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[Miscellaneous] Issues (Jim Cicconi) (2)
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118568772
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[Miscellaneous] Issues (Jim Cicconi) (2)
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Records of the Office of the Chief of Staff (Reagan Administration)
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The Washington Times
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 14, 1982 / PAGE 11A
Commentary
What enterprise zones will do for the poor
W
hen President Reagan said
Rather than the failed strategy of
St. Louis and Norwalk have taken
combined with the powerful tax
recently that the Great
creating more bureaucracies and
WILLIAM KEYES
action. The enrichment of the inner
incentives of the Reagan enterprise-
Society had failed to solve
more programs from Washington,
city poor, facilitated by enactment
zone proposal, would enable the poor
black America's problems, the pro-
the Reagan initiative entrusts the
of the new Kentucky and Illinois
to improve their own neighborhoods
test were deafening. But Reagan was
people with a new ability to direct
fer abandoned, unused properties
training programs or even jobs for
laws as well as by several local
as they never have done before. The
right. In spite of billions of dollars
their own climb from poverty.
to organizations of enterprise-zone
the residents.
initiatives, will have far greater and
residents themselves would have a
spent in federal programs, many
A major element of the president's
residents.
more lasting benefit than any of the
dynamic impact in alleviating such
critical problems persist.
program is participation by neigh-
Having property which could be
Inspired by the Reagan initiative,
Great Society programs.
critical problems as crime and
One-fourth of all blacks and more
borhood organizations and other
leased to investors, the neighbor-
the state of Kentucky has enacted
The Sabrel Foundation, a Washing-
than half of all black youths are
private-sector institutions. Once
enterprise-zone legislation which
unemployment, inadequate housing
hood organizations would find it in
ton-based research group, played a
unemployed, the schools have failed
properly encouraged to play an
calls for the transfer of all unused
and failing education. What they
their interest to enhance the attractive-
key role in development of the neigh-
to prepare many young blacks to
active role rather than to wait for
ness of their properties to potential
state and city-owned property in des-
need, above all else, is encourage-
borhood enterprise-association
ment to take action themselves
compete successfully in today's soci-
government solutions, they would
tenants, thus improving the overall
ignated zones to neighborhood
proposal. According to them, it is
ety and crime exists in crisis pro-
take advantage of unlimited oppor-
organizations. The Kentucky law
rather than simply to wait for gov-
community environment. Crime
the poor themselves - through
ernment to care for them.
portions in many black neighbor-
tunities for community action.
watches and clean-up campaigns can
prescribes that "incorporating resi-
neighborhood organizations who
hoods. Now, due to an initiative of
Churches could create talent banks
add hundreds of thousands of dol-
dents shall draft a charter and
The words "black" and "poor" are
have the potential to become the
of available employees. Business
by-laws for the association suitable
not synonymous, of course. But the
the Reagan administration, states
lars to the value of real estate in a
powerful force for improvement in
and localities are developing a new
single block. These are examples of
for doing business in corporate
fact that many people use the words
associations and individual firms
the inner cities. "At a time when
could be induced to provide jobs.
form." The corporation's charter
interchangeably is testimony to the
approach for directing revenues to
the kinds of community-initiated
traditional revenue sources are
should spell out "the manner in
condition of too many black Ameri-
solve these problems.
Various community institutions
activities which could emerge when
being cut back, cities can ease fis-
The enterprise-zone concept has
could establish job-training pro-
which a stock interest in the corpo-
cans. As innovative policies such as
the proper incentive was offered.
cal strains substantially by transfer-
grams for those without fundamen-
ration shall be offered to each resi-
the erprise-zone strategy are
the potential for developing into a
The sale or leasing of property
ring functions to self-assessing
applied to help the poor, the condition
comprehensive, free-market solu-
tal skills.
to entrepreneurs would provide
dent of the neighborhood."
associations of property owners,"
of many black Americans necessar-
tion to problems which confront the
The Department of Housing and
capital for other neighborhood
Several weeks ago, Gov. James
the foundation reports.
ily will be bettered. Their neighbor-
poor, particularly in the inner citles.
Urban Development has outlined a
projects. As part of the lease agree-
Thompson, R-Ill., signed an enter-
Transferring idle public lands to
hoods will be improved and their
mechanism by which state and local
ment, for example, businesses could
prise-zone bill authorizing transfers
contractual neighborhood organiza-
opportunities expanded, results
Bill Keyes, a Reagan appointee at
governments can encourage neigh-
be required to provide certain social
of idle public properties to neigh-
tions gives all active residents a stake
which government-focused pro-
the Department of Education, is con-
borhood self-help activity. The state
services to the neighborhood: These
borhood self-help groups in his state.
in the economic success of their
grams and increased federal spend-
tributing editor to "Lincoln Review".
and locals, HUD says, could trans-
could include day-care centers, job-
On the local level, such cities as
neighborhoods. Self-help efforts,
ing have failed to accomplish.
PAGE 8A / WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 25, 1982
The Washington Times
WILLIAM KEYES
IS THaT YOU,
CONGRESS
Absurd
mr. reaGan?
anD 15 THAT
a showBaLL?!
anti-tuition
STeP right in!
tax credit
arguments
PRIVATE
CREDIT
TAX
T
there was obvious benefit in
having President Reaganannounce
his support for tuition tax credits
as bills were being introduced in Con-
gress. But much remains to be done
before these bills become law. One of
the biggest problems facing supporters
is the prevalence of absurd arguments
against tuition tax credits.
Chief among these is the argument
that tuition tax credits are unconstitu-
tional. But since the Reagan initiative
allows parents to take credits against
tuition paid for their children to attend
non-sectarian as well as religious-
wrught
BULLETIN
affiliated schools. it does not violate
any separation of church and state
if our children play tennis at a country
argument assume tax credits will cause
pace. Moreover, few stop to think about
clauses.
club rather than at public courts. Let
white parents to dash off in search of
the fact that in such cities as Washing
Interestingly, those who oppose tax
us have crime prevention tax credits if
academic excellence (private schools)
ton. D.C., private and parochial schools
credits because some beneficiaries
we hire security guards to patrol our
while black parents sit still. No assump-
are more integrated than public schools.
choose religious affiliated schools
neighborhoods rather than relying on
tion could be more unrealistic.
For tuition tax credits to become a
would fight for dear life to protect tax
the metropolitan police."
Realizing that a quality education is
reality, a vigorous campaign must be
deductions on charitable contributions
But Reagan is right; the detractors
imperative if their children are to suc-
waged by supporters. They must
although many charitable contributions
are wrong. To think that the country
ceed in life. black parents behave in
effectively point out that there are many
go to religious organizations.
club and private patrol cases are anal-
the same manner as white parents when
inadequate public schools in which poor
Collection plate donations are
ogous to the tuition case is to ignore
it comes to the selection of their chil-
children are trapped. They must illus.
intended to help churches advance their
two basic facts. First, when children
dren's schools. Blacks are flecing inad-
trate how tax credits will enable more
religious mission. Tuition is not paid to
attend private or parochial schools. they
equate schools in droves. They account
low- and moderate-income parents to
benefit institutions but to benefit indi-
do not attend public schools. These are
for more than 15 percent of Lutheran
choose the schools best suited to meet
viduals in their personal academic
mutually exclusive. But if a tennis
school enrollment and as much as 20
their childrens' educational needs. They
endeavors. Thus, if church contribu-
player finds the country club courts
percent of Catholic school enrollment
must explain how the competition
tions are constitutional, tuition tax
booked, he can always use a taxpayer-
in urban areas.
resulting from the parents' ability to
credits should be also.
supported court as a second option.
In many cases, private schools are
choose will lead to improvement in the
Another ridiculous argument waged
Private guards may patrol a commu-
more integrated than public schools.
quality of poor public schools.
against tuition tax credits is that the
nity, but taxpayers still pay local police
Tax credits will not alter this reality.
The supporters of tuition tax credits
initiative treatstuition differently from
to protect the citizens of that communi-
These arguments are ridiculous. but
must maintain that the plan is not racist
any other service. When President
ty.
opponents of tuition tax credits will
or elitist, but just They must help
Reagan says his intention is to correct
The other important distinction is
continue forever with them. Such argu-
people understand that it is not the
a basic injustice in the tax code, oppo-
that children are required by law to
ments place debate at the level of the
millionaires who will benefit, but the
nents respond by saying, "OK, then.
attend school. No one is required to
emotional and thereby divert voters'
poor.
let us also have recreation tax credits
play tennis. Tax credits on tuition is
and policy makers' attention from the
For tuition tax credits to become a
reasonable. Tax credits on recreation
purpose of the plan.
reality. the advocates must not let the
and police protection is ridiculous.
When people are yelling and scream-
ridiculousarguments of their opponents
Bill Keyes, an economist with the
A third ridiculous argument waged
ing that the tuition tax credits move-
cause them to compromise. Tuition tax
Joint Economic Committee. was
against tuition tax credits is that the
ment is racially motivated. for exam-
creditsare in the best interest of every
assisted by James Burnham. " student
plan will resegregate schools. I guess
ple. few stop to think that blacks are
American who is interested in quality
off the Field Sc hool
people who ascribe to the resegregation
leaving the public schools at break neck
education.
NEWS ANALYSIS
Educational Institute
THE CARIBBEAN BASIN INITIATIVE:
A MAJOR STEP TOWARD STRONG FREE MARKET ECONOMIES
by Bill Keyes
Professional Staff Member
Joint Economic Committee
U.S. Congress
April 15, 1982
President Ronald Reagan delivered a major foreign policy
speech on February 24 to the Organization of American States.
He used that speech, which outlines what is being called the
Caribbean Basin Initiative, to warn: "If we do not act promptly
and decisively in defense of freedom, new Cubas will arise from
the ruins of today's conflicts.
The assumption guiding the Caribbean Basin Initiative is
that economic aid is an investment in stability in the region.
Stated differently, the concept is that prosperity for the
Caribbean nations and their citizens will forestall revolution
The argument that aid to Caribbean nations would thwart the
spread of communism in the Western Hemisphere was echoed by a
State Department official who said, "The Caribbean Basin
Initiative can't save E1 Salvador. It can't save Guatemala
either. But it can help avoid other E1 Salvadors. At this
turbulentturn, even that would be a major victory 3/
Prime Minister Edward Seaga of Jamaica applauded the
Caribbean Basin Initiative, calling it "bold, historic and far-
reaching in concept." Officials from the Dominican Republic
called the plan the most serious effort at international co-
operation in twenty years 4/ But praise was not limited to
foreign leaders. The President's plan received favorable
reviews on Capitol Hill as well. Both House Speaker Thomas
O'Neill (D-MA) and conservative Senator Jesse Helms (R-NC) said
the plan was on the right track. Liberal Congressman Stephen
Solarz (D-NY) praised the plan, saying, "An ounce of prevention
now is worth ten pounds of cure later on. If we had had programs
like this before, we would not be in trouble now
,,5/
The Caribbean sea lanes are very important to the United
States. Nearly half of U.S. trade, two-thirds of America's oil
imports and more than half of America's strategic metal imports
pass through the Gulf of Mexico or through the Panama Canal
As this nation has done to protect its interests elsewhere in
the world, the U.S. has formulated a military plan of action.
But this new Caribbean program goes beyond military strategy
and provides for economic assistance as well. Reagan calls the
provision of economic assistance the "centerpiece" of the plan.
It includes:
*
Emergency aid of $350 million for several
of the most distressed countries.
*
Elimination of duties on all Caribbean
imports, except textiles and apparel,
and elimination of duties on sugar up to
a certain limit.
*
The promotion of U.S. private investment
JAMAICA AS TEST CASE
Prior to delivery of his speech to the OAS, President
Reagan had begun to apply this strategy to aid the Caribbean
island nation of Jamaica. He asked Chase Manhattan Bank's David
Rockefeller to form a working group of business leaders who could
promote investment and give Jamaica technical assistance. As a
result of the group's effort, Control Data Corporation has under-
taken a major computer technology program, United Brands is
investing in new plantations for pineapples and bananas, and a
consortium of companies is looking into increasing Jamaica's
bauxite production.
Reagan's assistance to Jamaica was not limited to urging
private sector investment. He also got the government involved,
with U.S. foreign aid to Jamaica exceeding that extended to any
other country in the world, per capita, except Israel. The
U.S. has also agreed to buy 1.6 million tons of Jamaican ore
for America's strategic stockpile. The idea is that an economic
success story in Jamaica would be "a riposte to communist Cuba
and a beacon of hope for other Caribbean countries. 10/
-2-
But, not everyone was convinced that the plan would be
successful. Samuel Hayden, president of the Council of the
Americas, an organization representing more than 200 American
companies with interests in Latin America, does not view the
plan as a panacea. Speaking pragmatically, Hayden pointed out
that "the main problem in the Caribbean is the lack of an
infrastructure of airports and transportation facilities to
support new industries. And, according to Hayden, "there is
the question of security. Until that is resolved, I feel there
will be little foreign investment in the region. 11/
It must be noted, however, that Seaga has been quite
successful at attracting foreign investment to Jamaica. In the
first year of his Administration, the quasi-official Jamaican
National Investments Ltd. received more than 400 proposals
valued at more than $1 billion. collectively. Yet, the thrust
of Hayden's statement is correct. Much remains to be done in
the Caribbean nations.
To facilitate economic growth, Jamaica's Seaga negotiated
a $698 million loan agreement with the International Monetary
Fund, $71 million in new credits from a consortium of 25 com-
mercial banks, and $162 million in foreign aid from the U.S. and
Venezuela.
12/
However, overdependence on the international credit
markets must be guarded against. If the fears of Hayden and
potential investors are to be allayed, Caribbean nations cannot
rely solely on aid from the U.S. or other foreign sources. They
must develop their own initiatives to improve their domestic
economies. Jamaica is an excellent example. Though Jamaica
may be overextending itself in the credit markets, its record
of local initiative is exemplary.
As part of a plan to make rural areas of the island "more
dynamic," for example, Seaga proposed exempting all trucks used
to carry agricultural products from stamp duty, customs duty, and
retain sales tax. This has reduced the cost of vehicles in some
instances by as much as 80 percent.
-3-
Moreover, Seaga announced a long-range plan to upgrade
buildings, roads and other facilities in smaller towns. This
program should resolve the infrastructure problem spoken of by
Hayden.
Also, the Seaga Administration has had good success in
reviving their ailing tourism industry. Along with beefing up
crime prevention efforts to assure safety for tourists, the
government has erected billboards all over the island bearing
the message, "Tourism - It's for Everyone,' as part of the
strategy to encourage Jamaican citizens to make visitors welcome.
As Minister of Tourism Anthony Abrahams has said, "The people's
attitude is conditioned by their government. The whole thrust
of the Seaga government is to erase the attitude that Americans
are white imperialists engaged in espionage, sabotage, and the
undermining of the Jamaican economy. They are not coming here
to exploit, but are potential investor/tourists here to add
something to the country. " Seaga, whose father was a leading
travel agent, sees tourism as the most likely stimulus for
13/
early recovery and the most immediate source of foreign capital.
The U.S. has helped Jamaica in its effort to turn tourism
around by approving a proposal to allow conventioneers from the
U.S. to deduct the cost of travel to Jamaica as a business expense
on their federal income taxes. Only Canada and Mexico share this
privilege with Jamaica. According to Abrahams, "The previous
government's bumper year was 1979, and we are running well ahead
of that figure, so we are landing more visitors now than ever
before in our history 14/
To help increase employment and to develop the indigenous
handicraft industry, Seaga announced last June the expansion of
a program called "Things Jamaican." The program will involve
more than 12,000 workers in 250 villages in the first three years.
They will be involved in design work, design training, and
quality-controlled production and marketing of handicrafts. This
new-found ability of craftspeople to market their work locally
and overseas will have a positive effect on the Jamaican economy.
4
The list of positive steps taken by the Seaga Administration
goes on. But one of the other models that Seaga has provided for
all of the Caribbean nations is a sense of cooperation with
neighbors In October of last year, for example, Seaga visited
with Puerto Rico's Governor Romero Barcelo. Following their
meeting, Seaga announced that the two countries would have public
and private sector committees studying opportunities for joint
undertakings. He said Jamaican raw products could be shipped to
Puerto Rico for further processing, and Puerto Rican assistance
could be sought for Jamaica's low-income housing projects. 15/
This cooperation is another way Caribbean nations can limit
their dependency on international credit and foreign aid.
FREEDOM AT STAKE
Much hangs in the balance. There already exist countries
in the Caribbean, such as Cuba and Grenada, which are strongly
leftist. Other nations, such as E1 Salvador and Guatemala in
Latin America, are experiencing tremendous turmoil as the pre-
sent article is being written. Still others, such as the small
island nation of St. Lucia, are in tremendous danger of turning
to the left.
With charges of corruption leveled against him, Prime
Minister Winston Cenac resigned as head of the government of
St. Lucia. The front-runner in the campaign to succeed Cenac
is George Odlum, leader of the left-wing Progressive Labor Party
and former Foreign Minister and Minister of Information. A
populist who campaigns in an army cap and fatigues in the style
of Fidel Castro, Odlum would be no friend of democracy. As
Minister of Information, he once shut down a radio station
which was critical of him. 16/ The consequences of an Odlum
victory would be significant not only to the people of St.
Lucia but to freedom-loving people throughout the Western
world, especially Caribbean democracies. People in Barbados
and St. Vincent fear that their governments could likely be
toppled if St. Lucia joined forces with nearby Grenada. 17/
-5-
NEED FOR AMERICAN INVOLVEMENT
Political events in Caribbean Basin nations do not always
pick up momentum on their own. The Soviets and the Cubans realize
that the door to political takeover would be opened by the
election of government leaders who are sympathetic to the left.
In St. Lucia, the Western-oriented candidate who favors ties with
the U.S., Canada, and the United Kingdom faces an uphill battle
primarily because his left-wing opponent is receiving contri-
butions from outside the country.
The Reagan Administration has been wise to put forward
an economic assistance strategy. But no matter how important
foreign aid seems, it is not a completely successful approach
for helping democracies remain democratic. To help in this
regard, the U.S. should export its most valuable commodity-
Americanism. Citizens achieving high standards of living
through a free market economy are not likely to allow their
governments to be taken over by those who do not support the
free market as a means of achieving prosperity for themselves
and their fellow citizens.
Focus again on Jamaica. Former leftist Prime Minister
Michael Manley left the Jamaican economy in shambles when he
was voted out of office in October 1980. At the end of his
reign, Jamaica faced massive debts, runaway inflation, shortages,
and an overall unemployment rate greater than 30 percent. The
state of the economy contributed to a high crime rate which
caused many American and European tourists to forgo consideration
of the once-popular Jamaica for vacations and conventions. 18/
Only six days before Reagan's election as President of
the United States, Jamaican voters elected the Harvard-educated
Edward Seaga as their new Prime Minister. In one year, Seaga
has turned the economy around. He has revived the tourism in-
dustry. He has cut the crime rate in half. Many of Jamaica's
professionals who saw it in their best interests to leave the
the nation during Manley's Administrations have begun to return
home. And there is a tremendous sense of optimism among
-6-
Jamaican citizens that their country will be led by the pro-
free enterprise Seaga up the road of growth and prosperity.
But, it. is important to remember, the Jamaicans will not remain
optimistic forever.
The subheadline of a September 13, 1981, Los Angeles
Times article indicates the reality of the Jamaican situation:
"7 Year Economic Slide Ends But New Prime Minister Faces Pro-
blems
19/
A few examples:
Inefficiency within the goverment has prevented the
approval and implementation of the majority of the foreign in-
20/
vestment proposals Seaga vigorously sought early on.
Anti-
quated equipment and rising demand have led to serious power
outages across the island, reducing production and jeopardizing
new economic development activity. 21/ Unemployment rates,
which peaked above 40 percent while Manley was in office, are
still miserably high at more than 30 percent. 22/ The
nation
still is in need of an improved transit system. 23/ And, though
the shortages which characterized the Manley Administration
exist no longer, prices of many available products are
ridiculous, such as the more-than-$ $2 price tag on a spool of
thread at Woolworth stores in Ocho Rios and Montego Bay
24/
To avoid a return to leftist policies, new ideas must
be injected to improve Jamaica's economic conditions in the
near term. The same must be accomplished in other Caribbean
democracies. Thus, the sharing of Americanism is of the utmost
importance.
EXPORTING AMERICANISM
One American institution which seldom has counterparts
in Third World nations is the "think tank.' In the U.S.,
these academic, or "educational, " not-for-proft institutions
are especially valuable to government officials. Think tanks
study critical public policy matters and make information and
data available to policymakers, prodding them to implement
measures which would be effective in achieving desired change.
- -7-
Conservatism once was described by President Woodrow
Wilson as a philosophy of "make no change, and consult your
grandmother when in doubt.' And, for a number of years following
Wilson's description, it seemed that most of the fresh ideas
were being advanced by liberals and liberal think thanks such
as the Brookings Institution. 25/ But in recent years, more and
more conservative educational institutions have developed to
study policies democratic and international, economic and
military. The present work is published by such an institute.
The conservative, or free market oriented, think tank provides
an excellent means for exporting Americanism to the Third World.
Focus once more on Jamaica for examples of how a free
market institute could help a developing nation's government
implement effective public policy.
Example: Since there exists a negative feeling among
many Jamaicans about American imperialism, Seaga cannot focus
strictly on attracting foreign investment. He also must find
policies which will have direct and definite benefits for the
Jamaican people. A free market institute could propose to
Seaga a strategy similar to one which has been proposed to the
Reagan Administration during the discussion of enterprise zones
in the U.S.
By establishing equity positions for neighborhood organi-
zations in publicly-owned buildings or land, citizens' attitudes
toward business development could be reoriented. From revenues
earned by leasing such properties to businesses, especially in
tax- and regulation-free areas, neighborood organizations would
be able to finance a variety of service activities. Chief among
these activities should be community watch and other crime
prevention projects, since high crime rates would have a negative
effect on their ability to make money. Other services which could
be offered by empowered neighborhood organizations are quite
important as well. With limited government resources in Jamaica
and other Caribbean nations, the private provision of such
services as child care would relieve part of the government
burden.
-8-
Example: Antiquated equipment and increased demand have
led to serious power failures early this year. One business, a
shirt manufacturer, lost about 2½ days of production in the first
two weeks of January. Researchers at the Urban Institute in
Washington, D.C., have suggested ways America's energy problems
could be addressed through greater cooperation between the utility
companies and the communities they serve. A free market institute
could assist the Seaga Administration or that of any other
Caribbean democracy by sponsoring a project on improvement in the
Jamaican energy situation.
Example: Transportation is a major factor in the establish-
ment of an area as a commercial center. This factor is especially
important in Jamaica. The Manley Administration failed to put
in place an efficient transit system. Presently, the best way
to travel from the airport into downtown Kingston is by taxi.
With many taxi drivers making up the fares as they ride along,
the 30 to 45 minute ride averages about $15. The establishment
of a private bus service could be quite beneficial.
Fifteen dollars is also the fare which could be paid for
a taxi ride from LaGuardia Airport to midtown Manhattan. However,
the Cary Bus line transports travelers the same distance for
$3.50. Travelers save quite a bit of money while Carey Bus does
a booming business. And the taxicab industry has not suffered.
This is the kind of private enterprise approach that could be
proposed by a free market institutes.
Examples: The shortages which faced the Jamaican people
during the Manley Administration are being solved. While
previously there were fights in stores over the purchase of
scarce items, the shelves are now well stocked. As was mentioned
above, the problem now is price. Woolworth stores in Montego
Bay and Ocho Rios sell 3-in-1 Oil for $3.87 and spools of thread
for more than $2, quite high by American standards. There is
nothing puzzling about these prices. They are a function of
supply and demand. A free market institute could assist the
Seaga Administration by outlining a strategy for bringing down
prices by increasing supply.
-9-
Example: One of the reasons for the Jamaicans'
difficulty in increasing the supply of many needed items is
their currency laws. Many of the automobiles on the island
reportedly are in terrible shape because of the difficulty in
importing replacement parts. A free market institute could
help the goverment by analyzing the currency laws in regard to
their effects on trade and sharing the findings with policy-
makers.
Example: Though the economy is improving under Seaga,
there remain a large number of people without jobs. The
frustration and anger caused by severe unemployment led to
violence in the streets during the Manley Administrations. A
free market institute could focus on the problem of unemploy-
ment in a way that is politically difficult for the government.
The expansion of the overall economy is the best remedy
to the unemployment. But, there are a number of other factors
which make a difference. Are some of the jobless unemployed
because occupational licensure laws have kept them out of
desired labor markets? Have minimum wage and prevailing wage
laws prevented young people from stepping onto the first rung
of the economic ladder? Have the schools failed to train young
people for the jobs which exist?
Example: A small number of the more than 400 investment
proposals which were made last year have been approved and
implemented to date. The main problem is the inefficiency of
the Jamaican government itself. A free market institute could
help Jamaica by studying and seeking solutions to the problem.
Is computerization needed? Should the Jamaican government con-
tract with private firms to administer a specific economic
development plan? These and other questions must be answered.
The free market institute, or think tank, proposal falls
in line with what here shall be called The Lenczowski Plan. In
a Fall 1981 Policy Review article, Dr. John Lenczowski, now a
Reagan-appointed official at the U.S. Department of State, laid
out his strategy regarding the exporting of Americanism. 26/
-10-
THE LENCZOWSKI PLAN
President Harry Truman once said, "The seeds of totalitarian
regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow
in the evil and soil of poverty and strife. They reach their
full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.
We must keep that hope alive. 27/
Not only could Truman's words have been part of President
Reagan's Caribbean Basin Initiative speech to the OAS, these
words could have been used to define U.S. foreign policy for
several decades. Beginning with the Marshall Plan and the Truman
Doctrine, the economic-aid-forstalls-revolution assumption ex-
panded to include such efforts as the Point Four program of
technical assistance to underdeveloped countries, the Mutual
Security Program to raise living standards in those countries,
the Alliance for Progress, the Food-for-Peace program, Agency
for International Development foreign aid programs, and active
support of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund
28/
Dr. Lenczowski says that the problem with much of America's
generosity to our foreign neighbors is that we have treated the
nations of the Third World "much in the same way as we treat the
inner-city ghetto: We send food stamps and welfare (foreign aid)
for the poor, and when the natives get restless, we send in the
police. And, just like the ghetto, the Third World continues to
29/
stagnate.
The programs most often applied in developing
nations have been based on failing economic development concepts
that were drafted "in response to the calamity of the Great
Depression. " The bankruptcy of these plans is evidenced by the
large number of economic failures in countries which followed
the generous advice of Western economic planners. More than
$300 billion in Third World debt is outstanding, with terribly
little prospect of it ever being paid 30/
One example of Western influence has been the infra-
structure approach. To pay for the construction of railroads,
dams, bridges, electrification projects and the like, Third
World governments have borrowed large sums of money from inter-
national development banks and the largest Western commercial
banks. To repay the loans, these governments have taxed their
citizens at higher and higher rates, creating a situation in
-11-
in which the prosperity of the citizens diminishes while the
foreign companies involved in the infrastructure projects grow
richer.
"Reduced to its simplest terms, /this development theory7
says: The key to prosperity is state investment, high levels of
state debt, and high taxes. No country in history, much less the
United States, ever became successful according to this formula, 31/
Dr. Lenczowski notes. This ill-advised formula, a classic case
of "trickle-down" for developers, is the key strategy advanced
and practiced by the Agency for International Development. That
the formula failed to improve the quality of life for the masses
of people in Third World nations should have come as no shock to
anyone who understands economics or capitalism. 32/
An alternative to "trickle-down" foreign aid could be
the Lenczowski Plan, which reads, inter alia, as follows:
/We7 must export to the world the original (and
currently revived) recipe of American economic
success: free market growth, freedom to earn and
dispose of ones labors, and production and distri-
bution priorities guided by prices set by the demo-
cratic free market and not by an authoritarian
elite.
We should thus encourage the removal of all
those barriers to production such as excessive
taxes and tariffs that destroy incentives; and
abuse of the creation of money that destroys its
utility as a reliable unit of account and store
of value.
We should encourage common markets, common
currencies, free trade areas, enterprise zones
with tax holidays of the kind enjoyed in Taiwan
and Sri Lanka, and private, as opposed to
government-authoritarian, enterprise.
Since so much of the world is involved in
agriculture, yet remains hungry, we should
encourage agricultural reforms such as: adoption
of private systems of rural credit; elimination
of transportation restrictions, government-set
food prices, and requirements that produce be
-12-
sold to the government (which forces farmers to
subsidize government-run industrialization schemes)
and the elimination or reduction of a myriad of taxes
on land, marketing, income, exports, and so on.
Finally, foreign aid should be used as both a
carrot and a stick to encourage free market
institutions. For example, if a country's pro-
duction incentives were being crushed by excessively
high marginal tax rates, the U.S. government
could propose that it significantly lower these.
rates, offering in return to pay for any revenue
lost as a result of tax reduction. Since the
budgets of such countries tend to be small, the
sum would be negligible. Besides, in most
countries where tax rates are prohibitive,
revenue increases from tax reduction would
vitiate the necessity of such payment.
Every weapon in this non-military arsenal
must be deployed: international broadcasting,
American libraries abroad, international edu-
cation, cultural and visitors' exchanges, and
distribution of books, pamphlets, television
programs and films, the hiring of more foreign
service information officers as well as foreign
nationals (such as journalists) to work in U.S.
information posts abroad, and the increased vocal
use of international forums such as the U.N. for
ideological offensives.
For too long, our voices of public infor-
mation have been muted for fear of offending
foreign governments we were trying to
accommodate. Accommodation is surely a vital
tool of diplomacy. But it never should still
the voice of freedom.
33/
The case for the exporting of Americanism could not be
made more dynamically than by Lenczowski. Implicit in his plan
-13-
is the idea that the U.S. must teach our neighbors in the
Caribbeanto fish rather than extend to them credit for a
temporary meal card.
CONCLUSION
What is needed is the transporting of a positive vision
consistent with traditional American vlues, the values which
have made America a political success. Such developing countries
as South Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan have made tremendous
progress, with other Third World countries such as Sri Lanka
and Ivory Coast moving toward economic success by trying the
American way. 34/ Other developing nations must get the message.
Again, the idea of a free market institute, or think tank, is in
keeping with The Lenczowski Plan and should be facilitated by
the American private sector to serve the needs of target
developing nations.
The citizens of the democratic Caribbean nations must
be involved in their development. Certainly, a free market
institute operating in the various countries would be quite
helpful in this regard. The proposal demands our attention.
The challenge is worthyof our involvement.
FOOTNOTES
1
"Text of President's Address on Aid Program for Caribbean,"
The New York Times, February 25, 1982, p. A-14.
2
Peretz, Martin. "Things Left Unsaid," The New Republic, March 10,
1982, p. 7.
3
Isaacson, Walter. "We are All Americans: Reagan Offers Aid and
Arms to Struggling Southern Neighbors, Time, March 8, 1982, p. 15.
4
The Economist, January 23, 1982, p. 46.
5
Isaacson, p. 15.
6
"Reagan's Blueprint," U.S. News & World Report, March 8, 1982,
p. 21.
7
Ibid.
8
Nissen, Beth. "Jamaica: Ronald Reagans Showcase," Newsweek,
October 26, 1981, pp. 48-49.
9
Ibid.
10
The Economist, op cit.
11
Isaacson, p. 15.
12
Lofting, Christopher. "Tourism Held Key to Jamaica's Economic
Recovery," Journal of Commerce, December 22, 1981, p. A-1.
13
Lofting, op cit.
14
Lofting, p. 5-A.
15
Goolrick, Chester. "Jamaican Leader Edges Closer to U.S. With
Split from Cuba, Puerto Rican Pact," The Wall Street Journal,
November 2, 1981, p. 30.
16
Reed, Roger. "St. Lucia: New Crisis in The Caribbean," Council
for Inter-American Security Educational Institute, News Analysis,
February 1, 1982, p. 2.
17
Ibid., p. 3.
18
Lofting, op. cit.
19
Torgerson, Dial. "Jamaica Recovering From a Bout of Socialism,"
The Los Angeles Times, September 13, 1981, p. 1.
20
Nissen, p. 49.
21
Goodsell, James Nelson. "Power Outages Threaten to Pull Plug on
Jamaican Economic Recovery Program," The Christian Science Monitor,
January 26, 1982, p. 8.
22
Nissen, op. cit.
23
Dunil, Kayal. "Manley Reflects: Defeated by Economics, Not Politics,"
The Chicago Tribune, August 2, 1981, p. 2.
24
Ballou, Art. "Seaga Gives Hope to Jamaica," The Boston Globe,
May 27, 1981, p. 26.
25
Armbrister, Trevor. "Think Tanks With Clout," Readers Digest,
January 1982, p. 179.
26
Lenczowski, John. "A Foreign Policy for Reaganauts, Policy Review,
Fall 1981, pp. 77-95.
27
Truman, Harry S. "Truman Doctrine Speech," March 12, 1947.
28
Lenczowski, p. 85.
29
Ibid., p. 77.
30
Ibid., pr. 85-86.
31
Ibid., p. 87.
32
"A Strategy for a More Effective Bilateral Assistance Program"
Agency for International Development, March 1978, p. 6.
33
Ibid., pp. 92, 93.
34
Lenczowski, pp. 90, 91.
THE WASHINGTON AFRO-AMERICAN
1/30/82
A new view
Blacks and economic conservatism
By Bill Keyes
disasterously high levels. But
limits the amount of profit
(Second of three columns)
racism alone cannot explain our
available to them.
In his first piece of this three-
young people's employment
Moreover, many people who
part series, we discussed moral
difficulties.
own rental properties decide to
conservatism and black America.
Our moral cons4rvatism was it
In the late 1940s and early 1950s,
reduce maintenance as the cost of
lustrated by opinion poll findings
black youth had a lower un-
maintaining the properties ex-
employment rate than whites
ceeds the amount of profit allowed
that the great majority of blacks
the same age. It is hardly true
by law. The natural result is that
are opposed to abortion, by un-
scientific findings that most
that employers were less racist in
the buildings are boarded up.
blacks favor prayer in schools,
the 1940s and 1950s than they are
So then. not only are the op-
and by the fact that more than
in the 1980s. Yet, there is a vast
portunities for rental housing
12,000 District of Columbia
gap between the unemployment
limited by government imposed
citizens petitioned Congress to
rates for black and white youth
rent controls, opportunities are
today.
reduced. Politicians should let the
overturn a morally offensive
sexual reform bill which was
The most significant difference
free market operate.
passed last fall by the D.C.
between the early 1950s
If property owners are allowed
Council and signed by Mayor
and the early 1980s is the
minimum wage. Every time the
to set rental rates according to
Barry.
market circumstances, the
In this piece, the focus is turned
minimum wage has increased in
following would happen: first,
from moral to economic matters.
the last couple of decades, the gap
some landlords would raise rents.
But rather than point out that
has widened between black and
Second, more investment would
most black citizens are con-
white youths' participation in the
be made for the construction and
servative on economic issues, we
workforce.
renovation of rental units. Third,
will discuss free market ap-
Most liberal politicians oppose
construction and renovation
proaches to solving the critical
proposals for a youth differential
would provide for a supply of
problems which face our people.
to the minimum wage. They
housing adequate to meet the
For decades, we have cast
argue that the minimum wage is
demand for such. Finally, with
ballots for liberal candidates,
not adequate as is. Yet, studies
supply reaching or exceeding
hoping that their noble-sounding
indicate that the great majority of
demand, the rents would level off
intentions would lead to solutions
teenagers earning the minimum
or even go down as landlords
to such social and economic
wage are from families with
compete for tenants.
problems as unemployment and
above average incomes. A
In both the above cases of
inadequate housing.
reduction in the minimum wage
government intervention in the
Yet, after having elected our so-
for employment would lead to new
market, politicians endeavored to
called friends to office, we see
employment opportunities for
serve those who already enjoyed
that matters have gotten worse.
youngsters who really do need to
the benefit of the needed item
In fact, their policies have con-
contribute to their families.
employment or housing without
tributed to the increasing severity
Reductions in the Davis-Bacon
regard to the resulting reduction
of these problems.
prevailing wage law and a
of opportunities for those who
The unemployment rate soars
reduction in occupational
would be seeking employment
at an unacceptable level and the
licensure requirements would
and housing.
housing situation is disastrous,
also help to alleviate the black
As wages have been forced
especially for those of us who live
youth unemployment problem.
upward by government, youth
in urban areas.
Housing
unemployment has been forced
Unemployment
The rental housing problem has
upward. As rents have been held
One of the key reasons the
gotten worse and worse through
down by government, op-
liberals have failed to alleviate
the years. As liberal politicians
portunities for people to secure
black youth unemployment is that
have protected tenants from high
rental housing have gone down
they have refused to look at the
rental rates, they have destroyed
Conservatives realize that a
facts.
opportunities for others to obtain
removal of government in
The liberals have cited racism
rental units. People are not likely
tervention would be of benefit to a
as the reason for the black youth
to invest money into rental
far broader number of people.
employment rate remaining at
housing when the government
especially the neediest among us.
A new view
Blacks and moral conservatism
By Bill Keyes
that most blacks favor Federal
should necessarily hold liberal
(First of three articles)
funding for abortions as a way of
positions on critical issues,
If one should ask the first ten,
bringing equality of choice bet-
conservative principles will
black people he passes on the.
ween the affluent and the poor.
facilitate continued progress for
streets of the District of Columbia
According to an opinion poll
blacks.
or any other city whether they
conducted by Data Black, a black
were liberal or conservative, at
owned and operated firm, only
least seven or eight would con-
nineteen percent of blacks favor
sider themselves to be liberal.
abortion. Only a portion of the
However, the seven or eight
nineteen percent support the
"liberal" blacks would probably
expenditure of public money to
give conservative responses to the
pay for them.
majority of questions asked of
Non-scientific samplings also
them.
suggest that most blacks endorse
It would be easy to assume that
the idea of prayer in school along
the vast majority of black
withthe recitation of the Pledge of
Americans are liberal. After all,
Allegiance and the singing of the
leaders of major black civil rights
National Anthem.
organizations appear to be left of
A demonstration of blacks'
center on the political spectrum.
moral conviction was demon-
And members of the
strated by the presentation of
Congressional Black Caucus have
12,000 signatures petitioning
voting records which make liberal
Congress to overturn the Sexual
organizations very happy.
Reform Act which was passed by
But conversations with black
the D.C. Counciland signed by the
men and women on America's
Mayor.
streets indicate otherwise.
The moral conservatism of
Likewise, the findings of public
blacks is deep-rooted. In fact,
opinion polls indicate that blacks
commitment to such principles as
generally are more conservative
faith, hard work, sacrifice and
than is suggested by the rhetoric
family played a significant role in
and the votes of black leaders.
black people's ability to move
For example, the perception of
from slavery to relative affluence
many Americans - black and
in a short period of time.
white - is that most balcks ac-
If we continue to adhere to such
cept abortion as an acceptable
principles rather than accept the
practice. Moreover, it appears
erroneous notion that blacks
Lincoln Review
Spring 1982
How Long Can
We Go On
This Way?
by William A. Keyes
B
lacks-like all other Americans, unfortunately-have been condi-
tioned since the early years to give only superficial consideration
to public policy issues. Black Americans have not been taught that
politics and public policy are for problem solving. Nor have we been
taught how politics can be used to serve our interests. Instead, we
have come to view politics as a trivial game in which the players seek
to outwit each other.
Many black people have been blessed by God to the extent of being
removed from such critical problems as unemployment, poverty and
illiteracy. Yet, some of us entertain guests in our homes and discuss
these and other problems as if they are simply ideas rather than what
they really are-critical problems which enslave many of our less for-
tunate brothers and sisters into hopelessness, despair and dependency
on dispassionate institutions which are inadequate to meet their needs.
Some among us have made light of the poverty problem while there
are men and women and boys and girls around them who really feel
the pangs of hunger in their empty bellies and the sting of winter on
their ill-clad bodies. Many fortunate blacks engage in conversation
about unemployment as if there are not really fathers whose despera-
tion cause them to think of suicide as a way to avoid seeing the pain in
their families' faces. Some bring up the issue of education as idle cock-
tail party chatter even after reading newspaper articles about black
high school valedictorians who cannot pass college entrance exams.
I tire of hearing the reasoned assertions of dedicated individuals
challenged by people whose only mental energy has been spent on
memorizing the oft-repeated rhetoric of nice-sounding but ineffective
politicians.
How long can we go on this way? How long can we refuse to see
politics as a means of helping our brothers and sisters who are in need?
I do not mind disagreement. In fact, I encourage the voicing of
differing opinions because it is in this way that the black community is
20
How Long Can We Go On This Way?
informed of all sides of the issues. Not until black people know the
various points of view can we determine the best strategy for solving
critical problems.
A Call For Honesty
People disagree most vigorously when they have little or nothing to
gain from solutions to the problems discussed. But when there is
mutual need to find a solution, the parties are usually able to agree on
a plan of action.
My wife and I have argued political issues ad nauseam. We have
debated, for example, whether the appropriate strategy for dealing
with crime would be by spending more money on federal jobs pro-
grams and social programs or by beefing up police departments and
encouraging the courts to mete out stiffer sentences. In these argu-
ments regarding crime we were allowed to hold on for dear life to
ultra-liberal and ultra-conservative positions because we felt safe and
secure in our Capitol Hill neighborhood.
Our discussions on how to deal with housing problems were not
honest attempts at problem-solving because we had a roof over our
heads. Our arguments over how to deal with the problem of unem-
ployment were devoid of real meaning because both of us had fulfilling
jobs which enabled us to live comfortably. There was never agreement.
Then, one day early in 1981, I was invited to chair a committee of
citizens in the District of Columbia who were pushing for a ballot
initiative for educational tax credits. With D.C. students scoring 250
points below their Maryland and Virginia peers on the Scholastic
Aptitude Test, I knew the tax credit would be a worthwhile effort.
But I also knew my wife would be lukewarm to the idea. To my sur-
prise, she encouraged me to accept the invitation. She agreed with me
on the issue.
It was no coincidence that she was pregnant with our first child at
the time. Having had a mixture of good and bad experiences in the
New York City schools, Lola had long ago determined that she wanted
the ability to exercise a choice as to where her children would be edu-
cated. So, the New York City-born wife who identified best with liberal
Democrats agreed with the North Carolina-born husband who counts
himself a conservative Republican. Our expectation of a baby made
the issue of education a real one at which we were forced to take an
honest and careful look.
Black America can progress if and only if we look honestly at the
issues of the day, attacking the problems of the community as if they
are our own personal problems. Adhering to this attitude, the black
community would probably be able to consider all arguments and then
21
Lincoln Review
reach agreement on strategies to solve critical problems just as my wife
and I were able to agree on the education issue.
There were amazing displays of hypocrisy during the tax credit
initiative campaign. Not malicious hypocrisy, I am confident, but
double-think which resulted from people's refusal to deal with the
community's problems the same way they would deal with their own.
An illustration of this hypocrisy may be found in an October 12,
1981 column by Dorothy Gilliam in THE WASHINGTON POST.
Mrs. Gilliam, who is black, expressed a commitment to public educa-
tion:
"Deep within, I have always known that it will be the nation's
public schools, not the private ones, that will be the salvation for
the majority of black people," she said.
Yet, she had to admit in that very column that she had enrolled her
own children in private schools. She defended that action by arguing
that it was not appropriate to sacrifice her children's education by
enrolling them in public schools which were less than adequate.
"With my strong feelings about the importance of an education in
mind, a decade or so ago, we made the difficult choice to send our
children to private schools. The revolution of black consciousness
was in full swing but the D.C. public schools were in chaos. We
just did not feel we could sacrifice our children's education during
the school system's long climb forward."
Yet, she thought it appropriate for other parents to sacrifice their
children's education because of "black consciousness," among other
reasons.
A column by Richard Cohen which appeared in the same place in
the July 9 issue of THE WASHINGTON POST attacked our effort to
enable more poor families to exercise choice in their children's educa-
tion as "obnoxious." Cohen implied strongly that any effort by parents
to seek alternatives from the D.C. public school system:
"goes to the heart of the notion of community: what we owe others.
There is a notion
that the strong have an obligation to the
weak, the educated for the uneducated, the rich for the poor. It is
Christian. It is Jewish. It is Muslim. It is, for crying our loud,
basic."
Seemingly compassionate words, but the columnist, like his POST
colleague Dorothy Gilliam, had to admit he had enrolled his one and
only child in a private school. One could only assume that the enroll-
ment of his daughter in a private school reflected a personal decision
22
How Long Can We Go On This Way?
on his part that the private school would provide a better quality edu-
cation for his daughter. Why, then, did he speak negatively of an
effort to enable other parents to exercise that choice? For him, selection
of an alternative to the failing public school system was appropriate.
But for others to have the same choice, he argued, would be un-Chris-
tian, un-Jewish, un-Muslim, un-basic.
The benefit of Mrs. Gilliam's and Mr. Cohen's columns is that
they help us see clearly the hypocrisy which cripples our society and
prevents us from solving critical problems. The main problem with
their work is that it represents not the exception but the rule in the
way people deal with the community's critical social and economic
problems.
The attitude Gilliam and Cohen display has allowed affluent black
residents of the District to endorse public education continually, even
though the system's documented failures have led them to take their
own children out of public schools. That mentality has allowed them
to enroll their children in private schools while insisting that other
parents remain committed to the institution of public education re-
gardless of whether public schools have done an effective job.
Since I had lived in the District for only four years when I chaired
the D.C. Committee for Improved Education, some long-time residents
resented an "outsider" trying to tamper with their system. How dare
Bill Keyes come in and try to tell us how to run our schools, some said.
He wants to ruin our system because it is controlled by black adminis-
trators, they said of me. Any argument, no matter how ridiculous, was
sufficient for them to avoid discussing the critical question of whether
the educational tax credit was a proper vehicle for affecting quality
education. Any argument was sufficient to divert their attention from
the fact that D.C. public school students' Scholastic Aptitude Test
scores were 200 points below the national average and 250 points
below the area average.
Many middle class blacks did everything possible to take their own
children out of the public system. But that system was just fine, they
insisted, for everyone else's children. Never mind the fact that the
public school system had allowed some children to be sexually seduced
by their teachers; never mind the fact that the public system had
allowed some children to be introduced to drugs; never mind the fact
that in a public school building a child had been shot to death with a
gun with which one of his peers was playing. These were factors which
encouraged many affluent blacks to take their own children out of
public schools, but these same people would not accept others' con-
sideration of these factors in regard to their children's educational and
personal well being.
23
Lincoln Review
What were proper considerations for some were not considered to
be proper considerations for others. This kind of thinking allowed the
schools' problems to grow worse and worse without the wrath of the
community whose children were being cheated.
Again, the root of the educational mess which has developed is the
black community's failure to deal with the problem which hurts thou-
sands of black children as if they are dealing with their own children's
problems. This is at the root of practically all of the black community's
problems-from housing to unemployment to crime to education.
Certainly, one of my objectives in writing this essay is to encourage
people to engage in political discussion and other political activity.
Before choosing the appropriate public policy to solve problems
which are critical to our people, blacks must be willing to look honestly
at all sides of the debate. For blacks to consider all sides of the debate,
all sides must be presented. But even when all of the arguments or
policy options are not readily available, blacks must seek them. It is
the selection of the best strategies which will enable us to deal with
such critical problems as unemployment, failing education, inadequate
housing, crime and poverty.
24
The Voting
Rights Act:
Repeal V. Extension
by William A. Keyes
T
he Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States
was enacted following the Civil War to guarantee all citizens the
right to vote. Freed blacks were able to elect their peers to various
state and national political offices when Federal troops were present
to enforce the law. But when the troops were pulled out, black voters
suddenly found themselves victims of violent acts intended to dis-
courage them from voting. These acts had the effect of reversing the
impressive gains which had been achieved.
Not only did. this violence continue for a whole century, but vio-
lence and intimidation were joined by other tactics. Some people were
required to travel great distances to register to vote and some were
forced to register for every single election. Many were subject to poll
taxes. Many faced literacy tests. There were also property require-
ments. It became apparent to many blacks that the existence of the
Fifteenth Amendment would be insufficient to effectively guarantee
that they would have the opportunity to exercise their right to vote.
During the 1960's a number of legal complaints were filed. In the
clearest possible words, the Supreme Court of the United States de-
clared in the 1964 of Westbury U. Sanders that "no right is more
precious in a free country than that of having a voice in the election
of those who make the laws under which, as good citizens, we must
live." Yet, after the Supreme Court wrote this opinion, discrimination
persisted against black Americans who attempted to vote.
When the opponents of voting rights for blacks realized they could
suffer Federal criminal penalties for using confrontation tactics to
obstruct blacks from voting, they resorted to other strategies. These
new strategies, which were designed to dilute the collective strength of
19
Lincoln Review
black votes, included gerrymandering and annexation. These strategies
also included shifting from single-member districts to at-large districts.
Because the affected blacks considered voting to be one of the most
basic rights and responsibilities of American citizenship, many of them
took part in marches and demonstrations to highlight the injustices
against them and to beg for Federal help. They argued the need for
legislation which would commit the Federal Government to inter-
vention in the election process. They sought legislation which would
guarantee blacks the opportunity to participate fully in the political
system.
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. led a voting rights march from Selma
to Montgomery, Alabama in March, 1965 because he and other blacks
believed the judicial process was not effective in solving the problem.
It was sometimes the case that as soon as the courts ruled that a dis-
criminatory election law or regulation needed change, the affected
government unit would circumvent the court order by establishing a
different law which would have the same or similar discriminatory
effect. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was the measure which resulted
from the persistent efforts of Dr. King and other blacks.
Thus, 95 years after the Fifteenth Amendment was added to the
Constitution, the Voting Rights Act was established to guarantee that
the right to vote should not be denied or abridged for reason of race
or color.
The enactment of this measure represented an about-face from the
previously-existing method of enforcing voting rights. Before the Act,
the courts were the place where the battles were fought. The new
arena would be the U.S. Department of Justice. The administrative
process would replace the judicial. The new administrative procedure
was designed to deal with discriminatory practices immediately and
comprehensively.
The purposes of the Act were (1) to facilitate the registration of all
Americans to vote, (2) to enable all citizens to vote equally and with-
out discrimination, (3) to have every citizen's vote count fully, and
(4) to permit black candidates to run with a reasonable hope of access
to public office. The Act Contains numerous provisions designed to
achieve these objectives.
Section Four outlaws tests and devices as prerequisites for voter
registration. This provision is applied permanently.
Section Five is the "pre-clearance" provision. It provides that any
state or local government unit which was found by the U.S. Attorney
General to have employed racially discriminatory devices prior to
November 1, 1964 would be forced to obtain the approval of the
Justice Department before changing its election policy. It applies-also
20
D
editorial comment
An expression of opinion by WRC-TV 4
4001 Nebraska Ave., N.W., Washington, D.C. 20016, 202-686-4402
John H. Rohrbeck, Vice President/General Manager, WRC-TV 4
Gayle Perkins, Editorial Director
EDITORIAL: REAGAN AND THE GREAT SOCIETY
VOL: 21 #123
AIR: 9/20 & 9/21/82
President Reagan's memory of the Great Society under
President Johnson is vastly different than the memory most
people have.
The Great Society may have been responsible for some of the
economic problems we're having in this country now but one
thing is for sure the poor and the downtrodden were helped
by the programs of the Great Society. One group that benefitted
was blacks.
In large numbers blacks went to college, got jobs in areas
where there had been no opportunity, housing that had been
closed to minorities were open. Legal rights and health care
were made better.
Yet President Reagan told a gathering of black Republicans
last week that the Great Society is responsible for all of
their problems. The president says life for blacks was not
helped but hindered.
This is baloney. Again, the president is trying to rewrite
history with the aid of a bad memory.
I'm Gayle Perkins.
WRC-TV 4 NBC
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This is an opposing viewpoint to a WRC-TV 4 editorial
EDITORIAL REPLY: REAGAN AND THE GREAT SOCIETY
VOL: 10 #33
AIR: 10/1 & 10/4/82
Channel Four says President Reagan has tried to rewrite
history. But is that what he was doing when he said the
Great Society has failed to solve black America's problems?
Consider this: in the 1950's, young black men had a lower
unemployment rate than young white men. Yet, today the black
unemployment rate is 2 or 3 times the rate for whites.
And what about our problems with inadequate housing, failing
schools, crime and other problems
all which exist in spite
of billions and billions of dollars spent of federal programs.
We need to accept the fact that President Reagan is right.
Our problems haven't been solved. Let us work together with
him to implement measures which will really solve black
America's problems, for once and for all.
Presented by Bill Keyes, The Lincoln Institute
WRC-TV 4 NBC
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