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This file contains: To: Charles W. Colson From: George T. Bell RE: "Ethnics and 1972." 4pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 1/21/1971 To: Laszlo Pasztor From: Paul M. Deac RE: "Father Baroni/John Gardner/Common Cause." 2pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 1/7/1971 To: Chuck Colson, George Bell From: Laszlo C. Pasztor RE: "Non-Republican Ethnic Activities." 2pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 1/6/1971 To: Laszlo Pasztor From: Z. Michael Szaz RE: "Joint Proposal of F.A.C.E. and the Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs of Mgr. G. Baroni." 4pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], no date Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/11/1970 Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/11/1970 Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/11/1970 Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/11/1970

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This file contains: To: Charles W. Colson From: George T. Bell RE: "Ethnics and 1972." 4pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 1/21/1971 To: Laszlo Pasztor From: Paul M. Deac RE: "Father Baroni/John Gardner/Common Cause." 2pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 1/7/1971 To: Chuck Colson, George Bell From: Laszlo C. Pasztor RE: "Non-Republican Ethnic Activities." 2pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 1/6/1971 To: Laszlo Pasztor From: Z. Michael Szaz RE: "Joint Proposal of F.A.C.E. and the Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs of Mgr. G. Baroni." 4pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], no date Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/11/1970 Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/11/1970 Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/11/1970 Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/11/1970
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library Contested Materials Collection Folder List Box Number Folder Number Document Date No Date Subject Document Type Document Description 45 32 1/21/1971 Campaign Memo To: Charles W. Colson From: George T. Bell RE: "Ethnics and 1972." 4pgs 45 32 1/7/1971 Campaign Memo To: Laszlo Pasztor From: Paul M. Deac RE: "Father Baroni/John Gardner/Common Cause." 2pgs 45 32 1/6/1971 Campaign Memo To: Chuck Colson, George Bell From: Laszlo C. Pasztor RE: "Non-Republican Ethnic Activities." 2pgs 45 32 Campaign Memo To: Laszlo Pasztor From: Z. Michael Szaz RE: "Joint Proposal of F.A.C.E. and the Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs of Mgr. G. Baroni." 4pgs 45 32 11/11/1970 Campaign Report Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs 45 32 11/11/1970 Campaign Report Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs 45 32 11/11/1970 Campaign Report Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs Thursday, March 15, 2012 Page 1 of 2 Box Number Folder Number Document Date No Date Subject Document Type Document Description 45 32 11/11/1970 Campaign Report Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs Thursday, March 15, 2012 Page 2 of 2 January 21, 1971 pol MEMORANDUM FOR CHARLES W. COLSON SUBJECT: Ethnics and 1972 I have reviewed the attached material from Laszlo Pasztor and Ilmar Heinaru, as well as that relating to Monsignor Baroni; and discussed it with Pasztor, Heinaru, Brad Patterson and Tom Huston. It appears there are two aspects: I. The organization and support of political activities specifically directed to heritage groups, mostly first and second generation citizens, which still maintain strong ethnic identification. II. Dealing with issues which bear heavily on the blue-collar, middle-class citizen who generally has an ethnic background several generations back, but is primarily issue oriented. This is by far the larger group and one which cannot really be organized. It includes a large seg- ment of the population, upon which is focused a vast array of Administration programs and to which our entire Administration philosophy is applicable. Nevertheless, it has ethnic over- tones which cannot be ignored and offer opportunities for exploitation. The following recommendations are submitted for considera- tion: 1. Contacts with Monsignor Geno Baroni. Father Baroni has identified with the lower income middle class and, although his vehicle is called the Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs, I believe his constituency is probably more consciously Catholic than specifically ethnic and his focus is upon Charles Colson -2- January 21, 1971 issues, programs and legislation. As a member of the United States Catholic Conference, I propose that we push our contact with him, main- tain an open door, and do all we can to identify with and support, where appropriate, his efforts. This is not to say that some of the things that will result from his leadership, such as the Calmuet Community Congress, will not be directed against us or led by people who would like to defeat us at the polls. I do not believe that is his purpose, however, and that we should maintain a visible sympathy and support for solutions to the problems he is highlighting. 2. Ford Foundation grants were recently announced to: (a) The National Opinion Research Center for a Center for the Study of Ethnic Pluralism at the University of Chicago. (b) Center for Policy Research at the University of Michigan for research on white, ethnic workers. (c) Research Foundation of the City University of New York for a conference of white, ethnic workers. I believe someone should be designated to express interest in these activities, maintain liaison with the grantees, monitor to some extent their activites, and be in position to take advantage of their find- ings or activities where that may appear desirable. 3. Activities of Heritage Groups Division of the RNC. In Pasztor's memo of January 6, he made recommenda- tions which are not in conflict with the above, and I believe are fine to the extent he can carry them out. Some of them are ambitious, but I suggest giv- ing him full rein to do the best he can. His suggestions are listed verbatim below: (a) Maintain polite, but friendly, relations with Monsignor Baroni and other key leaders in this movement, listen to their suggestions -- but do not financially support their activities, Charles Colson -3- January 21, 1971 since they are chiefly committed to the New Left and to liberal Democrats; (b) Infiltrate their movement and attempt to minimize the liberal democratic influence, and the use of the movement as a "front" for the Democrats. (The Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Division has already begun to do this) ; (c) Counteract further their activities among the ethnics by: (1) continuing to strengthen the Republican national, state and local nationality organizations (Republican ethnic Federa- tions, Councils and Clubs); (2) making use of these Republican (and other) ethnic organizations, and their "sympathizers" in the Catholic/ethnic community not only to infiltrate this new ethnic movement, but to establish a Republican-controlled national ethnic organization -- as I have already recommended in my 1971-72 proposal. (3) obtaining financial support for friendly ethnic organizations (such as the National Confederation of American Ethnic Groups, the Ethnic Foundation, the National Captive Nations Committee, etc.). With this we could not only "control" such groups, but take them over completely as front organizations. (4) organizing, with the help of one of these organizations (or with a new ethnic organization established by us), a major National Ethnic Conference late in 1971 which could be used to counteract these new ethnic movements, and also provide support for the Nixon Administration and the Republican ticket in 1972. Charles Colson -4- January 21, 1971 (5) and finally, coordinate the activities of the White House and the Republican National Committee in the ethnic areas by calling a meeting (during the second half of January 1971) involving key people in both the White House and the Republican National Committee who deal with the nationalities; or, call a meet- ing of the White House Task Force on Opportunities for Ethnic Americans, which is headed by Secretary of Transportation Volpe, to deal with this new ethnic move- ment. 4. Publicity. The fact that the larger problem referred to in Item II has ethnic and religious overtones provides additional "handles" I believe we can use to publicize many things this Administration has done and will be doing to cope with the basic problems of concern. Thus, I suggest that we establish a program through Herb Kelin's office to provide that sufficient news releases are cast in ethnic terms for the general press, and that we make full use of the opportunities provided by the Catholic News Service and the ethnic press. George T. Bell of MMERICAN ETHINC GROUPS 562 Davis Building Washington, D. C. 20006 Tel: 296-8325 January 7, 1971 Mr. Laszlo Pasztor Executive Director American Heritage Groups Division Republican National Committee 310 First Street, S.E. Washington, D.C. 20003 Dear Laszlo: Re: Father Baroni/John Gardner/Common Cause As a followup to my December 24, 1970 communication, I have received more ample information from the field about the above. FIELD REPORT From all appearances and utterances of its promoters in Gary, Ind. and other cities, Common Cause is clearly emerging as an anti-Nixon "citizens lobby. 1. It has the endorsement and support of nearly all presidential hopefuls in the Democratic party -- Muskie, Kennedy, McGovern and even ex-Senator Eugene McCarthy whose youthful followers form the "shock troops" of Common Cause. 2. Common Cause and its much-publicized "good intentions" are the instrument through which the Liberal-Democrats plan to separate President Nixon from his white and blue collar workers. 3. Ethnic whites are being singled out for special attention. The most frequent approach is as follows: Nixon has not taken care of the "forgotten Middle Americans.' Join and support Common Cause and we'll see that you get the consideration for your problems which is now being denied ethnic Americans. We'll show you how to get in on poverty programs, Model Cities, etc. In some instances, CC promoters held out promise for more and better jobs -- a particularly strong enticement for those without jobs. 4. C.C. organizers, young and old alike, clergy and layman, are of the Radical-Liberal persuasion. Invariably, their enemy is the present "establishment" the Nixon Administration and Congress. Mr. Laszlo Pasztor - 2 - January 7, 1971 5. The only ethnics attracted so far are leftwingers and perennial malcontents, also ex-city-hall hacks with a sprinkling of well- intentioned citizens. Our organizations, alerted in time by us, have so far resisted Mr. Gardner's appeals. To date, no bona-fide ethnic organization or leader has joined Common Cause, despite Father Baroni's urgings: The question is how long can we win out empty-handed over C.C. organizers who seem to have plenty of money and bagsful of fresh promises? Our Comment: John Gardner's Common Cause represents a real danger to the Republican party and in particular the Nixon Administration. C.C. organizers are approaching ethnic voters at a time when many are griping about the slowness with which the Republicans are getting around to consider the needs and problems of ethnic Americans. Some of our leaders, Nixon supporters, have been put on the spot by these Administration delays. They are angry and restless. However, it is considered unlikely alienated ethnic voters can be coaxed back into the Liberal- Democratic fold so soon after their disaffection. Fedup with party neglect and abuses many ethnic voters vote as Independents, others have registered as Republicans. Just the same, the danger is real. Recommendation for Action: We believe the time has come for an outside source such as our Confederation to call a national conference of ethnic organizations and leaders to give vent to ethnic grievances and complaints and to determine what ethnic needs really are and what can be done about them. Purpose of such a conference would be to counter Liberal-Democratic attempts to divide U.S. ethnic groups and prevent them from giving further approval and support to the Nixon Administration. We, in the Confederation, feel sure such a conference could be made into a resounding success, guaranteeing continued ethnic support of the Nixon Administration if the $20,000 to $25,000 needed to prepare such a conference can be found. Kindly let me know what you think of such a proposal. Sincerely, Dane Executive Vice President PMD:cm cc: Harry S. Dent Republican National Committee. January 6, 1971 TO: Chuck Colson and George Bell FROM: Laszlo C. Pasztor, Director, Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Division LCM. SUBJECT: Non-Republican Ethnic Activities 1. Attached are three reports. The first two concern the Calumet County Congress (one was written by Laura-Anne Genero--a staff member who handles the "Berkshire" (Catholic) Project in our division; and the second is by Z. Michael Szaz, Ph.D.- who is Executive Director of the American Hungarian Federation and has excellent contacts in the ethnic community) The last report is an evaluation of Monsignor Geno Baroni's joint proposal for a Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs and F. A.C.E. (a program For Arts in Community Enviornment). 2. From these reports, and from the information obtained by the Chairman of the Republican Nationalities Council of Indiana (Mr. Frank Mitan-- who knows several of the organizers and key participants in the CCC), it is clear that this whole new ethnic movement represents a danger to the Republican Party and our chances in 1972. It is not only motivated by, and used as a source of propaganda for, liberal democrats, but it is a very well organized and financed attempt to "woo" the nationalities back to the Democratic Party. They capitalize on the "neglect" of ethnic Americans by the government, and the just complaints of many ethnic Americans-- which are due to this "neglect." 3. According to reports in ethnic newspapers, this movement is already organizing in ten other heavily ethnic areas: Baltimore, Chicago, Cleveland, Detroit, Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, Providence, Newark Gary, and Boston. To counteract this I recommend, therefore, that we: A. Maintain polite, but friendly, relations with Monsignor Baroni and other key leaders in this movement, listen to their suggestions-- but do not financially support their activities, since they are chiefly committed to the New Left and to liberal Democrats; B. Infiltrate their movement and attempt to minimize the liberal demo- cratic influence, and the use of the movement as a "front" for the Democrats. (The Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Division has already begun to do this); C. Counteract further their activities among the ethnics by: 1) continuing to strengthen the Republican national, state and local nationality organizations (Republican ethnic Federations, Councils and Clubs); 2) making use of these Republican (and other) ethnic organizations, and their "sympathizers" in the Catholic/ethnic community not only to infiltrate this new ethnic movement, but to establish a Repub- lican-controlled national ethnic organization-- as I have already recommended in my 1971-72 proposal. Dwight D. Eisenhower Republican Center: 310 First Street Southeast, Washington, D.C. 20003. (202) 484-6500. 2. 3) obtaining financial support for friendly ethnic organizations (such as the National Confederation of American Ethnic Groups, the Ethnic Foundation, the National Captive Nations Committee, etc.). With this we could not only "control" such groups, but take them over completely as front organizations. 4) organizing, with the help of one of these organizations (or with a new ethnic organization established by us), a major National Ethnic Conference late in 1971 which could be used to counteract these new ethnic movements, and also provide support for the Nixon Administration and the Republican ticket in 1972. 5) and finally, coordinate the activities of the White House and the Republican National Committee in the ethnic areas by calling a meeting (during the second half of January 1971) involving key people in both the White House and the Republican National Committee who deal with the nationalities; or, call a meeting of the White House Task Force on Opportunities for Ethnic Americans, which is headed by Secretary of Transportation Volpe, to deal with this new ethnic movement. cc: Rogers C.B. Morton A.B. Herman Bill Low Hon. John Volpe Peter M. Flanigan Rocco C. Siciliano Harry S. Dent Murray M. Chotiner Jeb Magruder Patrick J. Buchanan MEMORANDUM From: Dr. Z. Michael Szaz, Ph. D. To: Mr. Laszlo Pasztor, Director, Heritage Groups Division, Republican National Committee In re: Joint Proposal of F.A.C.E. and the Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs of Mgr. G. Baroni. Introduction In the name of the Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs of the U.S. Catholic Conference and a new, proposed grouping, F.A.C.E. (For Arts in Community Environment), Mgr. Baroni circulated a proposal for possible funding to the Executive branch. The present memo- randum contains a political evaluation of his project and some of his past activities on the basis of the literature given by Mgr. Baroni to me, the text of the proposal and my personal con- versation with him on December 18. Project Objectives The program, as submitted, is designed to create new community organizations among "white ethnics" of lower middle-class back- ground with the avoewed purpose of facilitating black-white eth- nics cooperation and alliances and giving the "white ethnics" the right to affect the decisions on the local level dealing with his socio-economic welfare. In order to do so, Mgr. Baroni wants to expand assistance to his previously existing projects of organizations, and to help create new community leadership structures in northern cities in order to achieve the above ends. He intends his overall program to be organized from above by his Center which would also serve as a liaison between the communities and the prospective local, state and Federal resource agencies. Monies are asked for organizing activites (travel, salaries), leadership training sessions and workshos on an inter-area basis and liaison work. In the not too distant future (Phase III) the project foresees a consultant staff (Center Fellows) on the national level and a final report identi- fying appropriate target areas and programs notincluded in the present project and further financial support for the target areas already covered. E The second part of the porposal consists of a project based on the concept of Ethnic Research Centers as described in the Pucinski- Smith (now Pucinski-Schweiker bill), known as H.R. 15493. 2 Underlying Project Assumptions The underlying socio-economic assumptions of the submitters form the political core of the proposal. In his December 18 conversation, Mgr. Baroni stressed that the "white ethnics" are caught in the squeeze of what he termed the black revolution seemingly threatening their job security and housing and the New Left revolution of affluent higher middle-classer college youth of elitist students looking upon the heritage groups as Fascist or reactionary racists. While this description contains many kernels of truth, the conclusions reached by Mgr. Baroni are questionable at best. He maintains that the only way the "white ethnics" will gain poli- tical power is to make common cause with the blacks against the local Establishment. It is hard to see why the heritage group worker must be revolutionized in order to gain his local rights. Would it not be better if he were to form the stable center against revolutionary unrest on the fringes (as he had done in the recent past) In that case he holds a key position which would earn him a redress of real or alleged grievances much faster by becoming the pivot in helping to maintain a functioning and orderly society. This fact is now recognized by many of the local, state and Fede- ral administrations. A radicalization of even part of the heritage group community and its assumption of the tactics of the civil rights movement would only open the sluices for generalized unrest resulting in widespread fragmentation and ultimately, in a dictatorship of the far Left or the far Right. After all 34-to 40million Americans fall into the heritage group category, almost twice as many as the number of black Americans. Thus, Mgr, Baroni's approach must be considered faulty. This is not say that the grievances are not real and should not be solved in cooperation with the heritage groups by local, state and Federal governments. The creation of black-"white ethnic" alliances on a populist or semi-radical basis would not be in the interest of the Administration or the Republican Party. Political Conclusions Under separate cover I am attaching a detailed report on one of Mgr. Baroni's pilot projects, the Calumet Community Council. 3 It displays, despite the involvement of many local church leaders, mainly at the instigation of Mgr. Baroni and Bishop Grutka, unmis- takble signs of radicalization in its staff. The second pilot project doesnot even involve blue-collar ethnic workers, but is a middle-class Black-Polish Alliance in Detroit and is probably included because of its interracial aspects. I do not have ade- quate information on the Little Italy Project, but based on Mgr. Baroni's information it looks like the most constructive one of the five and the one which is least political. I have little reliable information on the Boston and Baltimore projects, but Miss Mikulski's rhetoric as quoted in the national press, is not reassuring. It is my own conclusion that the great rush to organization is little more than a thinly disguised attempt to regain heritage group voters for liberal Democratic causes. Mgr. Baroni himself had high praise for his Senatorial friends of Muskie, Pastore, Kennedy and Hartke and blamed the Republican Senators for not passing the Pucinski-Smith bill. Yet it was the liberal Republican Senator from New York, Jacob K. Javits who in April 1970 refused to submit to the Senate the Pucinski bill and it was a conservative Republican Senator from Illinois (Ralph E. Smith) who did finally SO. Now Mgr. Baroni mentions his conversation with Mr. Ehrlichman in which he requested direct White House support for the passage of the Ethnic Heritage Research Centers Bill during the next session of Congress. Interestingly, he was not too enthusiastic about Roman Pucinski either who he had accused of ducking during the civil rights controversy. In assessing Mgr. Baroni, it must be recalled that he had spent several years in the civil rights move- ment and inner-city black parishes and he tries to transfer his experiences with the black community to the heritage groups which simply cannot be done very effaciously. Mgr. Baroni's ties with the U.S. Catholic Conference are tenuous. On December 1, 1970 New York Times reported that the Task Force on Urban Affairs would be phased out by the Conference by June 10, 1971 and Mgr. Baroni will become a program planner in the conference's Department of Social Development. I wonder whether his relegation to more general social problem duties might not the reason he is seeking funding for his project outside of the Catholic Church. 4 Conclusions It is my belief that Mgr. Baroni will receive funding from outside of Church sources for his project, we certainly do not need to fund him as he is essentially working against our poli- tical interest. The ideological and personal cleavage is so deep that funding would not represent adequate control over him. This leaves us with the problem of what to do to counteract the liberal Democratic effort for which he is a willing front man. This will be the subject of third memorandum. November 11, 1970 NOTES RE : Political Organization and Problems Specific problem areas requiring immediate intensive attention are: Suburbs - Rumsfeld to ride herd on developing a new strategy. Farm - Need a whole look at political necessities in this area. Lconomy - Can't do anything on this directly but must keep a close eye. Regions - Don't write off these areas - particularly New England and the South. We'll go after all regions in almost all states - even Massacnusetts unless Teddy Kennedy is on the ticket. Population Groups - Blue Collar, Catholics, etc. Colson in charge of overall program. Specific states requiring immediate attention and overall plans: California Illinois Ohio Wisconsin Missouri Texas Florida Pennsylvania All of these must be organizednot around the Republican Party but on B Committee for Nixon. This especially applies in the South. Committees should also be set up in : Georgia North Carolina Virginia A fresh approach must be established. Immediate thought must be given to plans for a number of backers must be prepared to move in and this should be explored thoroughly and scientifically. Colson should be on top of this. We must be prepared for the Democratic strategy in Congress which will probably be to introduce a number of major programs that we can't approve in the area of education, health and polution. Their plan will be to force us to veto these popular programs and thus put us in the worse possible light. To counteract we need our own legislative program on a positive basis with a few really good measures. Also we must develop an expansive budget for 1972 - not based on the HEW giveaways, but in the areas that create jobs - not the areas that take care of the poor. We also have to recognize we can't blame the Democrats anymore for what we inherited, everything from here on is our problem. General strategy on the Democrats should be to build up all the Democratic candidates so that there is no unifying factor behind any one front leader. We need to develop a program to pin every Democratic Senator in Congress on the compulsory integrated housing issue. This should be done by letters to each candidate and by questions and press conferences to get them on the record at this early stage. One individual must be assigned to get this done. We need to develop immediately a plan for |.olling activities leading up to 1972. Specifically we should have a program for quickie polls in key states to keep a continuous bench mark reading. We don't need very many huge polls in depth. We also need an analysis of what happened to the polls in 1970, particularly why they didn't show the significant shift that took place in the West. The general strategy has got to include a major run at New York and Pennsylvania especially because of the soft- ness in Illinois and California. Also we need a very careful analysis of the way to approach Texas. 3 We need to make a decision on the general approach to the convention fairly soon. On an overall basis our convention should be sedond and it should be late. We should work for a short campaign with Presidential participation limited to three weeks maximum. The convention should be cut down to approximately two days - certainly not four and we should look for a new approach to the whole thing. The city should not be the same as that of the Democrats. First choice is probably Chicago, if Illinois is winnable. Second choice would be to take one of the states that we need - New York, Cin- cinnatti, Philadelphia, would be the prime contenders. The whole approach to the convention should be based on how to make it a good television program. We have to set up a man to man operation on each of the Democratic candidates with full follow through. Ed Morgan should be in charge of this. There should be full research with a desk man on each candidate. We need a systematic study of all the publishers who will be important in terms of endorsements and are worth going after. We need to lock up the good ones that are with us such as Annenberg but also pursue those who are doubtful. This would include Knight, Cowles, all the Chicago papers, Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinnatti, New- house, Miller, Copley, Hearst, Chandlers. We can't lot any of these get away and we've got to determine at each paper who will be making the editorial endorsement decision and then work on him. In the area of television we've been working on the wrong targets. We haven't gained much ground with Sarnoff, Paley and Goldenson. We should be working on the real power people that are on the air such as Reasoner and Smith, Kaplows, etc. Colson should be rdding herd on the TV, not just the networks, but to be sure we're covering all the major independence. 4 We should start work immediately on a documentary for television. The one done by the RNC missed the point cause it didn't build the enormous importance of the key things such as the November 3rd speech. The new one must be done much better. We've got to stay on top of the mock conventions at universities, also develop a program for reaching professors and intellectuals and a program for reaching and maintaining contact with our columnists. Also we need to develop a real youth thrust to make sure that we dont leave youth to the opposition. Dent should move now on the South but not as a Republican just a Nixon organization. Also he should develop his regional plan. We have to have plans immediately for New York, Pennsy1- vania, Illinois, Ohio, California, and Texas. At the second level, Missouri, Indiana, Wisconsin, New Jersey, Connecticut and Florida. At the third level, the Southern states, the Mountain states, and the farm states. Each state must be handled differently and P plan developed for each one fitting its particular situation. In addition to having one man in charge of each state - and we should start setting that up nok so that we do have a key person assigned to each one of these individual states and reporting directly to the President when he wants a report - we should also plan for polling state by state - these will be much more helpful than national polls. We should investigate bringing in Bob Price to put him in charge of New YOrk. Also the question of what Mitchell thinks about Bob Lee and Cliff White. Also Mitchell should talk to 0'Daugherty regarding the true story of who really put the New York victory together. The Ripon Society has succeeded in getting a lot of play with their stuff. Can't we set up an opposing force to get equal mileage? Maybe something under Jim Buckley's banner. 5 Something has to be done on the selection and bringing in of a finance chairman quickly. A lot of thought has got to be given to campaign scheduling - the question of whether a dog and pony show really does any good - or whether we should simply concentrate on television with only enough public exposure to make the point. November 11, 1970 NOTES RE : Political Organization and Problems Specific problem areas requiring immediate intensive attention are: Suburbs - Rumsfeld to ride herd on developing a new strategy. Farm - Need a whole look at political necessities in this area. Economy - Can't do anything on this directly but must keep a close eye. Regions - Don't write off these areas - particularly New England and the South. We'll go after all regions in almost all states - even Massachusetts unless Teddy Kennedy is on the ticket. Population Groups - Blue Collar, Catholics, etc. Colson in charge of overall program. Specific states requiring immediate attention and overall plans: California Illinois Ohio Wisconsin Missouri Texas Florida Pennsylvania All of these must be organizednot around the Republican Party but on a Committee for Nixon. This especially applies in the South. Committees should also be set up in : Georgia North Carolina Virginia A fresh approach must be established. Immediate thought must be given to plans for a number of backers must be prepared to move in and this should be explored thoroughly and scientifically. Colson should be on top of this. We must be prepared for the Democratic strategy in Congress which will probably be to introduce a number of major programs that we can't approve in the area of education, health and polution. Their plan will be to force us to veto these popular programs and thus put us in the worse possible light. To counteract we need our own legislative program on a positive basis with a few really good measures. Also we must develop an expansive budget for 1972 - not based on the HEW giveaways, but in the areas that create jobs - not the areas that take care of the poor. We also have to recognize we can't blame the Democrats anymore for what we inherited, everything from here on is our problem. General strategy on the Democrats should be to build up all the Democratic candidates so that there is no unifying factor behind any one front leader. We need to develop a program to pin every Democratic Senator in Congress pm the compulsory integrated housing issue. This should be done by letters to each candidate and by questions and press conferences to get them on the record at this early stage. One individual must be assigned to get this done. We need to develop immediately a plan for polling activities leading up to 1972. Specifically we should have a program for quickie polls in key states to keep a continuous bench mark reading. We don't need very many huge polls in depth. We also need an amalysis of what happened to the polls in 1970, particularly why they didn't show the significant shift that took place in the West. The general strategy has got to include a major run at New York and Pennsylvania especially because of the soft- ness in Illinois and California. Also we need a very careful analysis of the way to approach Texas. 3 We need to make a decision on the general approach to the convention fairly soon. On an overall basis our convention should be sedond and it should be late. We should work for a short campaign with Presidential participation limited to three weeks maximum. The convention should be cut down to approximately two days - certainly not four and we should look for a new approach to the whole thing. The city should not be the same as that of the Democrats. First choice is probably Chicago, if Illinois is winnable. Second choice would be to take one of the states that we need - New York, Cin- cinnatti, Philadelphia, would be the prime contenders. The whole approach to the convention should be based on how to make it a good television program. We have to set up a man to man operation on each of the Democratic candidates with full follow through. Ed Morgan should be in charge of this. There should be full research with a desk man on each candidate. We need a systematic study of all the publishers who will be important in terms of endorsements and are worth going after. We need to lock up the good ones that are with us such as Annenberg but also pursue those who are doubtful. This would include Knight, Cowles, all the Chicago papers, Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinnatti, New- house, Miller, Copley, Hearst, Chandlers. We can't let any of these get away and we've got to determine at each paper who will be making the editorial endorsement decision and then work on him. In the area of television we've been working on the wrong targets. We haven't gained much ground with Sarnoff, Paley and Goldenson. We should be working on the real power people that are on the air such as Reasoner and Smith, Kaplows, etc. Colson should be rdding herd on the TV, not just the networks, but to be sure we're covering all the major independence. 4 We should start work immediately on a documentary for television. The one done by the RNC missed the point cause it didn't build the enormous importance of the key things such as the November 3rd speech. The new one must be done much better. We've got to stay on top of the mock conventions at universities, also develop a program for reaching professors and intellectuals and a program for reaching and maintaining contact with our columnists. Also we need to develop a real youth thrust to make sure that we dont leave youth to the opposition. Dent should move now on the South but not as a Republican just a Nixon organization. Also he should develop his regional plan. We have to have plans immediately for New York, Pennsyl- vania, Illinois, Ohio, California, and Texas. At the second level, Missouri, Indiana, Wisconsin, New Jersey, Connecticut and Florida. At the third level, the Southern states, the Mountain states, and the farm states. Each state must be handled differently and # plan developed for each one fitting its particular situation. In addition to having one man in charge of each state - and we should start setting that up now so that we do have a key person assigned to each one of these individual states and reporting directly to the President when he wants a report - we should also plan for polling state by state - these will be much more helpful than national polls. We should investigate bringing in Bob Price to put him in charge of New YOrk. Also the question of what Mitchell thinks about Bob Lee and Cliff White. Also Mitchell should talk to O'Daugherty regarding the true story of who really put the New York victory together. The Ripon Society has succeeded in getting a lot of play with their stuff. Can't we set up an opposing force to get equal mileage? Maybe something under Jim Buckley's banner. 5 Something has to be done on the selection and bringing in of a finance chairman quickly. A lot of thought has got to be given to campaign scheduling - the question of whether a dog and pony show really does any good - or whether we should simply concentrate on television with only enough public exposure to make the point. November 11, 1970 NOTES RE : Political Organization and Problems Specific problem areas requiring immediate intensive attention are: Suburbs - Rumsfeld to ride herd on developing a new strategy . Farm - Need a whole look at political necessities in this area. Lconomy - Can't do anything on this directly but must keep a close eye. Regions - Don't write off these areas - particularly New England and the South. we'll 20 after all regions in almost all states - even Massachusetts unless Teddy Kennedy is On the ticket. Population Groups - Blue Collar, Catholics, etc. Colson in charge of overall program. Specific states requiring immodiate attention and overall plans: California Illinois Ohio Wisconsin Missouri Texas Florida Pennsylvania All of these must be organizednot around the Republican Party but on a Committee for Nixon. This especially applies in the South. Committees should also be set up in : Georgia North Carolina Virginia A fresh approach must be established. Immodiate thought must be given to lans for a number of backers must be prepared to move in and this should be ex) lored thoroughly and scientifically. Colson should be on top of this. he must Le prepared for the Democratic strategy in Congress which will probably be to introduce a number of major programs that we can't approve in the area of education, health and polution. Their plan will be to force us to veto these popular programs and thus put us in the worse possible light. To counteract we need our own legislative program on a positive basis with a few really good measures. Also we must develop an expansive budget for 1972 - net based on the NEW giveaways, but in the areas that create jobs - not the areas that take care of the pooΓ. We also have to recognize we can't blame the Democrats anymore for what wa inserited, everything from here on is our problem. General strategy on the Democrats should Le to Build up all the Democratic candidates 50 that there is no unifying factor behind any one front leader. We need to develop a program to pin every Democratic Senator in Congress on the compulsory integrated housing issue. This should be done by letters to each candidate and by questions and press conferences to get them on the record at this early stage. One individual must be assigned to got this done. Ee need to develop immediately a plan for polling activities leading up to 1972. Specifically we should have a program for quickie polls in key states to keep a continuous bench mark reading. We don't need very many huge polls in depth. We also need an amalysis of what happened to the polls in 1970, particularly why they didn't show the significant shift that took lace in the West. Ti.e general strategy has got to include a major run at New York and Pennsy Ivania especially because of the soft- ness in Illinois and California. Also we need a very careful analysis of the way to approach Texas. 3 We need to make a decision on the general approach to the convention fairly soon. On an overall basis our convention should be second and It should be late. We should work for a short campaign with Presidential participation limited to three weeks maximum. The convention should be cut down to approximately two days - certainly not four and we should look for a new approach to the whole thing. The city should not be the same as that of the Democrats. First choice is probably Chicago, if Illinois is winnable. Second choice would be to take one of the states that we need - New York, Cin- cinnatti, Philadelphia, would be the prime contenders. The whole approach to the convention should be based on how to make it a good television program. he have to set up a man to man operation on each of the Democratic candidates with full follow through. Ed Morgan should be in charge of this. There should be full research with a desk man on each candidate. We need a systematic study of all the publishers who will be important in terms of endorsements and are worth going after. we need to lock up the good ones that are with us such as Annonberg but also jursue those NHO are doubtful. This would include Knight, Cowles, all the Chicago papers, Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinnatti, New- house, Miller, Coploy, Hearst, Chandlers. ne can't let any of these get away and we've got to determine at each paper who will be making the editorial endorsement decision and then work on him. In the area of television we've been working on the wrong targets. he haven't gained much ground with Sarnoff, Paley and Goldenson. We should be working on the real power people that are on the air such as Reasoner and Smith, Kaplows, etc. Colson should be rdding herd on the TV, not just the networks, but to he sure we're covering all the major inde, endence. 4 We should start work immediately on a documentary for television. The one done by the RNC missed the point cause it didn't build the enormous importance of the key things such as the November 3rd speech. The new one must be done much Letter. We've got to stay OR top of the mock conventions at universities, also develop a program for reaching professors and intellectuals and a program for reaching and maintaining contact with our columnists. Also we need to develop a real youth thrust to maie sure that we dont leave youth to the opposition. Dent should move now on the South but not as a Republican just a Nixon organization. Also he should develop his regional plan. We have to have plans immediately for New York, Pennsyl- vania, Illinois, Ohio, Culifornia, and Texas. At the second level, Missouri, Indiana, Wisconsin, New Jersey, Connecticut and Florida. At the third level, the Southern states, the Mountain states, and the farm states. Each state must be handled differently and # plan developed for each one fitting its particular situation. In addition to having one man in charge of each state - and we should start setting that u, now so that we do have a key person assigned to each one of these individual states and reporting directly to the President when he wants a report - we should also plan for polling state by state - these will be much more helpful than national polls. We should investigate bringing In Bot Price to put him in charge of New YOrk. Also the question of what Mitchell thinks about bot Loe and Cliff White. Also Mitchell should talk to O'Dangherty regarding the true story of who really put the New York victory together. The Ripon Society has succeeded in getting S lot of play with their stuff. Can't we set up an opposing force to get equal mileage? Maybe something under Jim Buckley's banner. 5 Something has to be done on the selection and bringing in of a finance chairman quickly. A lot of thought has got to be given to campaign scheduling - the question of whether a dog and pony show really does any good - or whether we should simply concentrate on television with only enough public exposure to make the point. Govember 11, 1970 NOTES RE : Political Organization and Problems Specific problem areas requiring immediate intensive attention are: Suburbs - Rumsfeld to ride Lerd on developing a new strategy. Farm - Need a whole look at political necessities in this area. Economy . Can't do anything OR this directly but must keep a close eye. Regions - Don't write off these areas - particularly hew England and the South. ke'll so after all regions in almost all states - even Massachusetts unless Teddy Kennedy is OR the ticket. Population Grou 3 * Blue Collar, Catholics, etc. Colson in charge of overall program. Specific states requiring immediate attention and overall plans: California Illinois Ohio Wisconsin Missouri Texas Florida Pennsylvania All of these must t.e organizednot around the Republican Party but on a Committee for Mixon. This especially applies in the South. Committees should also be set up in : Georgia North Curolina Virginia A fresh approach must be established. Immediate thought must be given to plans for a number of backers must be prepared to move in and this should be explored thoroughly and scientifically. Colson should be on top of this. we must be prepared for the Democratic strategy in Congress which will probably be to introduce a number of major programs that we can't approve in the area of education, health and polution. Their plan will be to force us to veto these popular programs and thus put us in the worse possible light. To counteract we need our own logislative program on a positive basis with a few really good measures. Also we must develop an expansive Ludget for 1972 - not based on the DEW giveaways, but in the areas that create jobs - not the areas that take care of the poor. ke also have to recognize we can't blame the Democrats anymore for what we inherited, everything from here on is our problem. General strategy on the Democrats should be to build up all the Democratic candidates 50 that there is 110 unify ing factor Lehind any one front leader. be need to develop a rogram to pin every Democratic Senator in Congress pm the compulsory integrated housing issue. This should be done by letters to each candidate and by questions and press conferences to get them on the record at this early stage, One individual must be assigned to get this done. he neca to develop immediately a plan for polling activities leading up to 1972. Specifically NO should have a program for quickie polls in key states to keep a continuous Lench mark reading. Re don't need very many Luge polls in depth. We also need an amalysis of what happened to the polls in 1970. particularly why they didn't show the significant shift that took lace in the West. The general strateg) has got to include a major run at New York and Pennsylvania especially because of the soft- ness in Illinois and California. Also we need a ver) careful analysis of the way to roach Texas. 3 We need to make a decision on the general approach to the convention fairly soon. On an overall basis our convention should be sedond and it should be late. ke should work for a short campaign with Presidential participation limited to three weels maximum. The convention should be cut down to approximately two days - certainly not four and we should leek for & new approach to the whole thing. The city should not be the same as that of the Democrats. First enoice is probably Chicago, if Illinois is winnable. Second choice would be to take one of the states that we need - New York, Cin- cinnatti, Philadelphia, would be the prime contenders. The whole approach to the convention should be based on how to make it a good tolevision program. We have to set up a man to man operation on each of the Democratic candidates with full follow through. Ed Morgan should be in charge of this. There should lie full research with a desk man on each candidate. he need a tystematic study of all the publishers who will be important in terms of endorsements and are worth going after. DO need to lock up the FOOD ones that are with us such as Annenberg out also jursue those WHO are doubtful. This yould include knight, Cowles, all the Chicago papers, Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinuatti, New- house, Miller, Co,loy, Searst, Chandlers. he can't lot any of these get away and we've got to determine at each ager who will be making the editorial endorsement docision and then worl or him. In the area of television we've ween working on the wrong targets. We haven't gained muc., ground with Sarnoff, Paley and Goldenson. Ke should be working on the real power peop. that are or the air such as keasoner and Smith, Raplows, etc. Colson should Le rdding herd on the TV, not just the networks, Lut to be sure we're covering all the major independence. 4 he should start work immediately on a documentary for television. The one done by the RNC missed the point cause it didn't build the enormous importance of the hey things such as the November 3rd speech. The new one must be done much Letter. he've got to stay on top of the mock conventions at universities, also develop a program for reaching professors and intellectuals and a program for reaching and maintaining contact with our columnists. Also we need to develop a real youth thrust to make sure that we dont leave youth to the opposition. Dent should move not on the South but not as a Republican just & Nixon organization. Also he should develop his regional plan. We Lave to have plans immediately for box York, Pennsyl- vania, Illinois, Ohio, California, and Texas. At the second level, Missouri, Indiana, Wisconsin, New Jersey, Connecticut and Florida. At the third level, the Southern states, the Mountain states, and the farm states. Each state must be handled differently and a plan developed for each one fitting its particular situation. In addition to having one man in charge of each state - and we should start setting that up now so that we do have a Ley person assigned to each one of these individual states and reporting directly to the President when he wants a report - we should also plan for polling state by state - tiese will Le muci more helpful than national polls. No should investigate bringing in Bot Price to put him in charge of New York, Also the question of what Mitchell thinks about Bob Lee and Cliff White. Also Mitchell should talk to 0'Daugherty regarding the true story of who really put the New York victory together. The Ripon Society has succeeded in getting a lot of play with their stuff. Can't Le set us an opposing force to get equal mileage? May be something under Jim Buckley's banner. 3 Something has to be done on the selection and bringing in of a finance chairman quickly. A lot of thought has got to be given to campaign scheduling - the question of whether a dog and pony show really does any good - or whether we should simply concentrate on television with only enough public exposure to make the point.