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To: Charles W. Colson From: George T. Bell RE: "Ethnics and 1972." 4pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 1/21/1971
To: Laszlo Pasztor From: Paul M. Deac RE: "Father Baroni/John Gardner/Common Cause." 2pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 1/7/1971
To: Chuck Colson, George Bell From: Laszlo C. Pasztor RE: "Non-Republican Ethnic Activities." 2pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 1/6/1971
To: Laszlo Pasztor From: Z. Michael Szaz RE: "Joint Proposal of F.A.C.E. and the Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs of Mgr. G. Baroni." 4pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], no date
Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/11/1970
Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/11/1970
Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/11/1970
Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/11/1970
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This file contains:
To: Charles W. Colson From: George T. Bell RE: "Ethnics and 1972." 4pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 1/21/1971
To: Laszlo Pasztor From: Paul M. Deac RE: "Father Baroni/John Gardner/Common Cause." 2pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 1/7/1971
To: Chuck Colson, George Bell From: Laszlo C. Pasztor RE: "Non-Republican Ethnic Activities." 2pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 1/6/1971
To: Laszlo Pasztor From: Z. Michael Szaz RE: "Joint Proposal of F.A.C.E. and the Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs of Mgr. G. Baroni." 4pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], no date
Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/11/1970
Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/11/1970
Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/11/1970
Notes on Political Organization and Problems focusing on specific problem areas that require immediate intensive attention. 5pgs [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 11/11/1970
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Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
Contested Materials Collection
Folder List
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
45
32
1/21/1971
Campaign
Memo
To: Charles W. Colson From: George T. Bell
RE: "Ethnics and 1972." 4pgs
45
32
1/7/1971
Campaign
Memo
To: Laszlo Pasztor From: Paul M. Deac RE:
"Father Baroni/John Gardner/Common
Cause." 2pgs
45
32
1/6/1971
Campaign
Memo
To: Chuck Colson, George Bell From:
Laszlo C. Pasztor RE: "Non-Republican
Ethnic Activities." 2pgs
45
32
Campaign
Memo
To: Laszlo Pasztor From: Z. Michael Szaz
RE: "Joint Proposal of F.A.C.E. and the
Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs of Mgr. G.
Baroni." 4pgs
45
32
11/11/1970
Campaign
Report
Notes on Political Organization and
Problems focusing on specific problem areas
that require immediate intensive attention.
5pgs
45
32
11/11/1970
Campaign
Report
Notes on Political Organization and
Problems focusing on specific problem areas
that require immediate intensive attention.
5pgs
45
32
11/11/1970
Campaign
Report
Notes on Political Organization and
Problems focusing on specific problem areas
that require immediate intensive attention.
5pgs
Thursday, March 15, 2012
Page 1 of 2
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
45
32
11/11/1970
Campaign
Report
Notes on Political Organization and
Problems focusing on specific problem areas
that require immediate intensive attention.
5pgs
Thursday, March 15, 2012
Page 2 of 2
January 21, 1971
pol
MEMORANDUM FOR CHARLES W. COLSON
SUBJECT: Ethnics and 1972
I have reviewed the attached material from Laszlo
Pasztor and Ilmar Heinaru, as well as that relating
to Monsignor Baroni; and discussed it with Pasztor,
Heinaru, Brad Patterson and Tom Huston. It appears
there are two aspects:
I.
The organization and support of political
activities specifically directed to heritage
groups, mostly first and second generation
citizens, which still maintain strong ethnic
identification.
II.
Dealing with issues which bear heavily on the
blue-collar, middle-class citizen who generally
has an ethnic background several generations
back, but is primarily issue oriented. This is
by far the larger group and one which cannot
really be organized. It includes a large seg-
ment of the population, upon which is focused a
vast array of Administration programs and to
which our entire Administration philosophy is
applicable. Nevertheless, it has ethnic over-
tones which cannot be ignored and offer
opportunities for exploitation.
The following recommendations are submitted for considera-
tion:
1.
Contacts with Monsignor Geno Baroni.
Father Baroni has identified with the lower income
middle class and, although his vehicle is called
the Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs, I believe his
constituency is probably more consciously Catholic
than specifically ethnic and his focus is upon
Charles Colson
-2-
January 21, 1971
issues, programs and legislation. As a member
of the United States Catholic Conference, I
propose that we push our contact with him, main-
tain an open door, and do all we can to identify
with and support, where appropriate, his efforts.
This is not to say that some of the things that
will result from his leadership, such as the
Calmuet Community Congress, will not be directed
against us or led by people who would like to
defeat us at the polls. I do not believe that is
his purpose, however, and that we should maintain
a visible sympathy and support for solutions to
the problems he is highlighting.
2.
Ford Foundation grants were recently announced to:
(a) The National Opinion Research Center for a
Center for the Study of Ethnic Pluralism at
the University of Chicago.
(b) Center for Policy Research at the University
of Michigan for research on white, ethnic
workers.
(c) Research Foundation of the City University of
New York for a conference of white, ethnic
workers.
I believe someone should be designated to express
interest in these activities, maintain liaison with
the grantees, monitor to some extent their activites,
and be in position to take advantage of their find-
ings or activities where that may appear desirable.
3.
Activities of Heritage Groups Division of the RNC.
In Pasztor's memo of January 6, he made recommenda-
tions which are not in conflict with the above, and
I believe are fine to the extent he can carry them
out. Some of them are ambitious, but I suggest giv-
ing him full rein to do the best he can. His
suggestions are listed verbatim below:
(a) Maintain polite, but friendly, relations with
Monsignor Baroni and other key leaders in this
movement, listen to their suggestions -- but
do not financially support their activities,
Charles Colson
-3-
January 21, 1971
since they are chiefly committed to the
New Left and to liberal Democrats;
(b) Infiltrate their movement and attempt to
minimize the liberal democratic influence,
and the use of the movement as a "front"
for the Democrats. (The Heritage Groups
(Nationalities) Division has already begun
to do this) ;
(c) Counteract further their activities among the
ethnics by:
(1) continuing to strengthen the Republican
national, state and local nationality
organizations (Republican ethnic Federa-
tions, Councils and Clubs);
(2) making use of these Republican (and
other) ethnic organizations, and their
"sympathizers" in the Catholic/ethnic
community not only to infiltrate this
new ethnic movement, but to establish
a Republican-controlled national ethnic
organization -- as I have already
recommended in my 1971-72 proposal.
(3) obtaining financial support for friendly
ethnic organizations (such as the National
Confederation of American Ethnic Groups,
the Ethnic Foundation, the National Captive
Nations Committee, etc.). With this we
could not only "control" such groups, but
take them over completely as front
organizations.
(4) organizing, with the help of one of these
organizations (or with a new ethnic
organization established by us), a major
National Ethnic Conference late in 1971
which could be used to counteract these
new ethnic movements, and also provide
support for the Nixon Administration and
the Republican ticket in 1972.
Charles Colson
-4-
January 21, 1971
(5) and finally, coordinate the activities
of the White House and the Republican
National Committee in the ethnic areas
by calling a meeting (during the second
half of January 1971) involving key
people in both the White House and the
Republican National Committee who deal
with the nationalities; or, call a meet-
ing of the White House Task Force on
Opportunities for Ethnic Americans, which
is headed by Secretary of Transportation
Volpe, to deal with this new ethnic move-
ment.
4.
Publicity.
The fact that the larger problem referred to in
Item II has ethnic and religious overtones provides
additional "handles" I believe we can use to
publicize many things this Administration has done
and will be doing to cope with the basic problems
of concern. Thus, I suggest that we establish a
program through Herb Kelin's office to provide that
sufficient news releases are cast in ethnic terms
for the general press, and that we make full use of
the opportunities provided by the Catholic News
Service and the ethnic press.
George T. Bell
of
MMERICAN
ETHINC
GROUPS
562 Davis Building
Washington, D. C. 20006
Tel: 296-8325
January 7, 1971
Mr. Laszlo Pasztor
Executive Director
American Heritage Groups Division
Republican National Committee
310 First Street, S.E.
Washington, D.C. 20003
Dear Laszlo:
Re: Father Baroni/John Gardner/Common Cause
As a followup to my December 24, 1970 communication, I have received
more ample information from the field about the above.
FIELD REPORT
From all appearances and utterances of its promoters in Gary, Ind.
and other cities, Common Cause is clearly emerging as an anti-Nixon
"citizens lobby.
1. It has the endorsement and support of nearly all presidential
hopefuls in the Democratic party -- Muskie, Kennedy, McGovern
and even ex-Senator Eugene McCarthy whose youthful followers form
the "shock troops" of Common Cause.
2. Common Cause and its much-publicized "good intentions" are the
instrument through which the Liberal-Democrats plan to separate
President Nixon from his white and blue collar workers.
3. Ethnic whites are being singled out for special attention. The
most frequent approach is as follows: Nixon has not taken care
of the "forgotten Middle Americans.' Join and support Common Cause
and we'll see that you get the consideration for your problems which
is now being denied ethnic Americans. We'll show you how to get in
on poverty programs, Model Cities, etc. In some instances, CC promoters
held out promise for more and better jobs -- a particularly strong
enticement for those without jobs.
4. C.C. organizers, young and old alike, clergy and layman, are of
the Radical-Liberal persuasion. Invariably, their enemy is the
present "establishment" the Nixon Administration and Congress.
Mr. Laszlo Pasztor
- 2 -
January 7, 1971
5. The only ethnics attracted so far are leftwingers and perennial
malcontents, also ex-city-hall hacks with a sprinkling of well-
intentioned citizens. Our organizations, alerted in time by us, have
so far resisted Mr. Gardner's appeals. To date, no bona-fide ethnic
organization or leader has joined Common Cause, despite Father Baroni's
urgings: The question is how long can we win out empty-handed over
C.C. organizers who seem to have plenty of money and bagsful of fresh
promises?
Our Comment: John Gardner's Common Cause represents a real danger to
the Republican party and in particular the Nixon Administration. C.C.
organizers are approaching ethnic voters at a time when many are
griping about the slowness with which the Republicans are getting
around to consider the needs and problems of ethnic Americans.
Some of our leaders, Nixon supporters, have been put on the spot
by these Administration delays. They are angry and restless.
However, it is considered unlikely alienated ethnic voters can be
coaxed back into the Liberal- Democratic fold so soon after their
disaffection. Fedup with party neglect and abuses many ethnic voters
vote as Independents, others have registered as Republicans. Just
the same, the danger is real.
Recommendation for Action: We believe the time has come for an outside
source such as our Confederation to call a national conference of
ethnic organizations and leaders to give vent to ethnic grievances
and complaints and to determine what ethnic needs really are and
what can be done about them. Purpose of such a conference would be
to counter Liberal-Democratic attempts to divide U.S. ethnic groups
and prevent them from giving further approval and support to the
Nixon Administration.
We, in the Confederation, feel sure such a conference could be made into
a resounding success, guaranteeing continued ethnic support of the
Nixon Administration if the $20,000 to $25,000 needed to prepare such
a conference can be found.
Kindly let me know what you think of such a proposal.
Sincerely,
Dane
Executive Vice President
PMD:cm
cc: Harry S. Dent
Republican
National
Committee.
January 6, 1971
TO: Chuck Colson and George Bell
FROM: Laszlo C. Pasztor, Director, Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Division
LCM.
SUBJECT: Non-Republican Ethnic Activities
1. Attached are three reports. The first two concern the Calumet County
Congress (one was written by Laura-Anne Genero--a staff member who
handles the "Berkshire" (Catholic) Project in our division; and the
second is by Z. Michael Szaz, Ph.D.- who is Executive Director of the
American Hungarian Federation and has excellent contacts in the ethnic
community) The last report is an evaluation of Monsignor Geno Baroni's
joint proposal for a Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs and F. A.C.E. (a
program For Arts in Community Enviornment).
2. From these reports, and from the information obtained by the Chairman
of the Republican Nationalities Council of Indiana (Mr. Frank Mitan--
who knows several of the organizers and key participants in the CCC),
it is clear that this whole new ethnic movement represents a danger to
the Republican Party and our chances in 1972. It is not only motivated
by, and used as a source of propaganda for, liberal democrats, but it
is a very well organized and financed attempt to "woo" the nationalities
back to the Democratic Party. They capitalize on the "neglect" of ethnic
Americans by the government, and the just complaints of many ethnic
Americans-- which are due to this "neglect."
3. According to reports in ethnic newspapers, this movement is already
organizing in ten other heavily ethnic areas: Baltimore, Chicago,
Cleveland, Detroit, Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, Providence, Newark
Gary, and Boston. To counteract this I recommend, therefore, that we:
A. Maintain polite, but friendly, relations with Monsignor Baroni and
other key leaders in this movement, listen to their suggestions--
but do not financially support their activities, since they are chiefly
committed to the New Left and to liberal Democrats;
B. Infiltrate their movement and attempt to minimize the liberal demo-
cratic influence, and the use of the movement as a "front" for the
Democrats. (The Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Division has already
begun to do this);
C. Counteract further their activities among the ethnics by:
1) continuing to strengthen the Republican national, state and local
nationality organizations (Republican ethnic Federations, Councils
and Clubs);
2) making use of these Republican (and other) ethnic organizations,
and their "sympathizers" in the Catholic/ethnic community not only
to infiltrate this new ethnic movement, but to establish a Repub-
lican-controlled national ethnic organization-- as I have already
recommended in my 1971-72 proposal.
Dwight D. Eisenhower Republican Center: 310 First Street Southeast, Washington, D.C. 20003. (202) 484-6500.
2.
3) obtaining financial support for friendly ethnic organizations (such
as the National Confederation of American Ethnic Groups, the Ethnic
Foundation, the National Captive Nations Committee, etc.). With
this we could not only "control" such groups, but take them over
completely as front organizations.
4) organizing, with the help of one of these organizations (or with a
new ethnic organization established by us), a major National Ethnic
Conference late in 1971 which could be used to counteract these new
ethnic movements, and also provide support for the Nixon Administration
and the Republican ticket in 1972.
5) and finally, coordinate the activities of the White House and the
Republican National Committee in the ethnic areas by calling a meeting
(during the second half of January 1971) involving key people in both
the White House and the Republican National Committee who deal with
the nationalities; or, call a meeting of the White House Task Force on
Opportunities for Ethnic Americans, which is headed by Secretary of
Transportation Volpe, to deal with this new ethnic movement.
cc: Rogers C.B. Morton
A.B. Herman
Bill Low
Hon. John Volpe
Peter M. Flanigan
Rocco C. Siciliano
Harry S. Dent
Murray M. Chotiner
Jeb Magruder
Patrick J. Buchanan
MEMORANDUM
From: Dr. Z. Michael Szaz, Ph. D.
To: Mr. Laszlo Pasztor, Director, Heritage Groups Division,
Republican National Committee
In re: Joint Proposal of F.A.C.E. and the Center for Urban
Ethnic Affairs of Mgr. G. Baroni.
Introduction
In the name of the Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs of the U.S.
Catholic Conference and a new, proposed grouping, F.A.C.E. (For
Arts in Community Environment), Mgr. Baroni circulated a proposal
for possible funding to the Executive branch. The present memo-
randum contains a political evaluation of his project and some
of his past activities on the basis of the literature given by
Mgr. Baroni to me, the text of the proposal and my personal con-
versation with him on December 18.
Project Objectives
The program, as submitted, is designed to create new community
organizations among "white ethnics" of lower middle-class back-
ground with the avoewed purpose of facilitating black-white eth-
nics cooperation and alliances and giving the "white ethnics" the
right to affect the decisions on the local level dealing with his
socio-economic welfare.
In order to do so, Mgr. Baroni wants to expand assistance to his
previously existing projects of organizations, and to help create
new community leadership structures in northern cities in order
to achieve the above ends. He intends his overall program to be
organized from above by his Center which would also serve as a
liaison between the communities and the prospective local, state
and Federal resource agencies. Monies are asked for organizing
activites (travel, salaries), leadership training sessions and
workshos on an inter-area basis and liaison work. In the not too
distant future (Phase III) the project foresees a consultant staff
(Center Fellows) on the national level and a final report identi-
fying appropriate target areas and programs notincluded in the
present project and further financial support for the target
areas already covered.
E
The second part of the porposal consists of a project based on
the concept of Ethnic Research Centers as described in the Pucinski-
Smith (now Pucinski-Schweiker bill), known as H.R. 15493.
2
Underlying Project Assumptions
The underlying socio-economic assumptions of the submitters
form the political core of the proposal. In his December 18
conversation, Mgr. Baroni stressed that the "white ethnics" are
caught in the squeeze of what he termed the black revolution
seemingly threatening their job security and housing and the New
Left revolution of affluent higher middle-classer college youth
of elitist students looking upon the heritage groups as Fascist
or reactionary racists.
While this description contains many kernels of truth, the
conclusions reached by Mgr. Baroni are questionable at best. He
maintains that the only way the "white ethnics" will gain poli-
tical power is to make common cause with the blacks against the
local Establishment. It is hard to see why the heritage group
worker must be revolutionized in order to gain his local rights.
Would it not be better if he were to form the stable center against
revolutionary unrest on the fringes (as he had done in the recent
past) In that case he holds a key position which would earn him
a redress of real or alleged grievances much faster by becoming
the pivot in helping to maintain a functioning and orderly society.
This fact is now recognized by many of the local, state and Fede-
ral administrations.
A radicalization of even part of the heritage group community
and its assumption of the tactics of the civil rights movement
would only open the sluices for generalized unrest resulting in
widespread fragmentation and ultimately, in a dictatorship of the
far Left or the far Right. After all 34-to 40million Americans
fall into the heritage group category, almost twice as many as
the number of black Americans.
Thus, Mgr, Baroni's approach must be considered faulty. This
is not say that the grievances are not real and should not be
solved in cooperation with the heritage groups by local, state and
Federal governments. The creation of black-"white ethnic" alliances
on a populist or semi-radical basis would not be in the interest
of the Administration or the Republican Party.
Political Conclusions
Under separate cover I am attaching a detailed report on one
of Mgr. Baroni's pilot projects, the Calumet Community Council.
3
It displays, despite the involvement of many local church leaders,
mainly at the instigation of Mgr. Baroni and Bishop Grutka, unmis-
takble signs of radicalization in its staff. The second pilot
project doesnot even involve blue-collar ethnic workers, but is
a middle-class Black-Polish Alliance in Detroit and is probably
included because of its interracial aspects. I do not have ade-
quate information on the Little Italy Project, but based on Mgr.
Baroni's information it looks like the most constructive one of
the five and the one which is least political. I have little
reliable information on the Boston and Baltimore projects, but
Miss Mikulski's rhetoric as quoted in the national press, is not
reassuring.
It is my own conclusion that the great rush to organization
is little more than a thinly disguised attempt to regain heritage
group voters for liberal Democratic causes. Mgr. Baroni himself
had high praise for his Senatorial friends of Muskie, Pastore,
Kennedy and Hartke and blamed the Republican Senators for not
passing the Pucinski-Smith bill. Yet it was the liberal Republican
Senator from New York, Jacob K. Javits who in April 1970 refused
to submit to the Senate the Pucinski bill and it was a conservative
Republican Senator from Illinois (Ralph E. Smith) who did finally
SO. Now Mgr. Baroni mentions his conversation with Mr. Ehrlichman
in which he requested direct White House support for the passage
of the Ethnic Heritage Research Centers Bill during the next session
of Congress. Interestingly, he was not too enthusiastic about
Roman Pucinski either who he had accused of ducking during the
civil rights controversy. In assessing Mgr. Baroni, it must be
recalled that he had spent several years in the civil rights move-
ment and inner-city black parishes and he tries to transfer his
experiences with the black community to the heritage groups which
simply cannot be done very effaciously.
Mgr. Baroni's ties with the U.S. Catholic Conference are
tenuous. On December 1, 1970 New York Times reported that the
Task Force on Urban Affairs would be phased out by the Conference
by June 10, 1971 and Mgr. Baroni will become a program planner in
the conference's Department of Social Development. I wonder whether
his relegation to more general social problem duties might not the
reason he is seeking funding for his project outside of the Catholic
Church.
4
Conclusions
It is my belief that Mgr. Baroni will receive funding from
outside of Church sources for his project, we certainly do not
need to fund him as he is essentially working against our poli-
tical interest. The ideological and personal cleavage is so
deep that funding would not represent adequate control over him.
This leaves us with the problem of what to do to counteract
the liberal Democratic effort for which he is a willing front
man. This will be the subject of third memorandum.
November 11, 1970
NOTES
RE :
Political Organization and Problems
Specific problem areas requiring immediate intensive
attention are:
Suburbs - Rumsfeld to ride herd on developing a new
strategy.
Farm - Need a whole look at political necessities in
this area.
Lconomy - Can't do anything on this directly but must
keep a close eye.
Regions - Don't write off these areas - particularly
New England and the South. We'll go after all regions
in almost all states - even Massacnusetts unless Teddy
Kennedy is on the ticket.
Population Groups - Blue Collar, Catholics, etc. Colson
in charge of overall program.
Specific states requiring immediate attention and overall
plans:
California
Illinois
Ohio
Wisconsin
Missouri
Texas
Florida
Pennsylvania
All of these must be organizednot around the Republican
Party but on B Committee for Nixon. This especially
applies in the South. Committees should also be set up
in :
Georgia
North Carolina
Virginia
A fresh approach must be established.
Immediate thought must be given to plans for
a number of backers must be prepared to move in
and this should be explored thoroughly and scientifically.
Colson should be on top of this.
We must be prepared for the Democratic strategy in
Congress which will probably be to introduce a number
of major programs that we can't approve in the area of
education, health and polution. Their plan will be to
force us to veto these popular programs and thus put us
in the worse possible light. To counteract we need our
own legislative program on a positive basis with a few
really good measures. Also we must develop an expansive
budget for 1972 - not based on the HEW giveaways, but in
the areas that create jobs - not the areas that take
care of the poor.
We also have to recognize we can't blame the Democrats
anymore for what we inherited, everything from here on
is our problem.
General strategy on the Democrats should be to build up
all the Democratic candidates so that there is no unifying
factor behind any one front leader. We need to develop a
program to pin every Democratic Senator in Congress on
the compulsory integrated housing issue. This should be
done by letters to each candidate and by questions and
press conferences to get them on the record at this early
stage. One individual must be assigned to get this done.
We need to develop immediately a plan for |.olling activities
leading up to 1972. Specifically we should have a program
for quickie polls in key states to keep a continuous bench
mark reading. We don't need very many huge polls in depth.
We also need an analysis of what happened to the polls in
1970, particularly why they didn't show the significant
shift that took place in the West.
The general strategy has got to include a major run at
New York and Pennsylvania especially because of the soft-
ness in Illinois and California. Also we need a very
careful analysis of the way to approach Texas.
3
We need to make a decision on the general approach
to the convention fairly soon. On an overall basis
our convention should be sedond and it should be late.
We should work for a short campaign with Presidential
participation limited to three weeks maximum.
The convention should be cut down to approximately two
days - certainly not four and we should look for a new
approach to the whole thing. The city should not be the
same as that of the Democrats. First choice is probably
Chicago, if Illinois is winnable. Second choice would be
to take one of the states that we need - New York, Cin-
cinnatti, Philadelphia, would be the prime contenders.
The whole approach to the convention should be based on
how to make it a good television program.
We have to set up a man to man operation on each of the
Democratic candidates with full follow through. Ed Morgan
should be in charge of this. There should be full research
with a desk man on each candidate.
We need a systematic study of all the publishers who will
be important in terms of endorsements and are worth
going after. We need to lock up the good ones that are
with us such as Annenberg but also pursue those who are
doubtful. This would include Knight, Cowles, all the
Chicago papers, Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinnatti, New-
house, Miller, Copley, Hearst, Chandlers.
We can't lot any of these get away and we've got to
determine at each paper who will be making the editorial
endorsement decision and then work on him.
In the area of television we've been working on the
wrong targets. We haven't gained much ground with
Sarnoff, Paley and Goldenson. We should be working on
the real power people that are on the air such as
Reasoner and Smith, Kaplows, etc. Colson should be
rdding herd on the TV, not just the networks, but to
be sure we're covering all the major independence.
4
We should start work immediately on a documentary
for television. The one done by the RNC missed the
point cause it didn't build the enormous importance
of the key things such as the November 3rd speech.
The new one must be done much better.
We've got to stay on top of the mock conventions at
universities, also develop a program for reaching
professors and intellectuals and a program for reaching
and maintaining contact with our columnists. Also we
need to develop a real youth thrust to make sure that
we dont leave youth to the opposition.
Dent should move now on the South but not as a
Republican just a Nixon organization. Also he should
develop his regional plan.
We have to have plans immediately for New York, Pennsy1-
vania, Illinois, Ohio, California, and Texas. At the
second level, Missouri, Indiana, Wisconsin, New Jersey,
Connecticut and Florida. At the third level, the Southern
states, the Mountain states, and the farm states. Each
state must be handled differently and P plan developed
for each one fitting its particular situation.
In addition to having one man in charge of each state -
and we should start setting that up nok so that we do
have a key person assigned to each one of these individual
states and reporting directly to the President when he
wants a report - we should also plan for polling state
by state - these will be much more helpful than national
polls.
We should investigate bringing in Bob Price to put him
in charge of New YOrk. Also the question of what
Mitchell thinks about Bob Lee and Cliff White. Also
Mitchell should talk to 0'Daugherty regarding the true
story of who really put the New York victory together.
The Ripon Society has succeeded in getting a lot of
play with their stuff. Can't we set up an opposing
force to get equal mileage? Maybe something under Jim
Buckley's banner.
5
Something has to be done on the selection and
bringing in of a finance chairman quickly.
A lot of thought has got to be given to campaign
scheduling - the question of whether a dog and pony
show really does any good - or whether we should
simply concentrate on television with only enough
public exposure to make the point.
November 11, 1970
NOTES
RE :
Political Organization and Problems
Specific problem areas requiring immediate intensive
attention are:
Suburbs - Rumsfeld to ride herd on developing a new
strategy.
Farm - Need a whole look at political necessities in
this area.
Economy - Can't do anything on this directly but must
keep a close eye.
Regions - Don't write off these areas - particularly
New England and the South. We'll go after all regions
in almost all states - even Massachusetts unless Teddy
Kennedy is on the ticket.
Population Groups - Blue Collar, Catholics, etc. Colson
in charge of overall program.
Specific states requiring immediate attention and overall
plans:
California
Illinois
Ohio
Wisconsin
Missouri
Texas
Florida
Pennsylvania
All of these must be organizednot around the Republican
Party but on a Committee for Nixon. This especially
applies in the South. Committees should also be set up
in :
Georgia
North Carolina
Virginia
A fresh approach must be established.
Immediate thought must be given to plans for
a number of backers must be prepared to move in
and this should be explored thoroughly and scientifically.
Colson should be on top of this.
We must be prepared for the Democratic strategy in
Congress which will probably be to introduce a number
of major programs that we can't approve in the area of
education, health and polution. Their plan will be to
force us to veto these popular programs and thus put us
in the worse possible light. To counteract we need our
own legislative program on a positive basis with a few
really good measures. Also we must develop an expansive
budget for 1972 - not based on the HEW giveaways, but in
the areas that create jobs - not the areas that take
care of the poor.
We also have to recognize we can't blame the Democrats
anymore for what we inherited, everything from here on
is our problem.
General strategy on the Democrats should be to build up
all the Democratic candidates so that there is no unifying
factor behind any one front leader. We need to develop a
program to pin every Democratic Senator in Congress pm
the compulsory integrated housing issue. This should be
done by letters to each candidate and by questions and
press conferences to get them on the record at this early
stage. One individual must be assigned to get this done.
We need to develop immediately a plan for polling activities
leading up to 1972. Specifically we should have a program
for quickie polls in key states to keep a continuous bench
mark reading. We don't need very many huge polls in depth.
We also need an amalysis of what happened to the polls in
1970, particularly why they didn't show the significant
shift that took place in the West.
The general strategy has got to include a major run at
New York and Pennsylvania especially because of the soft-
ness in Illinois and California. Also we need a very
careful analysis of the way to approach Texas.
3
We need to make a decision on the general approach
to the convention fairly soon. On an overall basis
our convention should be sedond and it should be late.
We should work for a short campaign with Presidential
participation limited to three weeks maximum.
The convention should be cut down to approximately two
days - certainly not four and we should look for a new
approach to the whole thing. The city should not be the
same as that of the Democrats. First choice is probably
Chicago, if Illinois is winnable. Second choice would be
to take one of the states that we need - New York, Cin-
cinnatti, Philadelphia, would be the prime contenders.
The whole approach to the convention should be based on
how to make it a good television program.
We have to set up a man to man operation on each of the
Democratic candidates with full follow through. Ed Morgan
should be in charge of this. There should be full research
with a desk man on each candidate.
We need a systematic study of all the publishers who will
be important in terms of endorsements and are worth
going after. We need to lock up the good ones that are
with us such as Annenberg but also pursue those who are
doubtful. This would include Knight, Cowles, all the
Chicago papers, Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinnatti, New-
house, Miller, Copley, Hearst, Chandlers.
We can't let any of these get away and we've got to
determine at each paper who will be making the editorial
endorsement decision and then work on him.
In the area of television we've been working on the
wrong targets. We haven't gained much ground with
Sarnoff, Paley and Goldenson. We should be working on
the real power people that are on the air such as
Reasoner and Smith, Kaplows, etc. Colson should be
rdding herd on the TV, not just the networks, but to
be sure we're covering all the major independence.
4
We should start work immediately on a documentary
for television. The one done by the RNC missed the
point cause it didn't build the enormous importance
of the key things such as the November 3rd speech.
The new one must be done much better.
We've got to stay on top of the mock conventions at
universities, also develop a program for reaching
professors and intellectuals and a program for reaching
and maintaining contact with our columnists. Also we
need to develop a real youth thrust to make sure that
we dont leave youth to the opposition.
Dent should move now on the South but not as a
Republican just a Nixon organization. Also he should
develop his regional plan.
We have to have plans immediately for New York, Pennsyl-
vania, Illinois, Ohio, California, and Texas. At the
second level, Missouri, Indiana, Wisconsin, New Jersey,
Connecticut and Florida. At the third level, the Southern
states, the Mountain states, and the farm states. Each
state must be handled differently and # plan developed
for each one fitting its particular situation.
In addition to having one man in charge of each state -
and we should start setting that up now so that we do
have a key person assigned to each one of these individual
states and reporting directly to the President when he
wants a report - we should also plan for polling state
by state - these will be much more helpful than national
polls.
We should investigate bringing in Bob Price to put him
in charge of New YOrk. Also the question of what
Mitchell thinks about Bob Lee and Cliff White. Also
Mitchell should talk to O'Daugherty regarding the true
story of who really put the New York victory together.
The Ripon Society has succeeded in getting a lot of
play with their stuff. Can't we set up an opposing
force to get equal mileage? Maybe something under Jim
Buckley's banner.
5
Something has to be done on the selection and
bringing in of a finance chairman quickly.
A lot of thought has got to be given to campaign
scheduling - the question of whether a dog and pony
show really does any good - or whether we should
simply concentrate on television with only enough
public exposure to make the point.
November 11, 1970
NOTES
RE :
Political Organization and Problems
Specific problem areas requiring immediate intensive
attention are:
Suburbs - Rumsfeld to ride herd on developing a new
strategy .
Farm - Need a whole look at political necessities in
this area.
Lconomy - Can't do anything on this directly but must
keep a close eye.
Regions - Don't write off these areas - particularly
New England and the South. we'll 20 after all regions
in almost all states - even Massachusetts unless Teddy
Kennedy is On the ticket.
Population Groups - Blue Collar, Catholics, etc. Colson
in charge of overall program.
Specific states requiring immodiate attention and overall
plans:
California
Illinois
Ohio
Wisconsin
Missouri
Texas
Florida
Pennsylvania
All of these must be organizednot around the Republican
Party but on a Committee for Nixon. This especially
applies in the South. Committees should also be set up
in :
Georgia
North Carolina
Virginia
A fresh approach must be established.
Immodiate thought must be given to lans for
a number of backers must be prepared to move in
and this should be ex) lored thoroughly and scientifically.
Colson should be on top of this.
he must Le prepared for the Democratic strategy in
Congress which will probably be to introduce a number
of major programs that we can't approve in the area of
education, health and polution. Their plan will be to
force us to veto these popular programs and thus put us
in the worse possible light. To counteract we need our
own legislative program on a positive basis with a few
really good measures. Also we must develop an expansive
budget for 1972 - net based on the NEW giveaways, but in
the areas that create jobs - not the areas that take
care of the pooΓ.
We also have to recognize we can't blame the Democrats
anymore for what wa inserited, everything from here on
is our problem.
General strategy on the Democrats should Le to Build up
all the Democratic candidates 50 that there is no unifying
factor behind any one front leader. We need to develop a
program to pin every Democratic Senator in Congress on
the compulsory integrated housing issue. This should be
done by letters to each candidate and by questions and
press conferences to get them on the record at this early
stage. One individual must be assigned to got this done.
Ee need to develop immediately a plan for polling activities
leading up to 1972. Specifically we should have a program
for quickie polls in key states to keep a continuous bench
mark reading. We don't need very many huge polls in depth.
We also need an amalysis of what happened to the polls in
1970, particularly why they didn't show the significant
shift that took lace in the West.
Ti.e general strategy has got to include a major run at
New York and Pennsy Ivania especially because of the soft-
ness in Illinois and California. Also we need a very
careful analysis of the way to approach Texas.
3
We need to make a decision on the general approach
to the convention fairly soon. On an overall basis
our convention should be second and It should be late.
We should work for a short campaign with Presidential
participation limited to three weeks maximum.
The convention should be cut down to approximately two
days - certainly not four and we should look for a new
approach to the whole thing. The city should not be the
same as that of the Democrats. First choice is probably
Chicago, if Illinois is winnable. Second choice would be
to take one of the states that we need - New York, Cin-
cinnatti, Philadelphia, would be the prime contenders.
The whole approach to the convention should be based on
how to make it a good television program.
he have to set up a man to man operation on each of the
Democratic candidates with full follow through. Ed Morgan
should be in charge of this. There should be full research
with a desk man on each candidate.
We need a systematic study of all the publishers who will
be important in terms of endorsements and are worth
going after. we need to lock up the good ones that are
with us such as Annonberg but also jursue those NHO are
doubtful. This would include Knight, Cowles, all the
Chicago papers, Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinnatti, New-
house, Miller, Coploy, Hearst, Chandlers.
ne can't let any of these get away and we've got to
determine at each paper who will be making the editorial
endorsement decision and then work on him.
In the area of television we've been working on the
wrong targets. he haven't gained much ground with
Sarnoff, Paley and Goldenson. We should be working on
the real power people that are on the air such as
Reasoner and Smith, Kaplows, etc. Colson should be
rdding herd on the TV, not just the networks, but to
he sure we're covering all the major inde, endence.
4
We should start work immediately on a documentary
for television. The one done by the RNC missed the
point cause it didn't build the enormous importance
of the key things such as the November 3rd speech.
The new one must be done much Letter.
We've got to stay OR top of the mock conventions at
universities, also develop a program for reaching
professors and intellectuals and a program for reaching
and maintaining contact with our columnists. Also we
need to develop a real youth thrust to maie sure that
we dont leave youth to the opposition.
Dent should move now on the South but not as a
Republican just a Nixon organization. Also he should
develop his regional plan.
We have to have plans immediately for New York, Pennsyl-
vania, Illinois, Ohio, Culifornia, and Texas. At the
second level, Missouri, Indiana, Wisconsin, New Jersey,
Connecticut and Florida. At the third level, the Southern
states, the Mountain states, and the farm states. Each
state must be handled differently and # plan developed
for each one fitting its particular situation.
In addition to having one man in charge of each state -
and we should start setting that u, now so that we do
have a key person assigned to each one of these individual
states and reporting directly to the President when he
wants a report - we should also plan for polling state
by state - these will be much more helpful than national
polls.
We should investigate bringing In Bot Price to put him
in charge of New YOrk. Also the question of what
Mitchell thinks about bot Loe and Cliff White. Also
Mitchell should talk to O'Dangherty regarding the true
story of who really put the New York victory together.
The Ripon Society has succeeded in getting S lot of
play with their stuff. Can't we set up an opposing
force to get equal mileage? Maybe something under Jim
Buckley's banner.
5
Something has to be done on the selection and
bringing in of a finance chairman quickly.
A lot of thought has got to be given to campaign
scheduling - the question of whether a dog and pony
show really does any good - or whether we should
simply concentrate on television with only enough
public exposure to make the point.
Govember 11, 1970
NOTES
RE :
Political Organization and Problems
Specific problem areas requiring immediate intensive
attention are:
Suburbs - Rumsfeld to ride Lerd on developing a new
strategy.
Farm - Need a whole look at political necessities in
this area.
Economy . Can't do anything OR this directly but must
keep a close eye.
Regions - Don't write off these areas - particularly
hew England and the South. ke'll so after all regions
in almost all states - even Massachusetts unless Teddy
Kennedy is OR the ticket.
Population Grou 3 * Blue Collar, Catholics, etc. Colson
in charge of overall program.
Specific states requiring immediate attention and overall
plans:
California
Illinois
Ohio
Wisconsin
Missouri
Texas
Florida
Pennsylvania
All of these must t.e organizednot around the Republican
Party but on a Committee for Mixon. This especially
applies in the South. Committees should also be set up
in :
Georgia
North Curolina
Virginia
A fresh approach must be established.
Immediate thought must be given to plans for
a number of backers must be prepared to move in
and this should be explored thoroughly and scientifically.
Colson should be on top of this.
we must be prepared for the Democratic strategy in
Congress which will probably be to introduce a number
of major programs that we can't approve in the area of
education, health and polution. Their plan will be to
force us to veto these popular programs and thus put us
in the worse possible light. To counteract we need our
own logislative program on a positive basis with a few
really good measures. Also we must develop an expansive
Ludget for 1972 - not based on the DEW giveaways, but in
the areas that create jobs - not the areas that take
care of the poor.
ke also have to recognize we can't blame the Democrats
anymore for what we inherited, everything from here on
is our problem.
General strategy on the Democrats should be to build up
all the Democratic candidates 50 that there is 110 unify ing
factor Lehind any one front leader. be need to develop a
rogram to pin every Democratic Senator in Congress pm
the compulsory integrated housing issue. This should be
done by letters to each candidate and by questions and
press conferences to get them on the record at this early
stage, One individual must be assigned to get this done.
he neca to develop immediately a plan for polling activities
leading up to 1972. Specifically NO should have a program
for quickie polls in key states to keep a continuous Lench
mark reading. Re don't need very many Luge polls in depth.
We also need an amalysis of what happened to the polls in
1970. particularly why they didn't show the significant
shift that took lace in the West.
The general strateg) has got to include a major run at
New York and Pennsylvania especially because of the soft-
ness in Illinois and California. Also we need a ver)
careful analysis of the way to roach Texas.
3
We need to make a decision on the general approach
to the convention fairly soon. On an overall basis
our convention should be sedond and it should be late.
ke should work for a short campaign with Presidential
participation limited to three weels maximum.
The convention should be cut down to approximately two
days - certainly not four and we should leek for & new
approach to the whole thing. The city should not be the
same as that of the Democrats. First enoice is probably
Chicago, if Illinois is winnable. Second choice would be
to take one of the states that we need - New York, Cin-
cinnatti, Philadelphia, would be the prime contenders.
The whole approach to the convention should be based on
how to make it a good tolevision program.
We have to set up a man to man operation on each of the
Democratic candidates with full follow through. Ed Morgan
should be in charge of this. There should lie full research
with a desk man on each candidate.
he need a tystematic study of all the publishers who will
be important in terms of endorsements and are worth
going after. DO need to lock up the FOOD ones that are
with us such as Annenberg out also jursue those WHO are
doubtful. This yould include knight, Cowles, all the
Chicago papers, Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinuatti, New-
house, Miller, Co,loy, Searst, Chandlers.
he can't lot any of these get away and we've got to
determine at each ager who will be making the editorial
endorsement docision and then worl or him.
In the area of television we've ween working on the
wrong targets. We haven't gained muc., ground with
Sarnoff, Paley and Goldenson. Ke should be working on
the real power peop. that are or the air such as
keasoner and Smith, Raplows, etc. Colson should Le
rdding herd on the TV, not just the networks, Lut to
be sure we're covering all the major independence.
4
he should start work immediately on a documentary
for television. The one done by the RNC missed the
point cause it didn't build the enormous importance
of the hey things such as the November 3rd speech.
The new one must be done much Letter.
he've got to stay on top of the mock conventions at
universities, also develop a program for reaching
professors and intellectuals and a program for reaching
and maintaining contact with our columnists. Also we
need to develop a real youth thrust to make sure that
we dont leave youth to the opposition.
Dent should move not on the South but not as a
Republican just & Nixon organization. Also he should
develop his regional plan.
We Lave to have plans immediately for box York, Pennsyl-
vania, Illinois, Ohio, California, and Texas. At the
second level, Missouri, Indiana, Wisconsin, New Jersey,
Connecticut and Florida. At the third level, the Southern
states, the Mountain states, and the farm states. Each
state must be handled differently and a plan developed
for each one fitting its particular situation.
In addition to having one man in charge of each state -
and we should start setting that up now so that we do
have a Ley person assigned to each one of these individual
states and reporting directly to the President when he
wants a report - we should also plan for polling state
by state - tiese will Le muci more helpful than national
polls.
No should investigate bringing in Bot Price to put him
in charge of New York, Also the question of what
Mitchell thinks about Bob Lee and Cliff White. Also
Mitchell should talk to 0'Daugherty regarding the true
story of who really put the New York victory together.
The Ripon Society has succeeded in getting a lot of
play with their stuff. Can't Le set us an opposing
force to get equal mileage? May be something under Jim
Buckley's banner.
3
Something has to be done on the selection and
bringing in of a finance chairman quickly.
A lot of thought has got to be given to campaign
scheduling - the question of whether a dog and pony
show really does any good - or whether we should
simply concentrate on television with only enough
public exposure to make the point.