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This file contains:
From Khachigian to Shumway RE: attachment being used in the media. 3 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 10/12/1972
Statement for Senator Goldwater on Cora Weiss and her ilk. 8 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 10/7/1972
From Khachigian to Haldeman RE: Presidential Campaigning. 17 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 10/4/1972
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WHSF: Contested, 47-43
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This file contains:
From Khachigian to Shumway RE: attachment being used in the media. 3 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 10/12/1972
Statement for Senator Goldwater on Cora Weiss and her ilk. 8 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Report], 10/7/1972
From Khachigian to Haldeman RE: Presidential Campaigning. 17 pgs. [Subject: Campaign] [Memo], 10/4/1972
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Richard M. Nixon's Returned Materials Collection
Contested Materials Files
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Richard Nixon Presidential Library
Contested Materials Collection
Folder List
Box Number
Folder Number
Document Date
No Date
Subject
Document Type
Document Description
47
43
10/12/1972
Campaign
Memo
From Khachigian to Shumway RE:
attachment being used in the media. 3 pgs.
47
43
10/7/1972
Campaign
Report
Statement for Senator Goldwater on Cora
Weiss and her ilk. 8 pgs.
47
43
10/4/1972
Campaign
Memo
From Khachigian to Haldeman RE:
Presidential Campaigning. 17 pgs.
Thursday, April 23, 2015
Page 1 of 1
DOCUMENT WITHDRAWAL RECORD [NIXON PROJECT]
DOCUMENT
DOCUMENT
NUMBER
TYPE
SUBJECT/TITLE OR CORRESPONDENTS
DATE
RESTRICTION
N-1
Memo
Khachigian to themoway ,re:
10/12/72
[Doc 19]
c(mix)
attached on darge r national antham,
with annolated copy Y dropt
Copy
N- 2
Speech
Statement for Senator Goldwater
10/7/72
on Cara curise and her Ill, with
e c mited
[Doc 20]
attached draft copy
,U-3
memo
Kachijian & Haldenan, ne:
Bresidential Campa-gning,
10/4/72
[Doc 21]
(AMIX)
with attached draft copy
FILE GROUP TITLE
BOX NUMBER
7
FOLDER TITLE
October I 1972] (20/23
RESTRICTION CODES
A. Release would violate a Federal statute or Agency Policy.
E. Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
B. National security classified information.
financial information.
C. Pending or approved claim that release would violate an individual's
F. Release would disclose investigatory information compiled for law
rights.
enforcement purposes.
D. Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of privacy
G. Withdrawn and return private and personal material.
or a libel of a living person.
H. Withdrawn and returned non-historical material.
NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ADMINISTRATION
NA FORM 1421 (4-85)
Presidential Materials Review Board
Review on Contested Documents
Collection: Kenneth L. Khachigian
Box Number:
7
Folder:
October [1972] [2 of 2]
Document
Disposition
19
Return Private/Political
20
Return Private/Political
21
Return Private/Political
October 12, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
VAN SHUMWAY
FROM:
KEN KHACHIGIAN
Do you think you can milk the attached for a few columns?
They would also be good material for "Washington Wire" type
columns.
Maxine Cheshire might even want to run the one on Sarge
and the National Anthem.
Attachments
Plain paper
10/12/72
MEMO TO VAN SHUMWAY
a
FROM: KEN KHACHIGIAN
Do you think you can milk the attached for a few
columns? They would also be good material for "Wabhington
Wire" ** type columins.
Maxine Chesaire might even want to run the one on
Sarge and the National Anthem.
October 12, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
VAN SHUMWAY
FROM:
KEN KHACHIGIAN the
Do you think you can milk the attached for a few columns?
They would also be good material for "Washington Wire" type
columns.
Maxine Cheshire might even want to run the one on Sarge
and the National Anthem.
Attachments
Ken -
2 sant then (The out on e on to
Reg Louth marphy and to Bob the
the allen ( the one on
Natural anther
Va
October 7, 1972
STATEMENT FOR SENATOR GOLDWATER ON CORA WEISS
AND HER ILK
Senator McGovern has managed to surround himself with
a menagerie which we probably won't ever see matched again in
any campaign. He's got Jerry Rubin and Abby Hoffman endorsing him
and Ramsey Clark traveling to Hanoi for him. But the ones I find most
despicable are those who trampled the flag of the United States when
they propagandized the release of three POWs.
Cora Weiss and David Dellinger -- the Hanoi Odd Couple -- took
off for Hanoi and played the enemy's game by letting it pluck the
propaganda strings of the POW release. What a sight to see American
servicemen being used by the American surrender movement to spread
hate for America and its role in Southeast Asia. I'm glad that we got
our boys back, but I am outraged at the way their lives were used by
anti-war-person Weiss and the pre-eminent pacifist, David Dellinger.
Cora Weiss is today the most frustrated person in the world. You
will recall that when the POWs were returned to American soil she
screamed to American newsmen: "We have just witnessed a recapture
scene, one incarceration replacing another. 11 My only regret is that
Cora didn't stay behind in Hanoi in trade for the POWs. What really
frustrates Ms. Weiss is that Major Edward Elias would not spout anti- -
war sentiments for benefit of the television cameras. She moaned that
Page 2
Elias had indicated anti-war sentiments in Hanoi but deceived her
by not doing so in America. What Ms. Weiss overlooked was that
Major Elias was engaging in the time-honored tradition of not tearing
one's country down.
Where does George McGovern fit into all this? It is a matter
of public record that Cora Weiss is a member of the Citizens
Committee of New Yorkers for McGovern, along with former Mayor
Robert Wagner and other luminaries. The logical next step is that
Cora Weiss visited Hanoi as Mr. McGovern's agent in the POW release
and acted as his P.R. representative to see that McGovern could
squeeze a few pounds of publicity out of this spectacle. The fact that
George McGovern rushed out press releases attacking the Defense
Department during this period indicates that the Weiss-Dellinger
operation was tightly orchestrated out of the McGovern headquarters.
David Dellinger must also be a prize catch for Senator McGovern.
Dellinger is one of the famous Chicago Seven indicted for disrupting the
1968 Democratic Convention. What is rarely publicized about Mr.
Dellinger is that he served a prison sentence during World War II for
refusing to serve in the armed forces. It comes as no surprise that
one who is unwilling to fight the Nazis is no less unwilling to do anything
to hurt the Communist North Vietnamese.
Page 3
About all one can say is that George McGovern deserves the
Hanoi Odd Couple. I only hope that George regains his senses
someday and repudiates these nuts and kooks who play footsy with
him. He is going to learn his lesson the hard way on the morning of
November 8th.
Dobert
9/20/12
FDR Jr. on committee
for McGovern in N.Y.
NEW YORK - (AP) - support the presidential bid of
Franklin D. Roosevelt Jr. yes-
Senator George S. McGoven
terday was listed as a
were released by former
Mayor Robert F. Wagner,
member of the Citizens Com-
state campaign chairman for
mittee of New Yorkers for
the South Dakota Democrat.
McGovern.
Others on the committee
Three other some of former
include Mayor John V.
President Franklin Roosevelt
- James, John and Elliott -
Lindsay, State Comptroller
have endorsedPresident
Arthur Levitt, Buffalo Mayor
Nixon.
Frank Sedita, former U.S.
The names of about 200
Attorney Ramsey Clark and
members of the committee to
anti-war activist Cora Welss.
10/7/72 -draft
Khachigiain
STATEMENT FOR SENATOR GOLDWATER
ON CORA WEISS AND HER ILK
Senator McGovern has managed to surround himself with
a
menagerie
which we probably won't ever see
matched
campaign:
He's got Jerry
Rubin and
Abby Hoffman endor ing him and Ramsey Clark
traveling to Hanoi for him. But
the
ones I find
most despicable are those who
trampled the
flag
of the United States when they propagandized the release
of three
POWs.
Cora Weiss and David Dellinger
--
the Hanoi Odd Couple --
took
off for Hanoi and played the enemy's game by letting
it
the propaganda strings of the
POW release. What
a sight to see American servicemen being used by the American
surrender
movement to spread hate for America and its
role in Southeast Asia. I'm
glad that we got our
boys back, but I am outraged at the way their lives were
used by
anti-war-person
Weiss and the pre-eminent
pacifist, David Dellinger.
Cora Weiss is today the most frustrated person in
the world. You will recall that
when the POWs
were
returned to American soil she screamed to A erican newsmen:
We have just witnessed a recapture scene, one incarceration
replacing another " My only regret is that Cora didn't stay
behind in Hanoi
trade for the POWs.
What
really frustrates
Ms. Weiss is that
page 2
Major Edward Elias would
not
spout anti-war sentiements
for be nefit of the television camersa.
She moaned that
Elias had indicated anti-war sentiments in Hanoi but deceived
her
by not doing so in America. What Ms. Weiss overlooked
that Major Elias was engaging
in the time-honored tradition
of not tearing
one's country down.
Where does George McGovern fit into all
this
?
It
is a
matter of public record that Cora Weiss is a member
of the Citizens Committee of New Yorkers for McGovern, along
with former Mayor
Robert Wagner and other luminaries.
The
logical
next
is
Cora Weiss
visited Hanoi as Mr. McGovern's agent in the POW release
and acted as his P.R. representative to see that McGovern
could squeeze
a few pounds of publicity out this
spectacle
The fact that Senator McGovern
rushed out press releases
attacking the
this
seriod
Defense Department indicates that the Weiss-Dellinger
operation
was tightly orchestrated out of the McGovern
headquarters.
David Dellinger must
also be a prize
catch
for Senator McGovern. Dellinger is one of the
famous
Chicago Seven
indicted for disrupting the 1968 Demo-
cratic Convention. What is rarely publicized about Mr. Dellinge
page 3
is that he served a prison sentence during World War II for
refusing to serve in the armed forces. It comes as
no surprise that one who is unwilling to fight the Nazis
is no less unwilling to do
anything to hurt the Communist
North Vietnamese.
About all one can say is that George McGovern deserves
the Nanoi Odd Couple.
I
only
hope that George
regains
his senses someday and repudiates these nuts
and kooks
play footsy with him. He is going to
learn his lesson the hard way on the morning of November 8th.
P.
(beteer make a few extra)
Make me a copy/of attached X for McGovern rhetoric
file. Then take the original and send it Dick Howard
along with his memo to me -- I don't need to keep a
copy of his memo.
k
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
October 4, 1972
MEMORANDUM FOR:
MR. HALDEMAN
KEN KHACHIGIAN Der
FROM:
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNING
From the vantage point of having tracked the opposition activities
more closely than most observers, I am submitting these thoughts
as to what's ahead for us when the President takes to the hustings.
I am convinced that the extent of the victory on November 7 --
or even whether that victory will be of historic landslide proportions - -
will be determined almost solely by the Presidential tone in the last
three weeks of the campaign. If the returns coming in from the
New York/California swing mean anything, it is that the anti-McGovern
line, coming from the President, may be counterproductive.
We all know that there exists in the media a great deal more
tolerance for the rhetorical excesses coming out of the Democrats.
There is nothing approaching a groundswell of editorial comment and
subtle television reportage which attaches the labels "divisive" or
"polarizing" on the opposition ticket. It comes out more like "hard-
hitting" and "spirited."
I regret to say that we must live with this double standard for the
remainder of the campaign. I do not think there is anything we can
do to prevent it. The question is how to deal with it in terms of
Presidential tone.
The wonder of television is that it can belie any editorial comment
or criticism. For example, if, on the tube, the President is lofty,
spirited, and uplifting, it is difficult for the commentators to make
the public think differently. If Dan Rather says RN was "harsh" or
"strident" and the television image is objectively not harsh, then
Rather has been effectively rebutted. The voters are not damn fools
in this respect.
Page 2
What will hurt is when the President takes to the attack -- say,
per the Cassie Mackin report of last week -- and gets a label hung
around him by the Rathers and Jarriels. If the image confirms the
commentary, I fear we lose points.
Consequently, if the label is effectively pinned on RN that he is
divisive and polarizing, we will have handed George McGovern one
of his most potent campaign issues. I believe this will be as central
an issue as anything else in the campaign. The fact that McGovern has
picked up his personal attacks more decisively this week is proof positive
that the Democrats think they have the right combination.
The one thing that we cannot afford to do in the last three weeks of
the campaign is to allow McGovern to make RN the campaign issue.
He is desperately trying to do this and will probe for an opening. One
of the basic components of the landslide margin in the current polls
is, of course, the overwhelming support from Democrats. About a
third of this is "soft" support, and many of these Democrats will be
searching for a reason not to vote for RN. McGovern will try to
give them as many reasons as possible -- the basic one which will be
"you cannot trust him; he is tricky, political, " etc. Let's not give
them the opening.
It is interesting that we have come full circle from the time of the
primaries. McGovern was the white Knight, anti-politician. RN was
the quintessential politician. Now, according to all polls, McGovern
skidded because he turns out to be just another politician while RN is
perceived as statesmanlike and Presidential -- a man you could trust.
But it is important to remember that if the public was volatile enough
to switch quickly from McGovern to RN on the "politician" issue, it
can just as quickly switch back in a pendulum swing.
That will be McGovern's secret weapon -- try to rehabilitate him-
self as an anti-politician (he began that Monday) and when RN comes out
on the stump, put the politician label on him as rapidly as possible.
With the media's help, that could be done in a matter of days.
We are not inevitably locked into this scenario. Again, it is my
opinion that the public will not buy the politician label for RN if, in
fact, there is little in his image and tone which projects "politics."
We can frustrate the media on this account. And let us remember,
too, that once RN is out campaigning, the press may complain about
his lack of discussion of the issues, but that charge is one which won't
make a damn bit of difference. If RN is talking about what we perceive
to be important to the voting public, then we should not be bound by what
the gurus of the press think should be said.
Page 3
This brings me to the more crucial part of the analysis. If
there are certain things the President should not do, what, in fact,
should be the tone and content of his campaign effort?
First, I don't believe that the President should move out any of
the attack material, and if so, only by strong, positive RN counter-
positions. If we are doing our job right on the staff level, we can
get the attack stuff out. So far, I think, without a doubt, we have
succeeded in hanging some uncomfortable labels on McGovern. His
efforts to wiggle off the fishhook are proof that we have hit a nerve.
Moreover, the polls confirm that McGovern is tarred with the radical
label. The job from the Vice-Presidential level on down is to keep
that record of radicalism out front. I don't doubt our ability to do that.
But the Presidential level should be altogether different. I
frankly think the President need not even concern himself with pointing
out the radicalsim in the opposition camp. I say this, not because I
think it is unfair for a President to do this, but because RN gets unfair
treatment when he does it. If RN did so, the focus then comes back to
RN's tactics" rather than to the record we want to surface to the public.
Instead, there are a number of things the President can do as he
campaigns to keep Republican spirits high, prevent too much Democra-
tic party slippage, and, in general, go into election eve with the
feeling that a posture has been presented to the American public which
maintains its confidence in the stewardship of RN.
(1) In my judgment, one of the central issues of this campaign is
the "good" America of RN versus the "corrupt" America of McGovern.
I think McGovern has been absolutely stupid in the way he has been seen
to side with those who tear America down. The best way to exploit
this is from the positive side of RN's belief in a good country. I know
this has been a thematic favorite of the President's, but I think it needs
to be developed as a more comprehensive slice of the pie we are
presenting this year.
You saw the Yankelovich results in TIME which said that McGovern's
biggest miscalculation was on the depth of bitterness and dissatisfaction
among the voters. And 75% of those sampled said that they were sick
and tired of hearing people attack American values. I don't mean here
simply a few paragraphs on America being a good country, but a full
speech should be developed on this subject, and I would think that it be
one of the first delivered.
Page 4
The best contrast of the campaign will be the bitchy George
McGovern with his whining, whimpering, crybaby attitude matched
against the strong confidence of RN. The people of America are not
basically mean-minded and sour, but are, instead, people who respond
to lift and optimism. McGovern erred in trying to harvest the bitter
fruit when in fact there is, as the polls universally show, an almost
screne satisfaction with the way things are. The desire is for change,
sure, but, damn-it-all, change which plays on the goodness of America,
not that which craps all over its institutions.
(2) The President should develop, or ask to have developed for
him, some basic lines which respond with calculated indignation to some
of the pure bull that McGovern is throwing around. This is a chance
for RN to take the extremely important underdog role -- an effective
role I believe. I am referring to such things as the Hitler quotes, the
"barbarism" in Vietnam, the charge that he's lied about POWs, etc.
A healthy dose of modulated anger would be good for the electorate
and good for RN. For example, he might say: "My friends, I have
served as your President for nearly four years, and I am not about to
sit back and be compared to Adolph Hitler. It is a tribute to free speech
that candidates can make such charges, but it is not a tribute to the
political process to have the world watch the President of the United
States equated with the most hated dictator of our time. 11 A number of
lines roughly like that would be effective, I believe.
Note: if any more anti-war hecklers become a visible problem
and can be seen and heard on television, the President might effectively
say: "I think the American people are tired of being called murderous
and war-mongers. You have the right to question our policy, but don't
you for one minute try to impugn the motives or the morality of the
citizens of our country. " Here, RN defends the public.
(3) One effective point is to rebut the moralism of George McGovern.
This should be done by pointing out that no one has a monopoly on
morality, and that it doesn't help the political process for the opposition
candidate to suggest that only what he thinks is right and what everybody
else thinks is wrong. RN might say that he may not agree with some-
one, but that he doesn't try to act morally superior or hide behind a
shield of rectitude.
Page 5
This point has turned up in a number of columns -- namely,
reporters confessing chagrin at McGovern's pious morality. RN
needs to make the point as well.
(4) It may sound incongruous, but I believe that RN must address
an all-black audience during the campaign. Charles Bartlett had an
excellent column pointing out that McGovern has taken the blacks for
granted in a subtle attempt to get white working class Democrats
back into the fold. RN addressing a black audience will have several
effects. It will get excellent play and emphasize he is the President
of all the people. If tuned to the black middle class -- rather than the
"We Shall Overcome" overblown rhetoric of LBJ -- it can get votes,
especially if RN goes right to the heart of the matter of those who
denigrate blacks by lumping them together as all poor, ignorant, etc.
It would also probably send McGovern scurrying to patch up things with
the blacks and cause him, perhaps, to overreact and line himself up
with a political posture which won't help him. Finally, it would
exploit the frustration in the bl ack leadership at being taken for
granted by the Democrats and promote the emphasis that RN has done
more for minority advancement than any other President.
(5) One of the things that keeps turning up in voter surveys in terms
of dissatisfaction with McGovern is the fact that he is changing his tune
on everything and promising something for everybody. It looks like --
and is -- crass expediency. It also confirms that McGovern is not anti-
politician, but pure politician RN can advance his cause by making a
virtue of the fact that promises have not been wildly bandied about in
his administration, and the reason for the turbulent 60's (a subtle
reminder of what we had in those years) was the overblown rhetoric
which could not be delivered in programs. This will posture RN as
the one who is not the expedient politician who promises all things to
all men. "We did not make promises we could not keep. " In the
Haynes Johnson survey, here is what an ethnic Democrat, who retired
early because he was unemployed, and voted for McGovern in the primary,
said: "Now I think he's (McG) more two-faced, like trying to tell people
he's going to help them get jobs. They all like to do the promises, but
he's gone beyond most of them, whereas Nixon knows what we've got
to do. "
(6) Hold the hands of Democrat defectors by telling audiences that
what we have done in foreign policy is the same thing JFK et al. would
have done.
Page 6
(7) Emphasize domestic stability and the sense of pride and
respect America now has for itself. McGoo is on the wrong side
of the issue if he continues to think Americans hate themselves.
(8) When emphasizing the international turnaround -- cite things
like: who would think that not only America, but Japan would be
talking to China; East Germany with West Germany; North Korea with
South Korea. The great sense of quietude and stability is like calamine
lotion on chickenpox. Who was ever ashamed of serenity and goodwill?
(9) Do not underestimate how McGovern so effectively uses
attacks on himself. It's not for nothing he gets elected in South
Dakota. Here is what one of his close friends says: "There's
nothing George likes better than to have them attack him as disloyal.
Then he can get out his American Legion cap and dust off his Distin-
guished Flying Cross and really take them on." George has already
done this, and you can be sure he's lusting for RN to even hint at his
loyalty. This is why I believe RN must leave the attack to others.
(10) For God sake, let the word go out to all staff that the smallest
mistake of judgment could foul everything. In 1968 the media played
the innocuous mutual fund letter to a fair-thee-well. Let's not get
nervous about things. Our opponents will desperately search for
anything by which they can pin all the cliched labels on us -- for
once, let's protect RN from his friends. Let's also maintain our
cool about McGovern's crowds. Goldwater had much better crowds
than LBJ, and in 1960, JFK was mobbed in Ohio and RN was mobbed
in Atlanta -- neither carried the state in which he was mobbed. Crowds
are not determinative of momentum.
10/3/72
MEMORANDUM FOR MR. HALDEMAN
FROM: KEN KHACHIGIAN
SUBEECT: PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNING
From the vantage point of having tracked watched the opposition
activies more closely than most observers, I am submitting
these thoughts as to what's ahead for us when the President
takes to the hustings.
I am convinced that the
extent of the victory
on November 7 -- or even whether that victory will be
of historic landslide proportions -- will be determined
almost solely by the Presidential tone in the last three
weeks of the campaign. If the returns coming in from
the New York/Celfi ornia swing mean anything, it is that
the
out
anti-McGovern line
comigg from the President, may
be counterproductive.
We all know that there exists in the media a great
deal more tolerance for the
rhetormal excesses
coming out of the Democrat
d
writers
d/co
there
approaching a
is nothing
groudswell of editorial
comment
and subtle television
reportage which attaches the
labels "divisive" or
"polarizing" on the opposition
ticket. It comes out more
like "hard-hitting" and
"spirited."
page 2
I regret to say that we must live with this double
standard for the remainder of the campaign. I do not think
there is anything we can do to prevent it. The question
is how to deal
with it in terms of Presidential tone.
The wonder of television is that it
belie any
editorial comment or criticism.
or example, if, on the
tube, the President is lofty,
spirited, and uplifting,
the
commentators
make the
public think differently. If Dan Rather says
RN was
"harsh" or "strident" and the television image is objectively
not harsh, then Rather has been effectively rebutted. The
voters
are not damn fools in this respect.
What will hurt is when
the President takes to the
attack
say,
the Cassie Mackin report of last
week
and gets a
label hung around him
by the Rathers
and Jarriels. If the image confirms the commentary, I
fear we lose points.
does
this
all
111
itself.
If the label is effectively pinned on RN that he is
divisive and polarizing, we will have handed
George McGovern
one of his most potent
campaign issues. I believe this
will be as central an issue as anything else in the campaign.
The fact that McGovern has
picked up
personal attack
more
decisi bely this week is proof positive that the
Democrats think they have the right combination
page 3
The one thing that we cannot afford to do in the
last three weeks of the campaign is to allow
RN
McGovern to make
the campaign issue. He
is despecrately trying to do this and will
prob
for an opening. One of the basic components of the landslide
margin in the current polls is, of course, the overwhelming
support from Democrats
is
"soft"
support, and many of these Democfats will be searching
for a reason not to vote for RN.
McGovern will
try to
give them as many
reasons as possible --
the basic one which will be
"you cannot trust him;
"
he is tricky political
etc.
Lets not give them the opening.
It is interesting that we have come full circle from
the time of the primaries. McGovern was the white Knight,
anti-politician. RN was the
quintessential
politician. Now, according to all polls, McGovern skidded
because he turn
out to be just another politidian while
RN
perceived as statesmanlike and presidential --
a
man you could trust. But it is important to remember that
if the
public was volatile enough to
swtich quickly from McGovern to RN on the
"politician"
issue, it can just as quickly switch back in a pendulum
swing.
That will be McGovern's secret weapon -- try to rehabili-
tate himself
as an anti-politicaan (he began that
)
page 4
and
when RN comes out on the stump, put the politician
label on him as
rapidly as possible. With the media's
help, that could be done in a matter of days
We are not inev tably locked into this scenario.
Again, it is my opinion that the public will not buy the
politician label for RN if in fact there is
little in
his image and tone which project S "politics " We can frustrate
the media on this
account. And let us remember, too,
that once RN is out
campaigning, the press may complain
about his lack of discussion of the issues,
but that charge
is one which won't make a
damn bit of difference
If RN is ta lking about what we perceive
to be important to the voting public, then we should not
be bound by what the gurus of the press
think should
be said.
This brings me to the more crucial
part of the
analysis. If there re certain things the President should
not do, what, in fact, should be the tone and coneent
of
his campaign effort?
First, I don't believe that the President should move
out
any of the attack material, and if so, only
by strong RN counter-positions If
we are
doing our job right on the staff level, we can
get the attack stuff out.
so fari I think, without a
page 5
doubt, we have succeeded in hanging some uncomfor able labels
on McGovern. His
efforts to wiggle off the fishhook
are
proof
that we have hit
Moreover,
the polls confirm that McGoveen is tarred with the radical
label. The job from the Vice-Presidential level on down
is to keep that record of radicalism out front. I don't
doubt our ability to do that.
But the Presidential level hould be altbgether different.
I frankly think the President need not even concern himself
with pointing out the radicalism in the opposition camp.
I say this, not because I think it is unfair for a President
to do
this, but because RN gets unfair treatment when
he does it.
the focus then comes back to RN's "tectics"
rather than
the record
we want to surface to the public.
Instead
there are a number of things the President can
do as he campaigns to
keep Republican
spirits high, prevent too much Democratic party slippage,
and, in general, go into election eve with the feeling
that a posture has been presented to the American public
which maintains its confidence in the stewardship of
RN.
1
he
one
of the centra 1 issues
of
this campaign is the
"good" America of RN versus
the "corrupt" America of McGoverm. I think McGovern has been
abosolutely stupid in the way he has been seen to side with
page 6
those who
tear America down. The best weay to exploit
RN
this is from the positive
aí
side of
belief in a good
country. I know
this has been a thematic favorite
of the President's, but I think it needs to be developed
amprehensiv.
as a
slice of the pie we are presenting this year.
You
saw the
Yanke lovich reautts
X
TIME which
said that McGovern's biggest misaalcu lation was the depth
And
of bitterness and dissatisfaction among the voters.
75%
of those sampled said that they were sick and tired of hearing
people attack American values. I don't
mean here simply
a few paragraphs on America
being a
good country
full speech should be developed on this subject, and
I
would
think that it be one of the
first delivered.
The best contra
of the campaign will be the bitchy
George McGovern
with his whining, whimpering,
crybaby
attidude matched against the strong
confidence of RN.
The people of America are not basically mean
minded and
sour, but are, instead, people who respond to lift and optimism.
McGovern erred in trying to harvest the bitter fruit when
in fact there is, as the polls universally show, an almost
serene satisfaction with the way things are. The desire is
for
change,
sure, but, damn-it-all, change which
plays on the
goodness of America, not that which craps
all over its institu
ns.
page
X
7
L2.)
The
President should
develop, or ask
to have aveloped for him, some basic lines which
respond
with calculated indignation to some of the pure bull that
McGovern is throwing around. This is a chance for RN to
take the extremely important
undergog role -- an effective
role I believe. I am referring to such things as the Hitler
quotes, the barbarism in Vietnam, the charge that he's lied
about POWs, etc.
A healthy dose of
modulated anger would
be good for the electorate and good for RN.
or example,
he might say:
"My friends, I have served as your President
for nearly four years, and I am not about to sit back and
be compared to Adolph Hitler.
It
is a tribute to free speech
that candidates can make such charges, but it is not a
tribute to the political process to have the world watch
the President of the United States
equated with the most
hated dicaator of our time. " A number of lines roughly like
that would be effective, I believe.
Note: if any more anti-war hecklers become a visible
problem and can be seen and heard on television, the President
might effectively say: "I think the American people are tired
of being called murderens and warmongers.
You have the
right to question our policy, but don't you for one minute
try to
impugn the motives or the morality of the citizens
of our country. =
Here, RN defends public.
page 8
(3.)
One effective point is to rebut the moralism of
George McGovern. This should be done by
pointing out
that no one has a monopoly on morality,
and that
it doesn't help the political process for the opposition
candidate to suggest tha
what he things
is right and what everybody else thinks is wrong. RN might
say that he may not agree with someone, but that he doesn't
try to act morally superior or hide behind
a shield of
rectitude.
This
point has turned up in a number of columns --
namely,
reportess confessing chagrin at McGovern's
pious morality. RN needs to make the point as well.
(4.)
4
It may sound incongruous, but I believe that RN
must address
an all-black audience during
the campaign. Charles Bartlett had an
excellent column
pointing out that McGovern has taken the blacks for granted
in a subtle attempt to get whiee working classe
Democrats
back into the fold. RN addressing a black audiencw will have
several
affects. It will get excellent play and emphasize
he is the Preisdent of all the people. If tuned to the black
middle class rather than the "We Shall Overcome" overblown
rheotoric of
LBJ -- it can get votes, especially if RN
goes right to the heart of the matter of those who denigrate
blacks by lumping them together as all poor, ignorant, etc.
page 9
It would also probably send McGovern scurrying to patch up
things with the blacks and cause him, perhaps, to overreact
a nd line himself up with a political posture which won't help
him. Finally,
it would
exploit the frustration in
the black leadership at being taken for granted by the Democrats
and promote the emphasis that RN has done more for
minority
than any other
President.
(5.)
One of the things that keeps turning up in voter
surveys in terms of dissasisfaction with McGovern is the
fact that he is changing his tune on everything and promising
something for everybody. It looks like -- and is -- crass
expediency. It also confirms that McGovern is not anti-
polificaan, but pure
politiican. RN can advance his
cause by
making a virute of the fact that
promises have not been wildly bandied about in
his
administration, and the reason for the turbulent 60's (a
subtle reminder of what we hand in those years) was the
overblown rhetoric which could not be delivered in programs.
This will posture RN as the one who is not the expedient
politician who promises all things to all men. "We did
not make promises we
could not keep. = In
the
Haynes Johnson survey, here is what
an athnic Democrat, who
retired
early because he was unemployed, and voted for
McGovern in the primary, said: "Now I think he's (McG)
more two-faced, like trying to tell people he's going to
p
page 10
help them get jobs. They all like to do the promises, but he's
gone
beyond most of them, whereas Nixon knows what we've
got to do. "
Hold the hands of
(6.)
6
Democrat defectors by telling audiences that
what we have done in foreign policy is the same thing
JFK
et al. would have done.
(7.)
Emphasize domestic stability and the sense of pride
and respect America now has for itself. McGoo is on the
wrong side of the issue
if he continues to think Americans
hate themselves.
8.
When emphasizing the interaatfonal turnaround -- cite
things like: who would think that not only America, but
Japan
would be talking to China; East Germany with West Germany;
North Korea with outh Korea. The great sense of quietude and
stability is like calamine lotion on chickenpox. Who was
ever
ashamed of
serenity and goodwill?
9.
Do
not underestimate how McGovern so
effectively
uses attacks on himself. It's not for nothing he gets elected
in South Dakota. Here is what one of his close friends says:
"There's nothing George likes better than to have them attack
him as disloyal. Then he can get out his American Legion
cap and dust off his Distinguished Flying Cross and really
take them on 11 George
has already done this, and you can
be sure he's lusting for RN to even hint at his
loyalty.
This is why I believe LRN must leave the attack to others.
page 11
(10.)
For Gods sake, let the word go out to all
staff
that the smallest mistake of judgement could foul everything.
innocuous
In 1968
played the mutual fund letter to a
fair-thee-
well. Let's not get nervous about things. Our opponents
will desperately
search for anything by which they
can pin all the cliched labels on us --- for once, let's protect
RN from his friends. Let's also maintain our cool about
McGovern's crowds. Goldwater had much better crowds than
LBJ, and in 1960, JFK was mobbed in QNI Ohio and RN was
mobbed in Atlanta -- neither carried the state
in which he was mobbed. Crowds are not determinative of
momentum.