher income voters tend
to vote Nixon, while the black vote goes heavily to Humphrey.
Type of Voter
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marg.
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Nixon
28.9
76.1
43.8
16.6
22.8
Humphrey
14.4
3.0
4.5
20.5
15.6
Wallace
35.7
6.0
38.8
37.1
40.6
Undecided
21.0
14.9
12.9
25.8
21.1
Congressional Districts
One
Two
Three
Four
Five
Six
Seven
Eight
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Nixon
26.5
27.3
14.3
37.5
30.2
39.3
36.7
22.3
Humphrey
9.2
8.0
10.7
14.1
19.8
30.8
11.7
10.7
Wallace
50.0
45.5
47.3
34.4
38.5
7.5
25.0
41.1
Undecided
14.3
19.3
27.7
14.1
11.5
22.4
26.6
25.9
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
C
Demographic Tables
Total
Nixon
Humphrey Wallace Undecided
INCOME
0 - $4,999
100%
17.3
21.5
34.5
26.8
$5,000 - $9,999
100%
27.7
12.5
41.0
18.8
$10,000 - $14,999
100%
44.1
7.8
33.3
14.7
$15,000 and over
100%
57.1
8.6
21.4
12.9
AGE
18 - 24 years
100%
36.1
14.8
32.8
16.4
25 - *34 years
100%
34.8
12.1
36.9
16.3
35 - 44 years
100%
30.1
21.1
33.3
15.4
45 - 54 years
100%
28.7
14.0
33.6
23.8
55 - 64 years
100%
22.8
13.6
36.4
27.2
65 and over
100%
26.3
13.2
37.7
22.8
RACE
White
100%
31.3
6.1
44.0
18.6
Black
100%
19.0
47.2
2.5
31.3
4. Nixon - Kennedy - Wallace
Replacing Humphrey on the ballot with Kennedy has only slight effects
upon each of the three Presidential candidates. As before, Wallace
polls 34.2% to lead Nixon (26.1%) by a significant margin. Kennedy
places third with 16.0% of the ballots.
Wallace runs strong among the Democratic regulars and picks up as much
of the ticket-splitters vote as does Nixon. Marginal voters, too,
are in favor of Wallace. Nixon's support comes from the core Republican
voters, about half of the ticket-splitters and 15% of the Democrats.
Kennedy is the most popular of the Democratic candidates tested on the
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
secret ballots, among the entire sample as well as the Democrats. He
trails Wallace among these voters, however, by a nearly two to one margin.
Nixon's geographic support falls to Congressional Districts Four, Five, and
Seven when Kennedy runs on the same ballot against Wallace. Kennedy is respon-
sible for this loss, leading Nixon slightly in District Six. Wallace, as usual,
dominates Districts One, Two, Three and Eight, with a particular weakness
in District Six.
Demographically, Wallace leads in all age groups except the young, 18 - 24
years, which goes largely to Nixon. Kennedy makes his strongest showing
among the 35 - 44 age group. In terms of income, normal party voting
behavior is obvious, with Nixon carrying the upper income groups ($10,000
and over) substantially. While the white vote is 4 to 3 for Wallace over
Nixon, the black vote is heavily in favor of Kennedy over Nixon.
Type of Voter
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marg
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Nixon
26.1
71.6
39.9
15.0
18.9
Kennedy
16.0
4.5
7.9
19.2
21.7
Wallace
34.2
6.0
37.1
36.8
36.1
Undecided
23.7
17.9
15.2
28.9
23.3
Congressional Districts
One
Two
Three
Four
Five
Six
Seven
Eight
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Nixon
25.5
20.5
9.8
35.9
29.2
35.5
32.8
22.3
Kennedy
9.2
10.2
13.4
12.5
20.8
37.4
12.5
10.7
Wallace
49.0
43.2
42.9
34.4
32.3
7.5
24.2
43.8
Undecided
16.3
26.1
33.9
17.2
17.7
19.6
30.5
23.2
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Demographic Tables
Total
Nixon
Kennedy
Wallace
Undecided
INCOME
0 - $4,999
100%
13.7
21.5
33.5
31.3
$5,000 - $9,999
100%
24.2
16.8
39.5
19.5
$10,000 - $14,999
100%
41.2
7.8
30.4
20.6
$15,000 and over
100%
55.7
8.6
21.4
14.3
AGE
18 - 24 years
100%
37.7
21.3
27.9
13.1
25 34 years
100%
29.1
19.9
35.5
15.6
35 - 44 years
100%
26.8
22.8
31.7
18.7
45 - 54 years
100%
25.2
14.7
32.9
27.3
55 - 64 years
100%
20.4
11.7
34.6
33.3
65 and over
100%
24.6
12.0
37.1
26.3
RACE
White
100%
29.9
6.1
42.6
21.4
Black
100%
10.4
55.2
.6
33.7
5. Remaining Presidential Ballots
When Nixon faces Muskie, Humphrey, and Kennedy individually on separate
ballots, he polls between 43% and 47% of the ballots. The most votes
received by one of these three Democrats is Kennedy's 20.9%, the least
being Muskie's 17.3%. In each case, however, a substantial portion of
the voters remain at this time undecided.
Nixon runs very heavily among behavioral Republicans and ticket-splitters
against each Democratic candidate. In addition, among the Democrats,
he polls more votes than the Democratic candidate. A comparison of the
three Democratic candidates indicates that Kennedy is by a very slight
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
margin the most acceptable of the three. Geographically, Nixon leads
in all Congressional Districts but exhibits particular strength in
Districts One, Four, and Six. The Democratic candidates are notably
strong also in District Six, which along with the previous data on
Wallace support indicates that this area is closest to the normal bi-party
voting behavior observed in the rest of the U.S. District Two is
particularly high in its undecided sentiment, indicating a reluctance
on the part of Wallace supporters to vote for either of the major parties'
candidates.
Demographically, Nixon leads Muskie, Humphrey, and Kennedy in all age
and income groups, though the President runs strongest among the young
(18-34) voters and the upper income voters ($10,000 and above). Whites
vote predominantly Nixon, while the Democratic candidates gather most
of the black vote, particularly in the case of Kennedy.
Type of Voter
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marg
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Nixon
42.5
76.1
63.5
29.2
37.2
Muskie
17.3
--
6.2
25.0
18.3
Undecided
40.2
23.9
30.3
45.8
44.4
Nixon
46.7
82.1
65.7
33.2
43.3
Humphrey
18.1
3.0
6.7
25.8
18.9
Undecided
35.2
14.9
27.5
41.1
37.8
Nixon
43.5
80.6
62.4
32.1
35.0
Kennedy
20.9
4.5
10.1
26.6
25.6
Undecided
35.7
14.9
27.5
41.3
39.4
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Congressional Districts
One
Two
Three
Four
Five
Six
Seven
Eight
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Nixon
48.0
38.6
30.4
50.0
52.1
47.7
41.4
36.6
Muskie
17.3
9.1
25.0
18.8
13.5
21.5
13.3
18.8
Undecided
34.7
52.3
44.6
31.3
34.4
30.8
45.3
44.6
Nixon
52.0
45.5
41.1
56.3
47.9
45.8
47.7
42.0
Humphrey
14.3
9.1
17.0
20.3
20.8
31.8
14.8
17.0
Undecided
33.7
45.5
42.0
23.4
31.3
22.4
37.5
41.1
Nixon
52.0
33.0
33.0
51.6
47.9
42.1
46.9
43.8
Kennedy
12.2
13.6
25.9
15.6
24.0
40.2
16.4
16.1
Undecided
35.7
53.4
41.1
32.8
28.1
17.8
36.7
40.2
Demographic Tables
Mus-
Hum-
Total
Nixon
kie
Und.
Nixon phrey Und.
Nixon Kennedy Und.
INCOME
0 - $4,999
100%
31.3
18.0
50.7
32.0
26.4
41.5
29.2
27.8
43.0
$5,000 - $9,999
100%
42.2
20.3
37.5
47.3
16.8
35.9
42.6
23.0
34.4
$10,000 - $14,999
100%
57.8
14.7
27.5
67.6
8.8
23.5
63.7
7.8
28.4
$15,000
and over
100%
65.7
15.7
18.6
71.4
14.3
14.3
70.0
15.7
14.3
AGE
18 - 24 years
100%
54.1
19.7
26.2
63.9
14.8
21.3
55.7
21.3
23.0
25 - 34 years
100%
48.2
22.0
29.8
58.9
14.9
26.2
48.2
27.7
24.1
35 - 44 years
100%
47.2
15.4
37.4
44.7
23.6
31.7
42.3
26.0
31.7
45 - 54 years
100%
38.5
20.3
41.3
44.1
16.1
39.9
44.1
18.2
37.8
55 - 64 years
100%
31.5
16.0
52.5
34.6
19.1
46.3
33.3
20.4
46.3
65 and over
100%
43.7
13.2
43.1
44.9
19.8
35.3
44.9
15.0
40.1
RACE
White
100%
46.4
14.3
39.3
53.5
10.2
36.3
51.7
11.3
36.9
Black
100%
25.8
29.4
44.8
19.0
49.7
31.3
9.8
58.9
31.3
- 26 -
ALABAMA
Districts Established August 26, 1965
Map of Congressional Districts, Counties, and Selected Cities
(8 Districts)
LAUDERDALE
FLORENCE
LIMESTONE
MADISON
JACKSON
COLBERT
8
HUNTSVILLE
LAWRENCE
DECATUR
FRANKLIN
MORGAN
DE KALS
MARSHALL
WINSTON
CHEROKEE
MARION
CULLMAN
7
ETOWAH
.
BLOUNT
GADSDEN
LAMAR
WALKER
CALHOUN
FAYETTE
ST.CLAIR
ANNISTON
CLEBURNE
6
JEFFERSON
0
BIRMINGHAM
0
TALLADEGA
BESSEMER
TUSCALOOSA
CLAY
RANDOLPH
PICKENS
SHELBY
TUSCALOOSA
B:88
5
COOSA
CHAMBERS
GREENE
CHILTON
TALLAPOOSA
HALE
PERRY
ELMORE
LEE
SUMTER
AUTAUGA
SELMA
MACON
PHENIX CITY
*
DALLAS
RUSSELL
MARENGO
MONTGOMERY
MONTGOMERY
LOWNDES
BULLOCK
CHOCTAW
3
WILCOX
BARBOUR
PIKE
BUTLER
CRENSHAW
CLARKE
1
2
MONROE
MEMRY
CONECUM
WASHINGTON
DALE
COFFEE
COVINGTON
DOTHAN
HOUSTON
ESCAMBIA
GENEVA
MOBILE
PRICHARD
BALDWIN
MOBILE
County with two or more Congressional Districts
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
AWARENESS AND PERCEPTIONS OF POLITICAL FIGURES
President Nixon
President Nixon's current approval in Alabama is 61.5%. His appeal
ratings generally follow the normal patterns for a Republican with
two exceptions: (1) the President's approval among ticket-splitters
and core Democrats is unusually high; and (2) his approval is strongest
among the very. young (18-24) and older (45 and above) voters.
The results are an interesting contrast to the secret ballot data, in
which Nixon runs second to Wallace. Apparently voters like Nixon, but
they like Wallace more.
Do you approve or disapprove of the way President Nixon is handling
his job as President?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over Under Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Approve
61.5
94.0
66.3
54.5
67.2
58.7
62.7
59.1
73.3
63.8
53.4
Disapprove
26.6
1.5
24.2
32.9
26.2
27.3
26.1
27.6
20.3
25.3
30.1
Don't know
11.9
4.5
9.6
12.6
6.6
14.0
11.2
13.3
6.4
10.8
16.6
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Of those respondents who approve of President Nixon, 48.9% feel he is
"doing his best." Twenty percent (20.4%) indicate that Nixon is the
"best man we've had in a long time;" and almost as many (18.4%) think
he is "trying to bring the boys home."
Why do you approve of the way Nixon is handling his job as President?*
(61.5% of total)
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over Under Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
Doing his
best
48.9% 49.2% 50.0% 52.7% 41.5% 46.5% 51.0% 63.3% 46.8% 52.0% 35.6%
Best we've
had in a
long time/
Better than
Johnson
20.4
12.7
21.2
21.3
17.1
19.4
21.6
20.1
21.4
16.5
37.9
Trying to
bring the
boys home
18.4
17.5
16.9
17.9
24.4
25.2
14.2
18.8
22.2
19.5
12.6
Needs more
cooperation/
Hands tied/
More help
from
Congress
10.3
7.9
13.6
9.2
7.3
9.0
11.5
11.3
11.1
12.3
1.1
Inherited
problems/
Walked into
a mess
8.3
7.9
10.2
4.8
19.5
9.0
5.1
6.3
11.9
9.6
2.3
*Does not include responses receiving less than 5% mention.
Reasons for disapproval of President Nixon center around the fact that the
Vietnam War still continues (27.6%) and that Nixon's integrity may be
questionable ("doesn't keep his promises"/"two faced"/"not honest") (33.7%).
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Surprisingly, 20.1% indicate they disapprove since Nixon "is not working
hard enough." Only 11.2% mention the school bussing situation as a
source of disapproval. And even fewer (5.6%) mention inflation as a
reason for not approving.
Why do you disapprove of the way Nixon is handling his job as President?*
(26.6% of total)
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over Under Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24 25-44 45 $10,000 10,000 White Black
Still send-
ing troops
to Vietnam/
Vietnam War
still not
ended
27.6% 100.0% 41.9% 24.8% 31.3% 33.3% 24.4% 25.2% 40.0% 26.7% 32.7%
Doesn't keep
promises/
two-faced/
Not honest 33.7
--
30.2
35.2
43.8
27.8
36.6
33.6
14.0
35.4
28.6
Could work
harder/Not
active
enough
20.1
--
18.6
20.8
37.5
19.4
18.7
23.5
11.4
16.1
34.7
Promised no
bussing/
School
situation
11.2
100.0
14.0
9.6
12.5
12.5
10.6
10.1
17.1
14.3
2.0
Inflation
situation
5.6
--
4.7
4.8
--
8.3
5.0
6.0
8.6
5.0
8.2
*Does not include responses receiving less than 5% mention.
When asked about President Nixon's effect on the Federal government's
attitude and actions toward Alabama, 45.8% indicate they see no change.
Those seeing improvement (31.9%) outnumber those seeing deterioration
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
(13.4%) by a significant margin. Young people, upper income households,
and whites tend to be most positive in their outlook.
How do you think that the Federal government's attitude and actions
toward Alabama have changed since President Nixon took office?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over
Under
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Improved
31.9
46.3
36.5
28.2
34.4
28.4
34.1
29.3
40.1.
31.4
34.4
Gotten
worse
13.4
3.0
14.6
15.3
6.6
15.9
12.7
14.4
7.0
14.2
9.8
Not changed
45.8
43.3
42.1
48.2
54.1
48.9
42.8
45.6
48.3
46.4
43.6
Don't know
8.8
7.5
6.7
8.4
4.9
6.8
10.4
10.7
4.6
8.0
12.3
Respondents were also asked how various key issues had changed since President
Nixon took office. On economic issues (inflation, taxes, and unemployment)
people generally see a worsening of problems since Nixon began his term of
office. Nearly eighty percent (79.3%) feel inflation has gotten worse,
while 50.9% indicate unemployment and 40.1% cite taxes as worsening.
On environmental issues, 41.4% see air and water pollution as worsening, but
almost as many (40.6%) see no change since Nixon's term began. Crime is
generally perceived as having worsened (60.4%) under Nixon's Presidency,
as has the drug problem (78.5%).
Student unrest is not so generally seen as having worsened since Nixon
took office (41.7%).
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
General moral deterioration is viewed as having occurred under Nixon by
almost half of the persons (46.8%), but almost as many see no change.
The handling of the war is a benefit to the perceptions of the
President: Vietnam is seen as having improved under Nixon's Presidency
(42.7%) or stayed the same (28.2%).
Racial problems in general, are seen about equally as having improved,
worsened, and stayed the same, indicating definite groups of opinions
on the issue. However, integration of schools is seen as having
worsened (40.9%); this is tempered by a large group (37.9%) feeling things
are about the same. Last, people generally see Nixon as being personally
in favor of moving about as fast as the government now in desegregating
public schools, those saying he is in favor of moving faster equalling
the number saying slower.
Since President Nixon became President, have
become better or worse?
About
Don't
Better
Worse
The Same
Know
Vietnam
42.7%
26.3%
28.2%
2.7%
Racial problems
28.8
32.0
37.0
2.1
Youth/Student unrest
21.5
41.7
34.3
2.5
School integration
19.4
40.9
37.9
1.9
Air/Water pollution
15.5
41.4
40.6
2.5
Unemployment
14.0
50.9
33.0
2.0
Taxes
10.1
40.1
48.4
1.4
Crime
7.8
60.4
30.8
1.0
General moral deterioration
7.3
46.8
43.2
2.6
Drugs
5.3
78.5
14.4
1.7
Inflation
3.7
79.3
15.3
1.7
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Do you think President Nixon is personally in favor of moving faster,
slower, or the same speed as the government now in desegregating the
public schools?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over
Under
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Faster
21.5
11.9
21.9
25.3
26.2
20.1
22.0
22.0
17.4
24.1
11.7
Slower
23.0
43.3
20.2
22.1
18.0
21.6
24.6
20.9
33.1
23.1
23.3
Same speed
36.9
26.9
37.6
34.7
42.6
36.0
36.0
37.4
35.5
34.7
44.8
Don't know
18.6
17.9
20.2
17.9
13.1
22.3
17.4
19.7
14.0
18.1
20.2
Vice President Agnew
Contrary to trends observed elsewhere in the nation, approval of Vice
President Agnew is higher (45.6%) than disapproval (26.8%). Agnew finds
his greatest approval among core Republicans (68.7%), ticket-splitters
(56.7%), younger persons (18-34), middle and upper income households
($10,000 and over), and among whites more than blacks (49.2%, 31.3%).
Do you approve or disapprove of the way Vice President Agnew is handling
his job as Vice President?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over
Under
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Approve
45.6
68.7
56.7
37.1
50.8
47.0
44.1
40.7
61.6
49.2
31.3
Disapprove
26.8
13.4
20.8
33.2
31.1
23.1
28.8
28.7
24.4
25.9
31.3
Don't know
27.6
17.9
22.5
29.7
18.0
29.9
27.1
30.6
14.0
24.8
37.4
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Approval of Agnew is justified most frequently with the remarks "he
says what he thinks," "he speaks out" (49.3%) and "he's doing a good
job," "he works hard" (28.6%).
Why do you approve of the way Vice President Agnew is handling his job
as Vice President?*
(45.6% of total)
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over Under Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24 25-44 45 $10,000 10,000 White Black
Says what he
thinks/
Speaks out 49.3% 47.8% 56.4% 49.6% 54.8% 54.8% 44.7% 44.5% 60.5% 52.7% 27.5%
Doing a good
job/Works
hard
28.6
30.4
25.7
29.1
22.6
22.6
33.6
32.7
19.8
26.2
43.1
Puts media
in their
place
6.5
6.5
11.9
3.5
9.7
9.7
4.3
5.5
7.5
7.7
--
Like the man/
Admire him 6.0
13.0
5.9
6.4
3.2
8.1
5.3
5.9
8.5
6.1
5.9
*Does not include responses receiving less than 5% mention.
Disapproval of the way Agnew is handling his job of Vice President centers
about his being overly opinionated and talking too much (36.6%). Also
frequently mentioned are reasons pertaining to his lack of accomplishments
(30.5%) as Vice President.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Why do you disapprove of the way Vice President Agnew is handling his
job as Vice President?*
(28.6% of total)
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over Under Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
Too opinion-
ated/Talks
too much
36.6%
33.3%
45.9%
37.3%
21.1% 39.3% 37.5%
31.6%
50.0%
35.8%
39.2%
Hasn't done
much
19.9
11.1
16.2
19.0
31.6
19.7
18.4
20.6
16.7
17.0
29.4
Don't like
him
11.6
11.1
13.5
8.7
15.8
8.2
12.5
11.0
16.7
15.2
Not on the
job
10.6
22.2
13.5
11.9
5.3
9.8
11.8
13.5
--
10.3
11.8
Leaves a bad
image/He's
a show-off 6.5
- -
13.5
4.0
5.3
8.2
5.9
6.5
9.5
7.3
3.9
*Does not include responses receiving less than 5% mention.
In keeping with their general approval of Vice President Agnew, Alabama
residents feel Nixon should keep Agnew as his running mate in the next
Presidential election (40.1% of respondents say Nixon should, 29.2% say
Nixon should not).
Do you think President Nixon should or should not keep Vice President
Agnew as his running mate next year?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over
Under
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Should
40.1
49.3
46.6
38.4
47.5
42.4
37.9
36.8
52.9
42.3
31.9
Should not
29.2
19.4
25.8
34 ?
31.1
29.2
29.2
30.2
29.1
29.1
30.1
Don't know
30.7
31.3
27.5
27.4
21.
}
28.4
32.7
33.0
18.0
28.6
38.0
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Governor Wallace
Approval of the manner in which Governor Wallace has handled his job
is high, with 59.8% approving and 31.9% disapproving. Approval of the
Governor is significantly higher among ticket-splitters, behavioral
Democrats, and marginal voters, among the older voters (55 and over),
among the lower income groups (below $10,000), among whites, and
among Congressional Districts One, Two, Three, Five and Eight.
Do you approve or disapprove of the way Governor Wallace is handling
his job as Governor?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over Under Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Approve
59.8
38.8
66.3
60.0
67.2
53.0
63.7
61.1
53.5
64.5
41.1
Disapprove
31.9
56.7
26.4
29.5
29.5
36.4
29.7
30.6
38.9
27.7
48.5
Don't know
8.3
4.5
7.3
10.5
3.3
9.6
7.6
8.3
7.6
7.9
10.4
Those approving of Wallace most often cite the general reason, "he's doing
a good job" (41.6%). Also mentioned are "he's doing the right thing for
people" (13.1%), "he stands up for Alabama" (11.2%) and "he's a fine person"
(11.2%). Ten percent (10.2%) of the approvals cite Wallace is improving
the school situation.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Why do you approve of the way Governor Wallace is handling his job as Governor?*
(59.8% of total)
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over Under Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
Doing a good
job
41.6% 15.4% 36.4% 46.5% 14.6% 36.4% 72.4% 44.8% 31.5% 40.7% 49.3%
Helping poor/
Old people/
Doing right
thing for
the people 13.1
42.3
9.3
11.8
17.1
14.3
18.5
12.7
14.1
12.4
14.9
Understands
Alabama's
problems/
Stands up
for
Alabama
11.2
3.8
13.6
10.5
24.4
7.1
16.8
10.9
15.2
11.7
4.5
Fine person/
Good man
11.2
11.5
11.0
9.6
12.2
9.3
17.9
11.8
8.7
12.9
1.5
Helping
school
situation
better/
Special
schools
10.2
11.5
8.5
11.4
9.8
12.1
13.8
12.4
5.4
11.2
4.5
Not afraid
to make
decisions/
Speaks out
7.5
11.5
8.5
7.0
12.2
10.0
8.8
7.3
7.6
8.3
3.0
Promotes
highway Con-
struction
5.8
7.7
5.1
7.0
7.3
5.0
8.8
6.1
7.6
6.1
4.5
Good
governor
5.4
3.8
2.5
4.8
7.3
5.7
7.7
5.8
5.4
3.9
14.9
*Does not include responses receiving less than 5% mention.
Disapprovals of Wallace indicate some feeling that he has not kept promises
(21.0%), that he has done little (13.2%), and that he is overly publicity
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
minded (17.1%). Nine percent (9.3%) indicate he treats blacks poorly,
and this feeling is expected concentrated among Alabama blacks.
Why do you disapprove of the way Governor Wallace is handling his job
as Governor?*
(31.9% of total)
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over
Under
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
Hasn't kept
his
8
promises 21.0% 28.9% 12.8% 24.1% 11.1% 24.0% 20.7% 23.6% 14.9% 23.9% 15.2%
Too
publicity
minded
17.1
31.6
29.8
11.6
33.3
17.7
15.0
13.3
28.4
22.7
5.1
Does
nothing
13.2
10.5
14.9
10.7
27.8
13.5
11.4
11.5
16.4
13.1
13.9
Don't like
him
12.1
10.5
12.8
15.2
5.6
11.5
12.1
10.9
11.9
11.9
10.1
Against
Negroes/
mistreats
colored
9.3
5.3
4.3
7.1
16.7
6.3
10.7
13.9
--
0.6
29.1
Holding
education
back/
dipping
into
teachers'
retirement
8.9
10.5
6.4
2.7
5.6
3.1
13.6
9.7
6.0
7.4
12.7
Too many
taxes
8.9
7.9
4.3
9.8
5.6
7.3
10.7
10.3
7.5
9.1
8.9
When asked whether they felt Governor Wallace should run for President in
the 1972 Presidential election, it is surprising thata significant majority
indicated he should not (56.6%). This feeling is most pronounced among
behavioral Republicans, among residents of Congressional Districts Six,
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Five, and Seven, among younger and middle age voters (18-54), among
upper income households ($10,000 and above) and among blacks.
Do you think that Governor Wallace should or should not run for President
in the 1972 Presidential election?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over
Under
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Should
32.0
19.4
33.1
32.1
32.8
33.0
31.5
35.2
25.6
37.9
9.2
Should not
56.6
74.5
55.6
57.9
63.9
58.3
54.7
53.3
65.7
51.4
76.7
Don't know
11.3
6.0
11.2
10.0
3.3
8.7
13.8
11.5
8.7
10.7
14.1
Of those persons expressing opinions that Wallace should run for President,
a significant margin indicate he should do so as a Democrat (44.6%) rather
than the candidate of the American Independent Party (36.0%). Support for
Wallace's running as a Democrat comes from voters in the 25 and above group,
voters in the under $15,000 income group, and white voters.
Do you think Governor Wallace should run as a Democrat or as a candidate
of the American Independent Party?
(36.0% of total)
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over
Under
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
Democrat
44.6%
30.8% 39.0% 54.1%
20.0% 44.8% 47.7%
45.3% 40.9%
45.6%
26.7%
American
Independent
Party
36.0
38.5
45.8
30.3
70.0
40.2
29.5
34.2
45.5
36.5
26.7
Don't know
19.4
30.8
15.3
15.6
10.0
14.9
22.8
20.5
13.6
17.8
46.7
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
On the issue of public school desegregation, a preponderance of Alabama
residents view Wallace as being in favor of moving slower than the
Federal government's pace (65.1%).
Persons in Alabama most often see Governor Wallace having done his best
job in the area of educational development (36.9%). Road improvement
is mentioned next most often as Wallace's best job (16.4%), followed
by medical facilities (9.3%) and more industry (8.9%).
Areas in which Governor Wallace has done his poorest jobs are much less
frequently mentioned. Beyond the mention that Wallace has done nothing
(18.3%), people cite raised taxes (7.8%), public school desegregation
(6.6%), education/poor textbooks (5.5%), race relations (5.5%), and
county roads/highways (6.2%). Apparently, there are mixed feelings
as to whether Wallace's efforts in road building and education have
been of value.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
In what areas do you think Governor Wallace has done his best job?*
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over
Under
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
-100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Education/
Teacher's
salaries/
Free books/
Trade
schools
36.9
23.8
41.0
40.5
47.6
37.9
35.1
38.0
34.3
42.1
17.8
Road
improvement/
Bond* issue 16.4
13.4
15.7
16.6
18.0
16.3
16.5
16.9
16.9
16.2
17.2
Mental
health/
Hospitals/
Medical
center
9.3
10.4
7.9
11.6
8.2
9.5
9.5
8.7
11.0
9.7
7.4
More jobs/
more
industries
8.9
10.4
11.2
8.4
11.5
9.5
8.3
9.1
11.6
9.4
6.7
Nothing
done
7.6
9.0
6.2
6.1
8.2
12.5
4.9
8.5
6.4
5.5
16.0
Done a
good job in
all areas
5.1
3.0
3.4
6.3
--
2.0
7.0
6.3
1.2
5.2
4.9
*Does not include responses receiving less than 5% mention.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
In what areas do you think Governor Wallace has done his poorest job?*
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over
Under
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
-100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Not
anything
18.3
17.9
17.4
18.9
9.8
13.3
22.2
19.6
11.0
21.4
6.7
Taxes
increased
7.8
16.4
8.4
4.7
13.1
9.5
6.4
7.6
7.6
8.2
6.7
Desegregation
of schools 6.6
4.5
6.7
6.8
4.9
9.5
5.3
7.2
6.4
5.7
10.4
Highway issue/
County
roads
6.2
6.0
6.7
7.4
8.2
8.0
4.4
5.7
7.6
6.9
2.5
Race
relations
5.5
6.0
3.9
6.1
3.3
5.3
5.9
6.5
5.2
3.6
12.9
Education/
Poor
textbooks
5.5
4.5
7.3
5.0
6.6
6.4
4.9
4.4
8.1
4.2
10.4
*Does not include responses receiving less than 5% mention.
As in the Presidential perceptions, persons were asked how several problem
areas had changed (improved, worsened, or stayed the same) since the
individual began his term of office. With the exception of the Vietnam
War and racial problems, people generally view these areas as being the
same or having worsened since Wallace took office as Governor. From the
data, it is not clear how much responsibility is imputed to Governor
Wallace. It is noteworthy that the relatively most optimistic group of
persons are (1) the group of younger persons (18-24) except for the
pollution issue; (2) the group of Congressional District Five residents;
(3) the middle and high income households ($10,000-$15,000; $15,000 and
above), depending on the issue.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Since Wallace became Governor, have the following areas gotten better
or worse?
About
the
Don't
Better
Worse
Same
Know
Taxes
6.7%
34.7%
56.6%
2.0%
Inflation/Cost of living
3.1
66.3
28.6
2.0
Unemployment
15.5
33.9
47.6
3.0
Air/Water pollution
13.9
31.6
51.7
2.9
Crime
12.2
40.2
45.1
2.5
Drugs
8.6
54.5
34.7
2.2
Youth/Student unrest
18.4
24.7
53.9
3.0
General moral deterioration
8.7
32.8
54.9
3.6
Vietnam
26.3
17.3
53.3
3.1
Racial problems
23.6
22.6
51.4
2.4
School integration
15.9
29.9
51.2
3.0
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
ANALYSIS OF ISSUES
National Issues
When asked about the most important issues currently facing the U.S.,
persons in Alabama cite several groups of problems. The most frequently
mentioned problems are those involving civil unrest and turbulence
(80.6%): drug addiction, racial problems, crime, student unrest,
falling moral standards. Not surprisingly, the Vietnam War is cited
next most often (56.1%), followed by domestic economic problems (44.3%) -
inflation, unemployment, higher taxes. Also mentioned are the environ-
mental pollution (17.1%), education problems (16.6%), political - legal
problems (11.0%), and poverty - welfare problems (3.4%).
Individual %
Group %
Vietnam War
56.1
56.1
Drug addiction among young
33.5
Race issue
21.1
Increase in crime
10.6
Youth unrest
7.8
Civil unrest/Violence
5.0
Moral standards
2.6
80.6
Inflation
18.9
Unemployment
9.7
Higher taxes
8.9
Economy
6.8
44.3
Air/Water pollution/Ecology
17.1
17.1
Lack confidence in leadership/In government
4.2
Communism
3.4
Courts/Not enforcing laws
3.4
11.0
Upgrade education/School integration/
Crowded schools
16.6
16.6
Too much welfare
2.0
Poverty
1.4
3.4
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Quite expectedly, the Vietnam War is of most widespread concern to the young
(18-24) and least to the older voters (55-64). However, it is also
most often mentioned by behavioral Republican voters and voters in
the Fifth Congressional District. Drug addiction as a problem is most
often mentioned by voters in Congressional District Five, high middle
income households ($10,000-$15,000) and the 25-34 age group; not
surprisingly, it is not as great a concern to the youngest age group
(18-24). Environmental pollution is an important issue, particularly
to the young adult (18-24). Inflation and educational problems are
most often mentioned by the high middle income ($10,000-$15,000) person.
Unemployment is particularly a problem to blacks as opposed to whites.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
What are the most important problems facing our nation at the present time?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over
Under
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
Vietnam War/Bring the boys home
56.1
71.6
51.1
54.2
72.1
60.6
52.3
56.3
58.1
57.7
50.3
Drug addiction among young
33.5
32.8
32.0
36.1
23.0
39.8
31.4
35.2
27.3
34.3
31.9
Race issue
21.1
7.5
24.2
22.9
21.3
23.9
19.9
20.9
17.4
21.9
18.4
Inflation
18.9
20.9
18.0
20.5
13.1
18.6
20.1
18.3
26.2
19.7
16.6
Air/Water pollution/Ecology
17.1
20.9
19.7
16.1
36.1
19.3
13.6
14.8
22.7
17.6
14.7
Upgrade education/School integration/
vded schools
16.6
14.9
19.7
16.8
16.4
15.9
17.2
15.6
20.9
17.1
14.7
ase in crime
10.6
16.4
13.5
8.2
9.8
10.2
11.0
11.7
7.0
9.9
12.9
loyment
9.7
9.0
11.2
10.0
8.2
12.5
8.3
9.3
11.6
7.9
17.2
taxes
8.9
13.4
8.4
8.7
6.6
6.4
10.0
8.0
6.4
8.3
10.4
Youth unrest/Hippies
7.8
7.5
10.1
7.1
3.3
6.1
9.3
7.8
9.3
9.3
2.5
Economy
6.8
7.5
6.7
8.4
13.1
9.5
4.7
5.4
9.3
7.4
4.9
Civil unrest/Violence
5.0
4.5
6.2
6.1
1.6
5.3
5.1
3.9
8.7
6.1
.6
Lack of confidence in government/
Lack of leadership
4.2
7.5
2.2
4.7
4.9
4.9
3.8
3.1
7.0
5.0
.6
Communism
3.4
3.0
3.4
3.2
4.9
3.0
3.4
4.1
2.3
3.9
1.2
Courts/Not enforcing laws
3.4
1.5
2.8
3.4
4.9
4.9
2.3
3.0
3.5
4.1
--
Moral standards
2.6
3.0
2.2
2.6
3.3
2.7
2.5
2.2
2.9
3.1
.6
Too much welfare
2.0
4.5
1.7
2.1
1.6
1.5
2.3
1.5
3.5
2.0
1.8
Poverty
1.4
--
1.1
1.6
3.3
1.5
1.1
.9
1.2
.9
2.5
All others/Don't know
24.0
22.4
24.2
22.9
27.9
18.9
25.8
25.6
22.1
22.6
28.8
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
When asked about the single most important problem currently facing the
U.S., the Vietnam War is most often mentioned (31.3%), followed by
drug addiction among the young (16.4%). Several other issues are
bunched far behind: the race issue (6.3%), inflation (5.2%), education
(4.5%), pollution (3.1%), unemployment (2.9%), and crime (2.4%).
Ratings of Importance of Issues
Following the free-response question about national issues, respondents
were asked to rate how important they felt several pre-selected issues
were. The differences observed between these ratings of issue importance
and the issues mentioned to the free-response question (discussed in the
previous section) reflect intensity of feeling as opposed to top of the
mind awareness. Respondents were asked to rate eleven issues on an
eleven point scale, ranging from not important (0) to very important (11).
Across the Alabama electorate, the most intensely felt problem appears to
be the cost of living and inflation issue (9.1). Next is the drug problem
(8.9), followed by crime (8.7) and the Vietnam War (8.7), racial problems
(8.3), school integration, taxes and unemployment (all with 8.0), general
moral deterioration (7.9), student unrest (7.8), and air/water pollution
(7.7). Differences of .2 in ratings are statistically significant.
Compared to the total electorate, core Republicans are significantly.more
concerned with high taxes, and less concerned with unemployment, Vietnam,
racial problems, inflation and integration. Ticket-splitters are signif-
icantly more concerned with crime and environmental pollution than the
electorate as a whole.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Democrats are significantly more concerned with the school integration
issue. Marginal voters are more concerned about unemployment, racial
problems, and school integration, and less with taxes, pollution, drugs
and moral deterioration.
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem. Marginal
Cost of living/Inflation
9.1
8.8
9.1
9.0
9.1
Drugs
8.9
9.0
8.9
8.9
8.7
Crime
8.7
8.7
8.9
8.7
8.6
Vietnam
8.7
8.4
8.7
8.7
8.7
Racial problems
8.3
7.9
8.2
8.4
8.6
Unemployment
8.0
7.7
8.1
7.9
8.3
Taxes.
8.0
8.2
8.1
7.9
7.8
Integration of schools
8.0
7.2
7.8
8.2
8.3
General moral deterioration
7.9
8.0
7.8
8.0
7.7
Youth/Student unrest
7.8
7.7
7.7
7.8
7.8
Air/Water pollution
7.7
7.8
7.9
7.7
7.4
When the data are broken by Congressional District, the issues group
geographically in an interesting manner. District One is significantly
more. concerned with school integration and racial issues as is District
Three. Both tend to be less concerned with unemployment, crime, drugs
and District Three also less concerned with taxes, pollution, and Vietnam.
This suggests residents of these two areas have narrow perspectives aside
from their immediate daily ones of racial tension. District Two is signif-
icantly more concerned with youth and student unrest, and less concerned
with unemployment and inflation. District Four is more concerned about
pollution and less with most other problems: taxes, student unrest, Vietnam,
racial problems, school integration, and moral deterioration. The Fifth
District expresses significantly more concern with pollution, drugs, moral
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
deterioration and Vietnam. It is less concerned with high taxes,
unemployment, and crime. District Six expresses more concern with
taxes, unemployment, crime, drugs and racial problems, significantly
less concern with student unrest, Vietnam, and general moral deterioration.
The Seventh District is most concerned with unemployment, pollution,
crime, and moral deterioration; it is less concerned with racial problems,
school integration, and inflation. Last, District Eight is most concerned
with taxes, unemployment, crime, drugs, Vietnam, and moral decay, and
less concerned with school integration and inflation.
Congressional District
One
Two
Three
Four
Five
Six
Seven
Eight
Cost of living/Inflation
9.2
8.9
9.2
8.9
9.2
9.2
8.9
8.9
Drugs
8.3
8.9
8.2
9.0
9.5
9.1
9.0
9.1
Crime
8.5
8.6
8.3
8.6
8.5
9.1
8.9
9.0
Vietnam
8.9
8.6
8.4
8.5
8.9
8.4
8.7
9.0
Racial problems
8.7
8.0
8.7
7.8
8.3
8.6
8.0
8.3
Unemployment
7.8
7.5
7.7
7.9
7.6
8.6
8.2
8.6
Taxes
8.1
8.1
7.7
7.8
6.9
8.5
8.0
8.4
Integration of schools
8.8
8.1
8.7
7.3
8.1
7.9
7.6
7.6
General moral
deterioration
7.8
8.0
7.8
7.4
8.1
7.3
8.1
8.4
Youth/Student unrest
7.8
8.2
7.8
7.2
7.9
7.5
7.7
7.8
Air/Water pollution
7.7
7.2
6.9
8.3
7.9
7.8
8.0
7.6
In terms of age, the 18-24 bracket is significantly more concerned with
pollution and less concerned with the economic issues (taxes, unemployment,
inflation), crime, drugs, civil unrest and moral decay, compared to the
total sample.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
The 25-34 group is more concerned with the economic issues, pollution
and drugs, and less concerned with-moral decay and racial problems. The
35-44 group is highly concerned with all issues, but significantly more
with school integration, moral decay and the economic issues. The 45-54
group is higher on unemployment and moral decay and low on inflation and
integration. Persons 55-64 are more concerned with the drug problem and
less with the economic issues, pollution, and Vietnam. And the oldest
age group (65+) is more concerned with racial problems and less concerned
with the economic issues and drugs.
Low income households (under $5,000) are more concerned with racial and
integration issues and less with taxes and pollution. Low to middle
income ($5,000-$10,000) persons are more concerned with unemployment and
pollution; less with moral decay. Middle to high ($10,000-$15,000) income
persons are more concerned with pollution and moral decay; less with
integration. And high income ($15,000+) persons are low on almost all
issues.
Compared to whites, black persons are more concerned with economic, racial
and school integration issues and less concerned with pollution, crime,
drugs, civil unrest, moral decay, and Vietnam.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Over half (55.3%) of the respondents polled indicate they feel the
U.S. is worse off than two to three years ago, and only one person in
four says things are better off. This pessimism is found most often,
among behavioral Democrats and Seventh District residents, while
optimism is relatively more preponderant among Republicans, Sixth
District residents and blacks.
Overall, do you think that the U.S. as a nation is better off or worse
off than it was two or three years ago?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over
Under
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Better off
23.1
46.3
22.5
16.8
27.9
24.2
22.2
23.1
24.4
19.0
39.3
Worse off
55.3
31.3
49.4
62.6
52.5
56.8
55.1
57.2
51.2
58.5
42.9
About the
same
17.3
14.9
21.9
17.4
18.0
16.3
17.2
15.0
22.7
18.1
13.5
Don't know
4.3
7.5
6.2
3.2
1.6
2.7
5.5
4.6
1.7
4.4
4.3
Reasons most often cited for the U.S. being worse of today are: the
continued Vietnam War (22.9%), the rising cost of living (22.5%), the
drug problem (19.6%), unemployment (13.9%), crime increase (11.7%),
low confidence in government (8.1%), the integration/racial issue
(7.9%), as well as several others. In general, these reasons follow
closely Alabama voter's perceptions of problems in the U.S. discussed
previously.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Why do you say that the U.S. is worse off than two/three years ago?
(55.3% of total)
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over
Under
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
Vietnam/Still
sending
troops to
Vietnam
22.9%
23.8%
14.8%
24.4%
31.3%
22.0%
22.3%
23.0%
20.5%
20.4%
34.3%
Cost of
living
22.5
28.6
22.7
23.9
12.5
18.0
26.5
22.7
25.0
23.1
20.0
Drugs
19.6
14.3
19.3
20.6
31.3
19.3
17.7
22.0
13.6
18.3
27.1
Unemployment
13.9
42.9
10.2
15.5
12.5
16.0
13.1
12.6
22.7
13.4
17.1
Crime
increase
11.7
9.5
19.3
8.8
12.5
9.3
13.1
12.6
8.0
11.3
12.9
No faith in
government/
Corrupt
officials
8.1
--
8.0
9.7
6.3
11.3
6.5
8.1
10.2
7.8
8.6
Forced inte-
gration/
Race
issue
7.9
9.5
5.7
6.3
6.3
4.7
10.0
9.4
4.5
9.1
1.4
Low morals
4.7
4.8
9.1
3.8
9.4
6.0
3.1
2.9
11.3
5.4
1.4
No law and
order/
Criminals
going free/
Court
decisions
4.0
--
1.1
5.0
6.3
3.3
4.2
3.9
5.7
4.6
1.4
Riots
2.7
--
1.1
2.5
--
2.7
3.1
3.2
2.3
2.7
2.9
Air/Water
pollution
2.5
--
3.4
2.1
6.3
3.3
1.5
2.3
3.4
2.4
1.4
Unrest among
the people
1.3
--
2.3
1.7
--
2.7
.8
1.3
2.3
1.6
--
All others/
Don't know
18.6
28.6
20.5
16.8
25.0
23.3
15.4
16.5
20.5
19.9
12.8
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
The U.S. is better off today in the eyes of some because the war is
coming to an end (23.1%), because we are aware and trying to solve our
problems (22.6%), because wages are higher and more money is available
to spend (16.1%) and because of an improved racial situation (12.9%).
Several other reasons are also.cited.
Why do you say that the U.S. is better off than two/three years ago?
(23.1% of total)
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over Under Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
War coming
to an end 23.1% 25.8% 22.5% 18.8% 17.6% 23.4% 23.8% 23.2% 26.2% 27.3% 14.1%
Aware of
problems/
trying to
solve our
problems
22.6
41.9
40.0
7.8
29.4
31.3
16.2
15.2
40.5
29.8
9.4
Higher wages/
More money
to spend
16.1
19.4
10.0
21.9
--
10.9
21.9
17.6
16.7
13.2
21.9
Desegregation
in schools/
Race
situation 12.9
3.2
15.0
14.1
17.6
17.2
9.5
11.2
9.5
9.9
18.8
More jobs
for blacks/
More jobs
7.5
--
5.0
12.5
--
6.3
9.5
11.2
--
3.3
15.6
Nixon doing
a good job/
Republican
President
7.0
9.7
10.0
9.4
--
7.8
7.6
5.6
9.5
10.7
--
Fewer riots
3.2
3.2
2.5
1.6
17.6
1.6
1.9
2.4
7.1
4.1
1.6
All others/
Don't know 25.3
19.4
20.0
28.2
29.4
26.6
23.8
28.0
23.8
23.2
29.7
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Turning to attitudes on specific national issues, 78.1% of the respondents
indicate they favor the Federal government passing and enforcing stricter
anti-pollution laws, while only 12.3% are against such Federal action.
Support for this is highest among Districts One, Three, and Six, and
among the younger age groups (18-44). Income and race differences are
insignificant. When reminded that such laws might mean loss of jobs,
support for the issue drops significantly (57.2%), but the favorable.
voters still outweigh the unfavorable voters by a significant margin.
District Four is most supporting, while One, Two and Six the least in
favor. Support is also high among the young middle age person (25 to
34), and high among the high medium income household ($10,000-$15,000).
Are you in favor of the Federal government passing more anti-pollution
laws?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over
Under
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24 25-34
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
In favor
78.1
79.1
78.1
77.9
90.2
86.7
51.5
79.1
77.9
77.8
80.4
Not in
favor
12.3
17.9
14.0
13.4
8.2
8.3
14.2
9.6
18.0
13.2
7.4
Don't know
9.6
3.0
7.9
8.7
1.6
4.9
13.1
11.3
4.1
9.0
12.3
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Are you in favor of the Federal government passing stricter anti-pollution
laws, even though it may mean the loss of some jobs?
(78.1% of total)
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over Under Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-34
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
In favor
57.2
54.7
63.3
57.1
60.0
62.9
53.1
52.0
65.7
63.0
34.4
Not in
favor
33.7
35.8
27.3
36.1
32.7
31.0
35.6
38.4
25.4
28.1
55.7
Don't, know
9.1
9.4
9.4
6.8
7.3
6.1
11.4
9.6
8.9
8.9
9.9
State Issues
People in Alabama most often cite school and related educational problems
(funding, quality of education) as the most important problem currently
facing the State of Alabama (27.2%). The drug problem is next most
often mentioned (21.4%), followed by the racial integration problem
(17.3%). Economic issues (high taxes, inflation, unemployment) follow
these two problems with about one person in six mentioning them.
Environmental pollution is noted as a problem by 10.1% of the sample,
followed by poor governmental leadership (9.3%), crime (6.5%), highway
construction (6.0%), state financial issues (5.8%), excess welfare (2.7%)
and law enforcement (1.2%).
What kinds of people feel which problems are most important? The
educational and school problems are mentioned slightly more often by
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
core Republicans, and more often by residents of the Fourth and Fifth
Congressional Districts, by the middle and high middle income households
($5,000-$15,000), and by whites. Drugs are seen as a problem most often
by core Democrats, residents of District Five, lower income persons
(under $10,000) and blacks. The integration issue is big to the ticket-
splitters and residents of District One. High taxes are noted often
by Republicans, residents of Districts Six and Seven, middle and high
middle income households ($5,000-$15,000), and blacks. Inflation follows
a similar pattern except that few Republicans mention it. Unemployment
is felt by the young (18-24), blacks, and the middle income groups
($5,000-$10,000); District Eight appears to be hard-hit with unemployment.
Environmental pollution is most an issue among the young (18-24), District
Five, and the upper income groups ($15,000 and over). The issue of
poor governmental leadership is strongest among the young (18-24) and
blacks.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
What do you think are the most important problems facing the State of Alabama at the present time?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over Under Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-44
45
$10,000
10,000
White
Black
School problems/Money for
schools/Quality education
27.2
32.8
27.5
28.2
24.6
31.4
25.4
23.3
39.5
29.1
20.2
Drugs
21.4
16.4
22.5
22.4
18.0
22.0
21.0
23.3
15.1
20.1
27.0
Integration/Bussing/Should
ave freedom of choice
17.3
11.9
22.5
15.5
14.8
18.2
17.4
18.5
14.5
18.7
12.3
h taxes
16.4
22.4
18.5
15.0
6.6
17.0
16.7
15.0
17.4
16.4
14.7
employment/Need new industries
15.7
16.4
10.1
16.8
19.7
14.0
16.1
16.9
13.4
13.2
25.2
nacial problems
11.8
6.0
11.8
12.6
9.8
14.0
11.0
12.6
9.9
12.1
11.0
Inflation/High prices
11.4
4.5
12.4
14.2
11.5
9.5
12.7
13.5
9.9
10.1
17.2
Air/Water pollution/Ecology
10.1
9.0
9.0
10.3
19.7
10.2
8.9
10.4
10.5
10.1
9.2
Poor leadership/Political
issues/Legislature
9.3
19.4
8.4
7.9
16.4
9.1
8.5
7.8
15.7
10.7
4.3
Crime/Increase of crime
6.5
10.4
8.4
6.1
8.2
5.3
7.0
7.2
5.8
6.4
6.7
Highways/Road improvements
6.0
1.5
2.8
7.9
6.6
4.9
6.4
6.5
5.8
6.9
2.5
Finances/Over-spending/Waste
of money
5.8
6.0
7.9
6.6
1.6
4.9
6.6
5.2
8.1
6.1
4.3
Too much welfare
2.7
3.0
2.8
3.4
1.6
2.6
2.5
1.9
4.7
2.7
1.8
Law enforcement/Law and order
1.2
--
2.8
1.1
1.6
1.5
1.1
1.3
1.7
1.6
--
All others/Don't know
24.0
19.4
17.4
23.1
32.8
19.3
25.8
24.6
19.8
3.9
9.2
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
When asked about the single most important problem currently facing
Alabama, the issues are ranked in roughly the same order of importance
as those just discussed. School problems are by a significant margin
seen to be the most important (18.1%), followed by the school
integration issues (12.0%), and the drug problem (11.4%). The economic
issues of unemployment, high taxes, and inflation are mentioned as
the most important problem facing Alabama by about six percent of the
respondents. Racial problems and poor governmental administration
are close behind; the environmental issue follows but is surprisingly
low when viewed as a problem facing the State.
On the issue of whether the State of Alabama is better or worse off
than two years ago; about equal numbers of persons indicate it is
better off (33.4%) and worse off (32.4%). Slightly fewer (27.2%) say
things are about the same. The following types of persons are more
likely to say things are better off: all types of voters except core
Democrats, residents of Congressional Districts Two, Four, Five, and
Six, the youngest and oldest age groups (18-24, and 65 and over),
the higher income households ($10,000 and above), and blacks. Behavioral
Democrats and residents of Districts One, Three, Seven, and Eight
tend to see things most pessimistically, while middle income ($5,000-
$15,000), middle age (35-54) white persons tend to view things most
neutrally, ie. about the same.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Overall, do you think Alabama as a State is better off or worse off
than it was two or three years ago?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over Under 5,000-
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-34
35-64
65
$5,000
15,000
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Better off
33.4
35.8
34.3
30.8
40.1
28.3
39.5
34.9
34.8
30.3
45.4
Worse off
32.4
32.8
32.6
33.2
33.2
31.5
33.5
34.2
30.4
33.0
29.4
About the
same
27.2
22.4
28.7
28.9
21.3
33.2
19.2
21.8
29.9
29.2
19.6
Don't know
7.0
9.0
4.5
7.1
5.4
7.0
7.8
9.2
4.9
7.4
5.5
Respondents who felt Alabama was better off than two to three years ago
cite most often reasons of economic improvement (20.8%) notably more
jobs, more industry. They also mention "a better way of life" (16.7%),
better schools (13.8%), Wallace as Governor (11.5%), more opportunities
for blacks (11.5%), and a better road system (10.0%).
Mention of improvement in the economic situation is highest among residents
of District Eight, the middle age (35-44) and middle to high income
($10,000-$15,000) group, and whites. A "better way of life" is cited
most frequently by behavioral Democrats, residents of District One, and
by middle age (35-44) persons. The rationale of school improvements
isstrongest among ticket-splitters and Democrats, among residents of
District Four, among the 25-34 age group (probably home-building
families) and among middle to high income ($10,000-$15,000) households.
The cited reason that Wallace is Governor now is strongest among whites,
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
not surprisingly, and among residents of District One. And the reason
for improvement that there are now more opportunities for blacks is
most often offered by residents of Districts Five and Six, by ticket-
splitters and core Democrats, by low-income persons (under $5,000)
and, not expectedly, by blacks.
Why do you say Alabama is better off than it was two or three years ago?
(33.4% of total)
Type of Voter
Income
Race
Under 5,000- Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem. Marg. $5,000 15,000 15,000 White Black
More jobs
available/
More
industry
20.8% 20.8% 23.0% 23.1% 14.9% 19.2% 22.5% 20.7% 23.3% 13.5%
We are on
the move/
Better way
of living 16.7
4.2
11.5
21.4
17.9
15.2
18.3
17.2
15.0
21.6
Better schools/
Organized
the schools/
Mixing
13.8
8.3
18.0
16.2
7.5
12.1
16.7
13.8
13.0
16.2
Got Governor
Wallace/
Good
Governor
11.5
--
14.8
13.7
9.0
12.1
11.7
10.3
16.1
--
More oppor-
tunities
for blacks 11.5
--
8:2
14.5
13.4
19.2
7.5
6.9
4.1
31.1
Better roads/
Highways
10.0
8.3
11.5
10.3
9.0
8.1
10.8
6.9
11.4
6.8
Solving
problems/
More co-
operation
6.7
4.2
8.2
7.7
4.5
5.1
6.7
10.3
5.7
9.5
Better/
Higher
salaries
5.2
12.5
4.9
6.0
1.5
5.1
6.7
3.4
6.7
1.4
Better govern-
ment/Change
of leader-
ship
4.1
8.3
3.3
4.3
3.0
1.0
2.5
10.3
4.7
1.4
All others/
Don't know 29.0
45.8
29.5
21.3
35.9
29.3
30.8
20.7
31.7
21.6
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Those who feel Alabama is worse off cite as reasons: unemployment,
inflation, and taxes (33.3%), educational system problems - notably
funding (14.2%), the drug problem (12.3%), personal dislike of Wallace
(10.3%), increasing crime (9.2%), racial problems (8.4%), government
power (8.4%) and the school integration/bussing issue (7.3%), among
others.
Among types of voters, Republicans who think Alabama is worse off
mention most often the reasons of personal dislike for Wallace and high
taxes. Ticket-splitters cite increasing crime, high taxes, and
excessive government power. Democrats tend to mention unemployment,
while marginal voters cite racial problems. Young (18-24) persons
mention most racial problems, young-middle age groups (25-44) mention
most school problems, unemployment, and drugs, and older (over 65)
mention most crime and unemployment. Unemployment and taxes are the
reasons cited by lower income households (under $10,000). while higher
income voters more often mention personal dislike of Wallace, the school
problem, and drugs. Among blacks, key reasons mentioned are unemployment
and high taxes.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Why do you say Alabama is worse off than two or three years ago?
(32.4% of total)
Type of Voter
Income
Race
Under 5,000- Over
Total Rep. T-S Dem. Marg $5,000 15,000 15,000 White Black
Unemploy-
ment
15.3% 18.2% 8.6% 19.8% 10.9% 21.6% 13.8% 4.8% 12.9% 27.1%
School
system/
Money for
school
14.2
18.2
10.3
15.1
14.5
9.3
18.3
9.5
16.2
6.3
Too much
drugs
12.3
9.1
15.5
14.3
5.5
10.3
16.5
4.8
14.3
4.2
Governor/
Can't stand
Wallace
10.3
22.7
10.3
10.3
15.5
3.1
11.0
38.1
11.0
4.2
Inflation/
Incomes
too low
10.0
9.1
8.6
12.7
5.5
11.3
11.0
4.8
11.4
4.2
Crime on
the
increase
9.2
--
15.5
10.3
3.6
10.3
10.1
--
8.6
12.5
Too many
taxes/
Taxes too
high
8.8
18.2
12.1
6.3
7.3
13.4
2.8
--
7.1
16.7
Political
power/
Government
8.4
9.1
13.8
7.9
3.6
6.2
9.2
23.8
9.0
6.3
Racial
problems
8.4
--
8.6
5.6
18.2
12.4
6.4
--
9.5
4.2
Integration/
bussing
7.3
--
12.1
4.8
10.9
10.3
7.3
--
9.0
--
In debt/
No money/
Spend too
much
5.4
13.6
5.2
4.8
3.6
2.1
5.5
9.5
6.2
2.1
All others/
Don't know 31.4
9.1
20.7
35.0
43.6
35.0
31.2
23.8
31.0
33.3
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Federal - State Relationships
Almost sixty percent (58.5%) of Alabama residents feel Alabama has
not been treated fairly by the Federal government. This sentiment
is highest among core Republicans and ticket-splitters, Congressional
Districts One, Four, and Seven, the youngest age group (18-24), the
middle to high income group ($10,000-$15,000) and whites.
Do you think that Alabama has or has not been treated as well as other
states by the Federal government?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over
Under
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25
$10,000
$10,000
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Has
25.2
23.9
18.0
23.9
26.2
24.9
27.4
20.9
17.8
54.0
Has not
58.5
68.7
69.7
57.1
67.2
58.1
54.3
68.6
67.1
24.5
Don't know
16.3
7.5
12.4
18.9
6.6
17.0
18.3
10.5
15.1
21.5
Those who feel Alabama has not been well treated mention primarily
forced integration and school integration issues (33.9%) and the
unfairness of Federal enforcement on the topic (18.0%). Also mentioned
is the feeling that Alabama does not get its share of Federal grants
(13.2%) and the feeling that Alabama is unfairly pin-pointed for racial
problems (11.5%).
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Why do you say that Alabama has not been treated as well by the Federal
government?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over
Under
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-54
55
$10,000
$10,000
White
Bla
Forced school
integration/
Bussing unfair 21.2% 19.6% 23.4%20.3%
26.8%
20.2%21.6%
20.5%
26.3% 22.5%
5.
Double standard,
one for South,
;
one for North 18.0 21.7 22.6 15.7
4.9
20.6 17.3
15.4
24.6
19.4
5.1
Federal
contracts given
to other states/
not many
grants
13.2
19.6
8.9 15.7
2.4
13.2 15.7
13.3
12.7
11.5
32.
Forced integra-
tion in South
12.7
8.7
15.3 12.0
12.2
13.2 12.4
13.6
10.2
12.2
17.5
Racialprejudice/
Pinpointed
Alabama about
racial
problems
11.5
8.7
16.1
6.9
26.8
8.6 11.4
13.3
5.9
11.7
10.
Forced to take
a back seat
10.6
8.7
8.1 10.6
7.3
8.6 14.0
9.9
10.2
11.5
--
Federal govern-
ment bucks our
Governor/Dislike
of Wallace
5.7
13.0
4.0
6.5
2.4
7.4' 4.3
5.8
6.8
6.3
--
*
Does not include responses receiving less than 5% mention.
A majority of the respondents indicate they feel the Federal government went
too fast in desegregating the public schools in Alabama (58.5%); 27.7% feel
the pace was about right, and 12.3% indicate the pace was too slow. Persons
most likely to hold the opinions that the pace was too slow tend to be
ticket-splitters, residents of Districts One, Four, and Eight, persons over 35,
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
middle upper income ($10,000-$15,000) and white. Expectedly, the blacks,
lower income, younger and marginal voters, in District Six, are more likely
to have said the pace was about right or too slow.
How do you think that the Federal government went in desegregating the
public schools?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Over
Under $10,000
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-34
35
$10,000
15,000
15.000
White
Blac
Too fast
58.5
61.2
65.2 60.3
54.5
59.8
55.4
70.6
65.7
70.9
9.2
Too slow
12.3
7.5
8.4 11.6
15.3
11.4
15.0
8.8
2.9
6.4 35.6
About right
27.7
31.3
25.8 26.6
30.2
26.7
27.6
20.6
30.0
22.2 49.7
Don't know
1.5
--
.6 1.6
--
2.0
2.0
--
1.4
.5 5.5
Those persons who see the desegregation pace imposed by the Federal government
as too fast most often hold the Federal courts responsible (67.9%). Also
mentioned as being responsible are the Department of Health, Education and
Welfare (15.7%) and the Justice Department (9.3%). The United States Congress
and President Nixon are mentioned only by about 6% of the respondents.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Who do you believe is most to blame for the forcing of the desegregation
in public schools?*
Type of Voter
Total
Sample
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
Marginal
Federal courts
67.9%
65.9%
71.6%
67.2%
65.9%
Department of Health,
Education and Welfare
15.7
9.8
18.1
17.0
11.8
Justice Department
9.3
7.3
8.6
10.0
9.4
U.S. Congress
5.9
2.4
6.0
6.1
7.1
President Nixon
5.5
4.9
5.2
6.1
4.7
*
Does not include responses receiving less than 5% mention.
A significant majority of Alabama residents are not in favor of desegregating
Alabama public schools (54.9%). Thirty-seven percent (37.3%) are in favor,
and only 7.8% don't know. Republicans are most likely to be against desegre-
gation, as are residents of Districts, One, Two, and Seven, older persons
(35 and above) and whites.
Are you in favor or not in favor of the desegregation of the Alabama public
schools?
Type of Voter
Age
Race
Over
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-34
35
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Favor
37.3
32.8
39.3
36.1
48.5
33.4
27.2
76.7
Not in favor
54.9
61.2
55.1
54.7
46.5
57.8
65.4
13.5
Don't know
7.8
6.0
5.6
9.2
5.0
8.7
7.4
9.8
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Those against desegregation cite reasons of "it's not right to do"/
"don't believe in mixing" (35.7%), "must have freedom of choice" (14.7%),
"school standards are lowered" (11.1%), "undesirability of bussing" (9.0%),
among others. Behavioral Republicans, younger (18-24) and middle high
income ($10,000-$15,000) persons are more likely than other voter, age
or income groups to give a freedom of choice rationale, while older (55 and
above) and poorer (under $5,000) persons are more likely to insist that
desegregation and mixing are simply not right.
Why are you not in favor of desegregating Alabama schools?*
(54.9% of total)
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Over
Under
$10,000
Total
Rep.
T-S
Dem.
18-24
25-54
55
$5,000
$15,000
100%
100%
100% 100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Don't believe in
mixing/Not right
to do
35.7%
26.8%
32.7%
36.1%
28.0%
26.3% 46.9%
51.0%
22.8%
Believe in freedom
of choice/Slower
process
14.7
22.0
11.2
15.4
24.0
18.0
10.2
8.4
33.3
Standards are
lowered/Quality
more important
11.1
12.2
11.2
12.0
4.0
15.7
7.1
5.2
14.0
Don't want
bussing
9.0
12.2
10.2
10.1
8.0
9.7
8.2
10.3
8.8
Won't work/Cause
friction
8.6
4.9
6.1
11.5
12.0
8.3
8.7
7.7
5.3
*
Does not include responses receiving less than 5% mention.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Those in favor of desegregation cite most often reasons of equal rights
for all (48.3%) and of blacks needing education (12.3%), and other reasons.
Why are you in favor of desegregating Alabama schools?*
(37.3%) of total)
Total %
Equal rights for all/go wherever
you want
48.3%
Blacks need education/Have a
right to a good school
12.3
Need quality education/Better
schools
8.0
Closest school/Not by bussing
7.0
Has to be done to grow/
Learn to get along
6.3
Not prejudiced/Like mixing
5.3
*
Does not include responses receiving less than 5% mention.
In spite of their predominantly negative desire for public school desegrega-
tion, most persons in Alabama (59.6%) believe that the Federal government
will ultimately force the complete integration of all public schools. Those
insisting it will not (20.9%) are about as large a group as those not knowing
(19.5%). Congressional District One is notably low in its belief that com-
plete integration will result, as are the oldest age group of respondents
(65 and over). Opinion also polarizes in the over $15,000 income bracket,
where there are fewer don't know responses and relatively much feeling that
complete integration will not be ultimately achieved. Blacks are the most
uncertain group.
MARKET OPINION RESEARCH
Do you think that the Federal government will or will not ultimately
force the complete integration of all public schools?
Type of Voter
Age
Income
Race
Under Over
Under Over
Total Rep.
T-S
Dem.
65
65
$15,000
15,000
White
Black
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
100%
Will
59.6
50.7
54.5
63.2
62.7
48.5
60.7
57.1
60.7
55.2
Will not
20.9
25.4
27.0
19.2
20.8
21.0
19.5
31.4
21.5
17.8
Don't know
19.5
23.9
18.5
17.6
16.5
30.5
19.8
11.4
17.8
27.0