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66 was becoming fluid, and opportunities for meaningful action were being created. Furthermore, time to weigh a variety of alter- native programs of action was not lacking. If further proof were needed to show that the formula of 11- beration did not meet the criteria of a foreign policy. it was supplied within a few days by the events in Hungary. Here again for two fateful and bloody weeks the United States attitude was one of almost complete paralysis. Ten days passed between the first and second Soviet interventions. During these ten days the country which four years earlier proclaimed its official policy to be one of liberationalimited itself to recommending in the United Nations on November 3 the studying of "suitable moves." No serious warning, as far as is known, was dispatched to Moscow to advise the Soviet government that its military intervention against the Nagy govern- ment. which was desperately appealing for help, would be viewed as a serious threat to world peace. The Hungarian question was repeatedly postponed in the United Nations, and when the Suez crisis broke, the Soviet regime was successful In great measure through its threats in making it the central issue. During the ten-day interlude no effort was made to fly United Nations observers into Hungary, there- by placing it indirectly under some form of international supervision. In brief, no effort was made to maximize Soviet doubts as to the nature of our response to a Soviet intervention, while thewerbose formula of liberation simply served to convince the communist elites elsewhere that they must swim or sink with the USSR. Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Library and Museum.

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