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January 1984 Incoming (4)
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January 1984 Incoming (4)
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Records of the White House Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff (Reagan Administration)
Michael K. Deaver's Correspondence Files
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OFFICE OF CABINET AFFAIRS
AS of:
1/13/84
TENTATIVE CABINET COUNCIL SCHEDULE
1/16
1/17
1/18
1/19
1/20
CCLP (2:00 pm)
CCEA (8:45 a.m.)
*CCLP w/ President
-Legal Equity for
-Tax Refund Offsets/
(2:00 p.m.)
Women/CM185
CM100
-Women's Legal Equity/CM185
-Immigration Plcy/062
-Effects of an Item
-Crime Bill
Veto on Government
*CCEA w/ President
Legislation/CM383
Spending/ CM412
(2:30 p.m.)
-Bankruptcy Judges/
-Reaching Full
CM283
*CCNRE w/ President
Employment/CM407
(2:00 pm)
-Budget Reform/CM412
-Administration
Environmental
Initiatives/CM450
MONDAY
TUESDAY
WEDNESDAY
THURSDAY
FRIDAY
1/23
1/24
1/25
1/26
1/27
CCEA (8:45 a.m.)
CCEA (8:45 a.m.)
*CCCT w/ President
(2:00 p.m.)
-Poultry and Eggs/
CM439
-Wine Equity Act of
1983/CM440
* ISSUES SCHEDULED FOR WEEK OF
COUNCIL OF ECONOMIC ADVISERS
WASHINGTON D.C. 20500
MARTIN FELDSTEIN, CHAIRMAN
WILLIAM A. NISKANEN
WILLIAM POOLE
January 7, 1984
MEMORANDUM FOR CABINET COUNCIL ON ECONOMIC AFFAIRS
FROM:
William A. Niskanen WAN
SUBJECT:
The Effects of an Item Veto on Government Spending:
Evidence from the States
This memorandum is a note of caution against claims that
Presidential authority to reduce or veto specific items in an
appropriation bill would reduce total Federal spending.
Evidence from the states indicate three general patterns:
1.
Total general expenditures per capita are somewhat
higher in states where the governor has authority for
an item veto.
2. Moreover, this difference is almost as large when
controlled for the major economic and demographic
conditions that affect the distribution of spending
per capita among the states.
3. Authority for an item veto may affect the composition
of spending. States where the governor has authority
for an item veto, controlling for other conditions,
appear to have somewhat higher spending per capita for
education and highways, about the same spending for
welfare and health, and possibly lower spending for
all other activities.
These differences are not strongly significant by statistical
criteria. They do not, however, support a conclusion that
authority for an item veto has reduced total state spending.
(The attachment summarizes this evidence in more detail. Any
analyst can replicate these results in a few hours based on
generally available information.)
An item veto may be valuable even if it does not reduce
total spending. A President of either party usually has a more
national perspective than any member or group of Members of
Congress. This usually leads a President to have higher
preferences, for example, for defense and free trade and lower
preferences for the large set of activities with local benefits.
An item veto would probably reenforce the President's
preferences on the composition of spending and other activities.
This objective is worth seeking. We would undermine our case,
however, by making an overstated claim about its effects on
total spending, a claim that could be easily refuted.
Attachment
The Sample
Most of the tests reported below involve comparisons of the
State and local general expenditures per capita between states
where the governor has authority for an item veto and in states
where there is no such authority. In general, it is best to use
the combined level of state and local spending, rather than
state spending alone, because of the different distribution of
responsibility between State and local governments among states.
The sample includes only the 48 contiguous states. Alaska,
Hawaii, and the District of Columbia are excluded because
spending in these governments is much higher than the average of
other states. Since the executive in each of these governments
has authority for an item veto (indeed, the vote necessary to
overturn an item veto in Alaska is the highest of any state),
excluding these governments understates the average difference
between spending in the veto and non-veto states.
Most of the variation in state and local spending per
capita, of course, is dependent on conditions other than the
item veto. The partial effects of an item veto are estimated
from regressions that include the following other variables:
personal income per capita
federal revenue per capita
percent of population of school age
percent of population who are poor
percent of population in metropolitan areas
population per square mile
All data are for 1980, with the exception that 1979 data
are used for the percent of persons who are poor.
A complete file of the sample data and the test results are
available on request.
Effects of an Item Veto on Total Spending per Capita
The table below presents the difference in total spending
per capita in states where the governor has authority for an
item veto and in states where there is no such authority. A
positive difference, thus, indicates that spending is higher in
states where there is authority for an item veto.
-2-
Total General Expenditures per Capita
State
State and Local
(Average)
(Average)
(Partial)
Difference
$31
$92
$78
Standard Deviation
72
98
50
This table indicates that spending per capita is somewhat
higher in states where the governor has authority for an item
veto. The average differences in spending are not significant.
The partial difference, controlling for the other conditions
identified, is moderately significant.
Effects of an Item Veto on Spending per Capita by Function
The table below presents the partial differences in general
expenditures per capita by the major functions of state and
local governments.
State and Local General Expenditures per Capita by Function
All
Education
Highways
Welfare
Health
Other
Partial Difference
$60
$21
$4
$4
$-12
Standard Diviation
27
17
22
17
27
The table above indicates that state and local general
expenditures per capita is higher for each function except the
'all other' category in states where the governor has authority
for an item veto. This partial difference is strongly
significant only for education, moderately significant for
highways, and is not significant for other functions.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
January 16, 1984
MEETING OF THE CABINET COUNCIL ON
NATURAL RESOURCES AND ENVIRONMENT
DATE:
January 17, 1984
LOCATION:
The Cabinet Room
TIME:
FROM:
Craig L. Fuller
2:00 P.M. (60 Minutes) as
I.
PURPOSE
To review a set of environmental initiatives.
II. BACKGROUND
An interagency group has been developing a series of en-
vironmental initiatives. Jack Svahn has developed the
attached memorandum which explains each issue and recommends
a course of action. The issues that will be discussed
concern:
1)
legislation for the reauthorization of the Superfund
program,
2)
additional funding for Chesapeake Bay rehabilitation,
3)
a six point acid rain program,
4)
requesting $150 million for parkland, wetlands and
refuges,
5)
removal of regulatory impediments to methanol for fuel
utilization; and,
6)
support of legislation for wetland acquisition and
enhancement.
The acid rain program represents a major effort to reach a
consensus on this complex issue. However, there still is
sharp disagreement on the subject. And, the proposal
offered will be met with opposition by several factions
outside of the federal government. The proposal to be dis-
cussed does not commit the Administration to an expensive
control plan but will present a balanced and responsible
first step toward the mitigation of this problem.
All of these proposals, to the extent funds are required,
can be accommodated within the budget you have approved.
III. PARTICIPANTS
A list of attendees will be attached to the agenda.
IV. PRESS PLAN
White House photographer only.
V.
SEQUENCE OF EVENTS
You will enter the Cabinet Room, take your seat and open the
meeting. This is the first meeting of the Cabinet Council
on Natural Resources and Environment since Bill Clark has
become Secretary of Interior, and as you know the Interior
Secretary serves as the Chairman pro tempore of the CCNRE.
General
Office
Services
of the
Administration
Administrator Washington, DC 20405
December 15, 1983
The President
The White House
Washington, DC 20500
Dear Mr. President:
I wish that I could express the pride and gratitude that I feel in
having served you and the American people as Administrator of the
General Services Administration.
As the grandson of immigrants who came to this land of freedom and
opportunity, the fact that T have been able in some small way to
return what we have received is an honor and a reward that is be-
yond my ability to express.
During the years that we all spent in the vineyards and the more
than four years that have taken me from the mountains of New Hamp-
shire to the banks of the Potomac, I have experienced rewards
beyond my expectations.
In the time since I assumed my office at GSA, all of us here have
reason to be proud of the significant progress that has been made,
not only in cost control, efficiency, and economy, but also in
helping to restore respectability to government service in this
Agency. We are a long way from where we ought to be, but we have
made solid progress and GSA is better now than it was. More
importantly, it has been accomplished by a smaller, leaner, more
effective bureaucracy. It has truly been done, not by the Admin-
istrator, but through the efforts of all the employees at GSA,
responding to your leadership delegated through me.
Mr. President, I would like to share with you one of the first
stories that I heard after arriving at GSA. It concerned one of
our employees who had stopped going to church on Sunday because
when he attended services with his wife and children, they suffered
embarrassment and even ridicule because he worked at an agency
where almost everyone was reputed to be lazy, incompetent, or
dishonest.
That story burned its way into my heart. No organization should
ever subject its people to that type of environment. To me, the
mission of reducing costs and increasing effectiveness, cleaning
out as much fraud as possible, would have been enough of a chal-
lenge. But the undeserved personal burden that our good, honest,
and effective people were carrying became a focus for my strongest
efforts.
The President
2
December 15, 1983
Today morale at GSA is better. Our people are proud that they
work here. Indeed, many of them share with me the conviction
that they are members of the Number One team in government. I
treasure that achievement especially.
The personal relationship that I have had with you and your
family, the senior staff, and your appointees on every level,
has been equally rewarding. My memories are full of traveling
with you on the bus in New Hampshire, of Nancy in her stormcoat
in the snows of New Hampshire, and of my wife Anita traveling
with Maureen to the campuses of our State, right straight
through to my days in government, the Cabinet Council meetings
in which I have participated, and the special projects that have
been entrusted to me.
They have been an amazingly full four years for which I can never
thank you enough. But time has moved on and many of the things
that I came to do at GSA have either been accomplished or are
well on their way to fruition. The ship has been turned around
and is back on course. There are others who can give it the
steady hand at the helm that is now needed.
It is with both sorrow and an anticipated excitement of what
the future brings that I tender my resignation to you, effective
February 29, 1984. You know that I will serve you and the Ameri-
can people in any future role that you request.
Very respectfully,
Gerald Jenny Carmen, Administrator
SUMMARY OF BUDGET STATUS* TO DATE
Budget Component
1985
1986
1987
1988
Total
Budget Totals:
1)
Outlays
923
1,000
1,072
1,136
4,131
2) Revenue
744
814
887
978
3,423
3) Deficit
-179
-186
-185
-158
-708
Deficit Reduction Measures Reflected in Budget Totals:
4)
Non-DOD spending cuts
5
11
15
20
51
5)
DOD savings from FY 1984 topline
11
12
12
12
47
6)
Debt service savings
2
5
7
10
24
7)
Treasury tax code reform
7
11
15
19
52
8) Sub-total
25
39
49
61
174
9)
Memo item: Composition of Treasury
tax code measures:
10) Health cap reform
3.7
6.3
7.7
9.6
27.3
11)
State/local leasing abuse
1.8
2.8
4.2
5.9
14.7
12)
All other
1.6
1.9
3.0
3.5
10.0
Budget Shares of GNP:
13) Outlays
23.7%
23.6%
23.4%
22.9%
14)
Revenue
19.1%
19.2%
19.3%
19.7%
15) Deficit
-4.6%
-4.4%
-4.0%
-3.2%
*
Based on approved FY 1985 economic forecast:
Real
Unemployment
GNP Growth
Rate
T-bill
CPI Increase
1984
5.3%
7.7
8.5
4.4
1988
4.0%
5.8
5.5
3.9
1
ADDITIONAL DEFICIT REDUCTION OPTIONS
Budget Option
1985
1986
1987
1988
4-Year Total
Option #1: All Budget Decisions to Date with no Additional Measures:
#1
#2
#3
#4
#5*
Outlays
1) Deficit Level
-179
-186
-185
-158
1) Non-DOD
Savings
51
51
100
100
51
2)
DOD Savings
47
...
47
105
105
47
Option #2: Additional 7.5% Corporate/Individual Surcharge:
3)
Debt Service
24
44
50
40
24
2) 7.5% Surcharge
22
33
36
40
4)
Total Outlay
:
122
142
255
245
122
3) Deficit Level
-156
-149
-142
-110
Revenue
Option #3: Additional 3% Outlay Cut (Excluding Social Insurance) and
Matching Contingency Tax:
5)
Treasury Pkg
52
52
52
52
52
6)
Tax Increase
0
131
91
0
0
4) Additional 3% Outlay Cut
16
.....
27
31
33
5) Matching Contingency Tax
--
27
31
33
7)
Total Revenue
52
183
143
52
52
6) Deficit Level
-163
-128
-115
-80
Option #4: Additional 3% Outlay Cut (Excluding Social Insurance):
Deficit
7) Additional 3% Outlay Cut
.....
16
27
31
33
8) Deficit Total -708 -557 -486 -587 -510
8) Deficit Level
-163
-156
-149
-119
Option #5: All Budget Decisions to Date plus Bipartisan Deficit
Deficit Share of GNP
Commission:
1985
1986
1987
1988
9) Commission Savings
--
50
65
83
#1
4.6
4.4
4.0
3.2
10) Deficit Level
-179
-136
-120
-75
#2
4.0
3.5
3.0
2.1
#3
4.2
3.1
2.5
1.6
Option #6: Bipartisan Deficit Commission plus Any Option
#4
4.2
3.7
3.6
2.4
Above
#5
4.2
3.2
2.6
1.5
* Commission deficit reduction target
shown in deficit line only
2
FURTHER DETAILS ON DEFICIT REDUCTION OPTIONS
All Options: Treasury Would be Directed Now to Study and Develop New Tax
Simplification Aproach Based on Following Principles:
The tax system must be made more simple
The tax system must be made more fair
Incentives for work, savings, investment and economic growth must be
increased
Taxes must be easier to pay and easier to collect
Cheating must be substantially reduced
Option #2: Additional 7.5% Corporate/Individual Surcharge
0
Immediate transmittal and active
o
Surcharge effective January 1,
Administration support of 7.5%
1985 but triggers on only if
surcharge.
FY 1985 non-DOD appropriations
do not exceed Administration
Entitlement savings sought on
request.
parallel track "best efforts"
basis.
0
Automatic expiration in 1987 --
replace with structural spending/
tax reform. Triggers-off before
1987 if deficit below 2.5% of
GNP.
3
Option #3: Additional 3% Outlay Cut (Excluding Social Insurance) and Matching Contingency Tax
Distribution of Additional 3% Cut
4-Year
% of
1985
1986
1987
1988
Total
Total
1)
DOD
8
15
17
18
58
54%
2)
National Interest
2
2
3
3
10
9%
3)
Other Domestic
6
10
11
12
39
36%
4) Total
$16
$27
$31
$33
$107
100%
Memo Item: Impact on Defense Budget Authority VS. January FY 1984 Topline:
0
Cut agreed to by DOD
-17
-10
-11
-11
-49
N.A.
0
Additional 3% Outlay Cut
-19
-19
-19
-19
-76
N.A.
0 Total B.A. Cut
-36
-29
-30
-30
-125
N.A.
0
Revised DOD B.A. Level
286
328
359
394
1,367
Description of Additional 3% Outlay Cut and Matching Contingency Tax
0
3% outlay cut from previously approved FY 1985 levels for all budget accounts except social
insurance programs (Social Security, Medicare, UI, etc.).
0
10% cap on 1985 Budget Authority cut from previously approved levels to protect slow-spend
programs. Proportionate B.A. cut in out-years.
0
Matching contingency tax not transmitted or supported by Administration until both
previously approved and additional 3% domestic spending cuts enacted. Matching contingency
tax triggers-on in FY 1986 if deficit above 2.5% of GNP and no recession.
Option #4: Additional 3% Outlay Cut (Excluding Social Insurance)
Same pro-rata outlay cut as in
o
No additional contingency tax.
option #3.
Option #5: Details of Bipartisan Deficit Commission
0
Comprised of outsiders.
0
Tax proposals: referral to Treasury for review
as part of simplification study.
Recommendations non-binding.
0
Spending cut proposals: referral to OMB and
Reporting date: December 1984.
Congress.
4
THE CASE FOR OPTION # 2
1) Without the 7.5% surcharge, recovery period deficit levels
would dramatically exceed prior historic experience.
Deficit Share of GNP
1st Yr.
2nd Yr.
3rd Yr.
4th Yr.
o Tentative FY 1985
1983
1984
1985
1986
Budget (Option #1)
6.0%
5.2%
4.6%
4.4%
1976
1977
1978
1979
1976 recovery cycle
4.0%
2.4%
2.3%
1.2%
0
1971
1972
1973
1974
o 1971 recovery cycle
2.2%
2.1%
1.2%
0.3%
2) Strong economic recovery and more people working will cause
existing tax receipts to automatically grow by 31% or $205
billion between this year (FY 1984) and FY 1987. But our
planned spending level after all cuts will grow even more --
by $219 billion -- causing the deficit to remain above $180
billion.
1985 VS 1984 1987 VS 1984
o Approved FY 1985 spending : .
+71
+219
0 Current law taxes
+71
+205
1
3) After proposed cuts, planned social insurance spending will
grow slower than current law social insurance taxes. The
social insurance deficit will continue to fall.
1985 VS 1984 1987 VS 1984
o Medicare
+7
+22
Social security & other
+14
+46
o
.
o Total
+21
+68
Social insurance taxes
+29
+80
o
..
Social Insurance Budget Trends
(billions)
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
Actual
Actual
Proposed
Proposed
Proposed
285
305
328
352
o
Outlays
279
o
Current law taxes
209
245
274
300
325
:
o Deficit
-70
-40
-31
-28
-27
o
Revenue/spending
dollar
75 c
86 c
90 c
91 c
92 c
4) Planned general budget spending growth after cuts exceeds
current law tax growth substantially. But 93% of planned
general budget spending growth is for:
0 defense
o
national interest programs
o debt service
This guarantees that the extra surcharge revenues will be
used for appropriate purposes. Without the surcharge, the
general budget deficit will rise substantially each year.
2
1985 V S 1984
1987 VS 1984
(billions)
General Budget Spending
Increases:
o Defense
+33
+100
o
National interest
+6
+11
o
Debt service
+10
+29
o Sub-total
+49
+140
o
Domestic spending*
+2
+11
o Total spending
+51
+151
General Budget Revenue Growth:
o
Current law
+41
+126
o With Treasury code reform
+47
+139
General Budget Trend Without Surcharge
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
Actual
Actual
Proposed
Proposed
Proposed
o Outlays
517
569
619
672
720
o Revenue**
392
423
470
514
562
o Deficit
-125
-145
-149
-158
-158
General Budget Deficit With Surcharge
o
Deficit with
surcharge
-125
-145
-126
-121
-115
* Means-tested entitlements and domestic discretionary programs.
** Includes Treasury tax code reform package.
3
Additional Domestic Spending Cut Needed to Eliminate
General Fund Deficit
1984
1985
1986
1987
o
Domestic spending after
FY 1985 cuts
$204
$206
$209
$215
o
Additional % cut needed
to eliminate deficit
71%
72%
76%
73%
5 ) Under our proposed FY 1985 budget, the domestic spending
component of the general budget (means-tested entitlements
and discretionary programs) will continue to decline:
0 in constant dollars
o as a share of GNP
0 as a share of the general budget
While the remaining levels are still objectionable
philosophically, it is totally unrealistic politically to
reduce much further -- in either a pre- or post-election
budget. The surcharge revenues are needed to:
0 Pay for the huge growth in the things we
want (defense and national interest
programs) or can't avoid (debt service)
o Would not be used to fund "excessive
domestic spending" in any practical sense
Trend in Domestic Component of
Proposed FY 1985 General Budget
Constant Dollar*
Share of
Means-tested
Share
General
& Discretionary
of GNP
Budget
o
1978 actual
$238
7.5%
51%
o 1984 actual
204
5.7%
36%
o
1985 proposed
196
5.3%
33%
o
1986 proposed
191
4.9%
31%
.....
o
1987 proposed
188
4.7%
29%
o
% change:
1987 VS 1978
-21%
-37%
-43%
FV 1004 dellans
6) Not more than 10% of the additional surcharge revenue could
end up financing unwanted general budget domestic spending if
the Administration is willing to veto domestic appropriations
which exceed our savings request ($3 billion in FY 1985 and
$26 billion over FY 1985-87).
Guaranteed
Deficit
Means-
Reduction
tested
if
Entitlement
Discre-
Additional
Savings not
tionary
Surcharge
Subject to
Add-ons
Revenue
Veto
Vetoed
1985
+22
-3
19
1986
+33
-3
30
1987
+36
-3
33
Total
+91
-9
82
7) Even after 7.5% surcharge, net tax cuts from pre-Reagan law
will total $654 billion over 1982-88 -- compared to $454
billion in non-DOD spending cuts.
Non-DOD Spending
Net tax cut
Cuts with FY 1985
Year
after Surcharge*
Budget Savings
1982 actual
-40
-32
1983 actual
-72
-44
1984 actual
-90
-56
1985 proposed
-86
-64
1986 proposed
-104
-76
1987 proposed
-125
-86
1988 proposed
-139
-96
Total, 1982-88
-656
-454
*
Includes revenue effect of Treasury tax code reform package.
Reasons for Favoring Option 2
1) Temporary surcharge is consistent with 1984 proposal, but
reduced in amount because of stronger recovery.
2) Reduces deficit without decreasing defense outlays.
3) Contingency trigger forces total domestic spending to
decline as proposed in budget.
4) Would result in flat nominal outlays for all domestic
programs except social insurance.
5) Balanced package of spending cuts and increased revenue --
reduced outlays equal to surcharge revenue.
6) Temporary surcharge triggers off when not needed because of
spending cuts, growth or tax reform.
7) Option 2 is the only deficit reduction option that can
actually be enacted.
8) Enactment would strengthen the recovery, reduce interest
rates and permit declining inflation.
9) Tax cut remains $315 billion (below Carter tax law) for
1985-87 and $656 billion for 1982-88.
10) Even with the surcharge, the tax in 1985 for a median income
family remains $393 (10 percent) below original 10-10-10
proposal (because of indexing, reduced marriage penalty and
universal IRA) and $1851 (34 percent) below Carter law.
January 9, 1984
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
file
Mr. Deaver:
Mrs. Roosevelt asked me to
bring the attached to your
attention.
Do you have any changes or
suggestions?
This is to be published in
the February issue of Currier
Diplomate". An article in
tribute to RR. DB
very good
My most rewarding duty as Chief of Protocol is the privilege
of escorting world leaders to meet the President of the United States.
During the two years I have been in this job, I have taken more than
75 distinguished leaders to visit President Reagan, who receives
them with graciousness, with dignity, and with a keen intelligence
and sensitivity. Whatever the difficulties of our. relationship with
a particular country, the President always manages to defuse the tension
and make his meetings as productive and useful as possible.
While personal diplomacy is only one aspect of our foreign relations,
I would say it is a singularly important ingredient of the Reagan
Presidency. This President, by the sheer integrity and clarity of
purpose that he exudes, cannot be misunderstood or misinterpreted
when met face to face in the Oval office. You simply know that he
is a man of great character, a man of honor and courage, whose word.
is to be trusted.
President Reagan is without question the most graceful man I have
ever known. No matter how thorny the issues that divide our
countries may be and regardless of the political leanings of his
visitors, the President always shows a generosity of spirit and a
far broader understanding and respect for another person's viewpoint
than he is commonly given credit for.
Ronald Reagan truly has made a difference in every meeting and
contact that he has had with foreign leaders. It is a source of
great pride to me to be associated with him in this endeavor, for he
reflects the very best of the American people and the American
tradition.
By: Selwa Roosevelt
Chief of Protocol
JOHN P. YOUNG & ASSOCIATES (AUST.) PTY. LTD.
Management Consultants
Inc. in Victoria
Office of the Chairman
2 Fordholm Road, Hawthorn, Victoria, Australia, 3122
Telephone: National
03 8191185
Cables: Consultancy Melbourne
International 61 3 8191185
Telex: 32334
11th January 1984.
fill
Mr. Michael Deaver,
Personal Assistant to The President,
The White House,
WASHINGTON.
D.C.
U.S.A.
Dear Mike
A friend in the States has just sent me a copy today of
the Wall Street Journal for Thursday, January 5, entitled
"Manipulating the Media is a specialty for the White House's
Michael Deaver".
I must congratulate you on the job you are doing and the way
in which the staff reporter so rightly treats you.
This must be our week - what with this good article and my
daughter Janet (Mrs. Langford) has just presented Dulcie and
myself with our first grandchild (a daughter - Jennifer Louise)
48 hours ago.
Thank you very much indeed for arranging for Colin to see over
The White House on his last trip.
All the best for 1984 - keep up the good work - I am sure The
President will be re-elected, as I like Inaugurations!!
Cheers from all the Young family,
Sincerely,
Lahr,
John P. Young
Jewelcor JEWELERS DISTRIBUTORS
Gateway Shopping Center
Edwardsville, Pa. 18704
Phone (717) 288-7441
January 11, 1984
Donna Blume
The White House
Washington, D. C.
20500
Paid
Total Amount Due at the Edwardsville Showroom
$ 76.50
Please remit payment to:
" Jewelcor Jewelers & Dist. "
Attn: Karen Agnew
Donna yea owe
$ 36.99/
ann owe 31.92
of owe 6.59
SHOWROOMS IN ARIZONA, PENNSYLVANIA, FLORIDA KENTUCKY. ALABAMA, INDIANA, ILLINOIS AND NEW JERSEY
Z-CR-6
06738
STORE LOCATION
AUTHORISATION
DATE PROMISED
STORE
20000
11/30/83
034
bookkeeping
ZIP CODE
CATALOG STOCK NO.
SATALOG MBR. PRICE
MDA
DESCRIPTION
522
PHONE
5/22
1497
TOTAL MDSE.
DATE
1512/5321
0
ss 7" Age
26136
1455
3999
TRADE IN ALLOW.
1512/5388
14/55
@
DONNA Blunie
D.C.
5520" rope
The White House
STATE
6/59
1
GF Chaine
1.
95.2
CHARGE
sub TOTAL
1084/2698
TAX
26136
INVOICE
-OL
sus TOTAL
CHARGE SALES INVOICE
DEPOSIT
NAME
CITY
MEMBER 1.0. NO.
1
ADDRESS
a - or
MDSE.
Jewelcor...
BALANCE DUE
ALL RETURNS MUST BE IN ORIGINAL CARTON AND ACCOMPANIED BY SALES 26/36 RECEIPT
NO RETURNS AFTER THIRTY DAYS
26136
SIG. x
2014
STORE
STORE LOCATION
AUTHORIZATION
06715
DATE PROMISED
034
CATALOG MER PRICE
MDA
DESCRIPTION
1 I I
3649
TOTAL MDSE.
092/0180
3-199
D
39
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1215
5014
TRADE IN ALLOW.
110245
12/15
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DONNA Blume
CHARGE
1/00
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INVOICE
-0-NA
SUB TOTAL
CHARGE SALES INVOICE
DEPOSIT
50
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*
-
MDSE.
BALANCE DUE
NAME
este
MEMBER
Jewelcor...
3911
50 14
50114
ALL RETURNS must es - - CARTOR AND ACCOMPANIED BY SALES RECEIPT
MD BATWAND AFTER THIRTY DAYS
36.99 has dryen
1215 Comera
5.22
> School
14.55
6.59
Lancastrian
Auction
January 16, 1984
The Honorable Michael K. Deaver
Deputy Chief of Staff and Assistant
to the President
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Mr. Deaver.
The Alexandria Community Y is a non-profit community service
agency offering a wide range of services to the expanding metro-
politan area through the work of 1500 volunteers. With cutbacks
in federal, state and local funding and in the true spirit of com-
munities helping themselves through volunteerism, we have begun a
series of fundraisers to supplement the small amount of funds we
receive through government channels.
To this end, we are holding a silent and live auction of
goods and services March 2 - 3, 1984, and we are anticipating
several thousand attendees. The event will take place at the
Alexandria Community Y located on 418 South Washington Street
in Old Town Alexandria.
We would be deeply appreciative if you could provide the
Alexandria Community Y with an item or service that we would
auction off. Specifically, we are hoping for unusual items that
would be unique to you (e.g. an autographed book, a personal tour
of the Capitol, a lunch in the House dining room, a significant
photograph, etc.). We are relying very heavily on this auction to
fund our budget and your participation would certainly go a long
way to help make this a successful event.
Please do not hesitate to call me or Mrs. Mary Lee Crocker
at 549-0111 with any questions you may have. We would hope to
hear from you by February 15th.
Sincerely,
Elizabeth Elizabeth-Anne Campagna
Executive Director
P.S. I have enclosed a brochure that more fully describes the
services the Alexandria Community Y provides.
The Silent Auction of The Alexandria Community Y/418 South Washington St., Alexandria, Va. 22314
Program
SOCIAL SERVICE
Project Pulse Point, a program which operates with funds from the City of Alexandria, has a
fifteen-year success record to its credit. Children participating in the various aspects of Pulse
Point are most often latch-key children from single-parent homes. They may have suffered
emotional and/or physical neglect. They lack supportive, responsible and constant role
models. They may have behavioral problems and are often the victims of drugs, alcohol and
possible child abuse.
The Alexandria Community Y seeks to better the lives of these young citizens by offering
alternatives to despair, dependence and delinquency. The following is a list of programs
within Project Pulse Point.
Summer Daycamps held at the housing projects.
Year-round Sports Leagues for Alexandria youth.
Remedial Reading Tutorial Program
Friends of the Courts friendship program for children who have come to the attention of
the courts.
National Runaway Switchboard to aid runaway youths.
Youth Seminars held in the schools bringing nationally-renowned leaders to address
youth issues.
The Headstart Program, with federal funding and City of Alexandria participation, is ad-
minstered by the ACY. Ninety pre-school children are served by a staff at the Headstart
facility. The program'seeks to better family mental/emotional health by working through its
children.
Three Extended Day Care centers provide indispensible after-school care and recreation to
enrich the lives of children of working parents. During the summer full-day programs are
provided children at the centers.
ADULT PROGRAM
The Alexandria Community Y conducts four, yearly adult class programs which offer educa-
tion in language, arts, practical skills and exercise. Swimming opportunities are also
available through the ACY.
The Women's Room and Resource Center is a program for women in transition and in crisis.
A resource library and meeting room are located in the ACY building. Classes and support
groups are offered which enable women to become more productive and fulfilled.
The Parent Education Project operates out of the Family Center in the Alexandria Commu-
nity Y building. This program offers support to parents of infants and young children, and
gives practical information on child-rearing.
Two other programs, the Matrons' Matrons which serves women prisoners in the Alexandria
Correctional Institution, and Fifty More or Less, a mental health program which helps
recently-institutionalized women reenter society, seek to offer compassion and creative solu-
tions to women.
In all areas of human need the Alexandria Community Y works as an educator, a facilitator,
referral service and community center for people of all ages.
ADDRESS BY
AMBASSADOR JEANE J. KIRKPATRICK
UNITED STATES PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE TO THE UNITED NATIONS
AT THE
REAGAN ADMINISTRATION EXECUTIVE FORUM
WASHINGTON, D.C.
JANUARY 20, 1984
We have all, I suspect, learned a good deal in the past three
years.
I personally have learned so many things I never suspected were
true about government and politics -- that I feel like sending
recall notices to my former students.
What I didn't know about the United Nations three years ago
would fill a book I don't intend to write.
I didn't know that the Soviet Foreign Minister would attack us
for interfering in the internal affairs of Afghanistan.
I didn't know that the Foreign Minister of the Ethiopian
government--accused by Amnesty International of burning high school
students in oil- would attack us for gross abuse of human rights.
I didn't know that the Poles that had just suppressed Solidarity
would accuse us of totalitarianism.
I didn't even know that we would not be able to get subjects
like the Libyan invasion of Chad or the repression of the Baha', in
Iran onto the agenda of the General Assembly while "they" could keep
Israel's "crimes" perpetually before us.
The fact is, I didn't know much about that institution in which,
as Sam Levenson said, whole peoples are sentenced to death by
elocution.
- 2 -
A few things, however, I did know.
I knew that the elections of 1980 marked the end of a national
identity crisis -- that the period of great national self-doubt and
self-denigration had given way to returning confidence in the
legitimacy and success of our society, our institutions, ourselves.
I knew, too, that this returning confidence in the basic decency
of Americans and the relevance of our experience to the contemporary
world coincided with a time of unprecedented expansionism by the
Soviet Union.
I knew they had never been stronger, and that we had never been
as weak by comparison and that this "new correlation of forces" as
they like to call it, constituted a dangerous threat to liberal,
democratic, Western societies and to the independence and
sovereignty of non-Western societies as well.
Like a clear majority of other Americans we all knew that the
defeatism, delusion, self-doubt that had displaced our traditional
American optimism during the Carter years was not as they liked to
suggest, "a sign of growing American maturity in a complex world."
It was a symptom of despair.
Political scientists sometimes like to argue that it is
impossible to tell what an election means--especially when they
don't like the election's outcome.
But it was not, really, very difficult to understand the meaning
of the 1980 elections:
The election of Ronald Reagan was a victory for those who
rejected the idea of inevitable American decline.
- 3 -
The inauguration -- endowed with unique significance by the
simultaneous release of our hostages, closing the most humiliating
episode in our history -- signalled a new beginning for America; a
beginning based on restoration of a strong economy and a strong
defense, based above all on a vigorous commitment to freedom in
domestic and foreign affairs.
Our nation's subsequent recovery in domestic and foreign affairs
has been sustained by the consensus that brought the Reagan/Bush
team to office and has in turn sustained growing national health and
returning capacity to believe in ourselves, our worth and our
future. That recovery has progressed so that today, the "sick
society" syndrome of the Vietnam era is finally behind us. The
self-doubt, pessimism and associated paralysis of those dismal times
have been replaced by new optimism.
A great many recent polling data relevant to broad, basic and
significant orientations make this clear. Some 66 percent of all
voters today approve the American quality of life. Some 62 percent
believe this nation's best times are still ahead of us. There is
also increased clarity and agreement about our principal adversary.
Some 61 percent of Americans believe communism is the worst form of
government, up from 54 percent only five years earlier. Today only
9 percent of Americans, the lowest point since 1956, have a
favorable opinion of the Soviet Union. This negative opinion is
associated with the widespread belief (by 81 percent of Americans)
that the Soviets and Cubans are encouraging turmoil and terrorism
- 4 -
around the world and, more specifically, a substantial majority of
both Democrats and Republicans think those same Soviets and Cubans
promoted trouble and turmoil in Grenada and in Central America.
Some 75 percent of Americans believe the U.S. Government should
counteract these activities. Over 60 percent of Democrats as well
as Republicans and Independents see the Soviet Union as an immediate
danger to the United States. Over half of all three groups - -
Republicans, Democratics and Independents --- agree that President
Reagan's policy of firmness will prove effective in preventing
greater problems. Ninety-three percent of Americans believe it
would be better to fight if necessary than to accept Russian
domination, though most of us believe that firm leadership will make
it unnecessary. On a range of foreign policy questions, from the
general to the particular, from Lebanon to Grenada, there are some
differences between rank-and-file Republican and Democratic and
Independents, but these differences are small as compared to the
broad consensus about basic matters. Moreover, for the first time
since 1964 the confidence of the public in the good sense and good
faith of those who govern them is again on the rise.
Strangely enough, the broad consensus about ourselves, the goals
of our foreign policy, the nature of our adversaries, and what we
should do in various situations is not reflected--certainly not
fully reflected--i in the positions taken by leading contenders for
the Democratic nomination today, anymore than it is reflected in
many partisan discussions of foreign policy or in many votes in the
Congress.
- 5 -
The shared understandings and consensus broad enough to support
a bipartisan foreign policy exist; but, much too often, public
discussion of foreign affairs is still dominated by a harsh, bitter,
polemical spirit that so deeply scarred the American conduct of
foreign affairs in the period since debate on the Vietnam War turned
mean and pushed our disagreements over the edge of civil debate to
violence and beyond. Remember the nasty riots that were called
"disturbances?" The Viet Cong flags? The most violent
manifestations of that era are mercifully past, but the bitterness
-
of many of those divisions remain and distort, I believe, national
discussion of how to implement, through our foreign policy, the
effective protection of democratic values and of the West.
Neither public opinion polls nor election outcomes have so far
lured Democratic candidates and liberal media back from the
attractions of adversary elitism, from what Mark Shields called
"reflexive anti-Americanism." Democratic Congressmen and candidates
doubtless know that great majorities of Americans support strong
defense and a prudently assertive foreign policy, but many continue
to embrace elitist liberal points of view. As Mark Shields put it
in the most recent issue of Public Opinion magazine, "Democrats
insist they favor some weapons system or another, but it's never the
one which is before the Congress in any given year Of course, say
the Democrats, there is some place in the world where we should tell
the Soviets: 'Enough,' but it is never the place where we are
currently embroiled.
- 6 -
So far they just have not caught on to the fact that the people
are no longer ready to give everybody except us the benefit of the
doubt. Too many liberals remain bogged down in what they apparently
consider the "good old days" of the anti-war movement and the
counter-culture.
Most of us have moved on. Most Americans decline to be "willing
victims," and are no longer ready to assist in the legitimization of
our defeat and disappearance.
When I arrived at the United Nations someone asked what would be
the difference between this new administration's policies and the
previous one's.
I said, "We have taken off our 'kick me' sign.
He said, "Does that mean that if you're kicked, you'll kick
back?"
"Not necessarily." I responded "but it does mean that if we're
kicked, at least we won't apologize."
In his book on How Democracies End, the distinguished French
commentator Jean-Francois Revel observed that in the West people are
embarrassed to call the struggle between democracy and
totalitarianism by its own name, that they prefer instead to speak
of the "competition between East and West," or the "struggle between
the superpowers," as if the "superpowers" were politically, morally
equivalent.
The people know better.
- 7 -
In New York, at the UN, some people tried to suggest that the
liberation of Grenada was the moral equivalent of the invasion of
Afghanistan. We asked them: Where were the grateful Afghans lining
the streets of Kabul shouting "God Bless Andropov"?
The Grenadians know the differences. So do the American people.
We know the difference, too, between a foreign policy that is
based on appeasement and recklessness and a foreign policy that is
steady and strong.
We know that in the past three years President Reagan has given
us a strong, steady policy that has paved the way for a renaissance
of freedom in the United States and in the world.
And let us be clear: in giving this nation strong, steady
leadership, Reagan has been Reagan.
I feel certain you are as grateful as I that the President has
given us an opportunity to participate in this extraordinary
reconstruction.
Thank you.
ANPA
American Newspaper Publishers Association
The Newspaper Center, Box 17407, Dulles International Airport, Washington, D.C. 20041
Executive Offices: Reston, Virginia
(703) 620-9500
TO ADVANCE THE CAUSE OF A FREE PRESS
Jerry W. Friedheim
Executive Vice President
January 18, 1984
sile
Michael K. Deaver
Deputy Chief of Staff
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Mike,
Thanks for your thoughtful participation in yesterday's session
on press policy. There are plusses possible here for all hands.
And it would be widely-noted and appreciated leadership for
the President to continue his proper role as coordinator and
facilitator for the entire constitutional process by gently
nudging the press and the military back into a mode of conversa-
tion and cooperation.
Sincerely,
Jerry Jerry W. Friedheim
Jan. 18,1984
m Micheal Dearer
asst title President
white House white House
1600 Ph, Gre - NW,
Washing the D. e- 20500
Hi again mate -
Thro items Ohane realard
hundred TVmd radio by
various news people,
, President Bengan going
to run because he hates Tel
/ Kermedy guts - what a
term - thank that
reason for seeking h send
statement is hog wash -
2
- The other item Keep
hearing and reading shout
NI our U.S. Fleat mill
mid last - many writers
and TV personalities Keep
puring up Rengenwell
he defented Mar 6, 1984
when severaloin by mary
ships hb the mew Jeney
with he sund h week his
before the electriss spelling
chances of a steind term-
cloom for Presiden Deagen
are our people in that
area supplied with enough
know how and Knowledge G
present h cartactrope - the this
magnitade b life are are-
not caught lite spdning
duchs at Penl Huber -
l have read F.b Rand top
hasse and briken Japanese cole and
Knew Loee 1941 was day Japanese
who Hawan misank tan
wined het l know h tenda friend
May alert from Thankeying to Loec.6/941,
anil Japs letit fly MAM of Lees? 1941-
Mr. Mrs. Roy A. Palmquist
4525 Manchester Drive
Lets mitlet
Omaha, Nebraska 68152
1-402-455-3405
another Pennl
Hashor Happen
Ourdrally Bry your
EDWIN L. LAME, M.D.
29 W. SUNSET AVENUE
PHILADELPHIA, PA. 19118
January 19
BM. michael Deaver
The white House
Sir:
Congratulation on your efforts
to guide the press - weneed to
have someone courter the bold
propaganda put out daily-yeshourty
by the Demo Teleirsin industry.
The anchor men generally are
guilty of rankly loaded qustion
so started and lift-learing that
no decent, person should answer
them. Tom Brokaw ared to be a
fair performer - but no longer
Robert mac neil and his two
female slaves have grown rankly
stanted. The only urtnesses 9 have
heard that can handle these people
are ambassador Kirkpatruck and
Peter grace.
9 do hope you can chartine
these cowards hiding behind
inadequate laws that permit
statemals which Cannet be negated
appearing rentinely on our air waves
also listen to some of the
stuff on Friday night "Woohington
Week in Review!
no ordinary group of citizens
can reply without encurring fabulon
expenses hiring TV "time". This is
not smuch better than Poland today -
or germany in Hitler's time !
and maybe you could ask some
of these bandits which country they or
working for.
number Z Requist : Prevent S
Dole from being majority -or minout; le
when Baker resigns. Dole in a special is
spending, clothes! high tap Democrat in Repub
Sincerel your,
Eduin Came
THE WALL STREET JOURNAL, Thursday, January 5, 1984
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48
THE WALL STREET JOURNAL, Thursday, January 5, 1984
Ve
In
PRESERVATION
COPY
Manipulating the Media Is a Specialty
For the White House's Michael Deaver
Fe
istrator Anne Burford, late in the day,
By a
Notable & Quotable
By RICH JAROSLOVSKY
limiting the time the networks have to pro-
SU
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
duce full-blown stories for the evening
said i
WASHINGTON It was, says an admir-
news. When embarrassing stories break
the SE
Benjamin Franklin, in a 1789 essay
ing White House official, "a Deaver spe-
early, they often rush out upbeat news in
"som
on the proper means of controlling the
cial."
an attempt to overshadow the negative.
earlie
liberty of the press, reprinted in "Amer-
Just before last spring's Williamsburg
They also love to send Mr. Reagan out into
Th
ican Political Writing During the Found-
economic summit, presidential aide Mi-
the country. The media treat presidents
port t
ing Era, 1760-1805" (Liberty Press,
chael Deaver in-
POLITICS
on the road as much more newsworthy,
less t]
1983):
vited
Hedrick
even if the message isn't any different
for th
Smith, the New
84
from back in Washington.
Th
My proposal then is to leave the liberty
York Times's chief
of the press untouched, to be exercised in
Just about all the top White House polit-
comp
Washington corre-
ical operatives, including chief of staff
cline
its full extent, force and vigor; but to per-
spondent, in for lunch. A few days later the
mit the liberty of the cudgel to go with it
James Baker, are deeply involved in the
by a
Times ran a page-one story on President
pari passu. Thus, my fellow-citizens, if an
media machine. The key player, though, is
disks
Reagan's vigorous preparations for the
impudent writer attacks your reputation,
Mr. Deaver, a former public-relations man
In
summit: how hard he was studying, even
dearer to you perhaps than your life, and
who over the past 17 years has developed
how he planned to take the official notes.
porte
puts his name to the charge, you may go to
almost filial ties with Mr. and Mrs. Rea-
But the real payoff was how Mr.
a sha
him as openly and break his head. If he
gan. "Mike has an uncanny sense for
Smith's piece set the tone for the television
share
conceals himself behind the printer and
knowing what the president would feel,
networks' coverage of the summit. All of
idenc
you can nevertheless discover who he is,
would want, and how he would react in a
the TV broadcasts conveyed the image of a
Tl
you may in like manner waylay him in the
given situation," says Richard Darman, a
president firmly in charge. ABC News fea-
top presidential aide.
Verb
night, attack him behind, and give him a
tured Mr. Reagan's note-taking on two suc-
quar
good drubbing. Thus far goes my project
The Deaver touch was everywhere on
as to private resentment and retribution.
cessive evenings.
the president's meticulously planned, tri-
proje
But if the public should ever happen to be
Actually, this all involved a little hype.
umphal visit to Asia recently. At Guard
mont
affronted, as it ought to be, with the con-
Mr. Reagan's diligent preparations didn't
Post Collier, a desolate frontline observa-
only
duct of such writers, I would not advise
prevent him from watching "The Sound
tion post in the Korean Demilitarized Zone,
TI
proceeding immediately to these extremi-
of Music" on TV. His note-taking was
hardly unusual, since every host has been
Mr. Reagan showed up in a green military
were
ties but that we should in moderation con-
the official note-taker for these economic
parka to tour the facility. Gray masking
desig
tent ourselves with tarring and feathering
tape with "The President" written on it
summits.
edly
and tossing them in a blanket.
showed him where to stand so the TV cam-
As subtle media manipulation, however,
ror, i
If, however, it should be thought that
eras could get. the best angle. The pictures
it was remarkably successful. To people
we fa
were captivating. The TV cameras also ze-
this proposal of mine may disturb the pub-
viewing the event, the image conveyed
with
lic peáce, I would then humbly recommend
"really answered the question of whether
roed in on the Reagans' guests on the flight
home-two little Korean children who were
presi
to our legislators to take up the consider-
Ronald Reagan could be a world leader,"
custo
ation of both liberties, that of the press and
coming to the U.S. for critical heart sur-
contends Michael McManus, an aide to Mr.
delive
that of the cudgel, and by an explicit law
gery.
Deaver.
It "provided some of the best presiden-
who h
mark their extent and limits; and, at the
As President Reagan gears up for his
Vei
same time that they secure the person of a
anticipated reelection race, this illustrates
tial television in a long, long time," exults
citizen from assaults, they would likewise
White House communications director Da-
North
one of his considerable assets: This White
provide for the security of his reputation.
vid Gergen. (Mr. Gergen, who is leaving
tim d
House probably seems more successful
his job this month, is another master at us-
Carte
WSJ Ian
than any of its Media Age predecessors in
ing the media.)
and W
projecting the strengths and hiding the
weaknesses of the man in the Oval Of-
A major reason for the Reagan team's
ment