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Records of the National Security Council, Directorate of European and Soviet Affairs (Reagan Administration)
Jack F. Matlock, Jr.'s Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (U.S.S.R.) Subject Files
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Ronald Reagan Presidential Library
Digital Library Collections
This is a PDF of a folder from our textual collections.
Collection: Matlock, Jack F.: Files
Folder Title: Andropov (1)
Box 20
To see more digitized collections visit:
https://reaganlibrary.gov/archives/digital-library
To see all Ronald Reagan Presidential Library inventories visit:
https://reaganlibrary.gov/document-collection
Contact a reference archivist at: [email protected]
Citation Guidelines: https://reaganlibrary.gov/citing
National Archives Catalogue: https://catalog.archives.gov/
WITHDRAWAL SHEET
Ronald Reagan Library
Collection: MATLOCK, JACK F.: Files
Archivist: loj/loj
OA/Box:
20
FOIA ID: F00-009, Skinner
File Folder: Andropov (1)
Date: 7/29/04
DOC UMENT
SUBJEC FATILE
DATE RES RICT ON
NO. 3 TYPE
1. letter
To Robert McFarlane, re paper, 1p
2/14/84
PART 6/21/06 NISFOO-009/, #23
33 33
2. paper
Re Andropov, 2p
2/3/84
"
u
# 24
B1 33
PArt
3. report
Re USSR, 1p
2/3/84
B1
R
v
# 25
4. letter
Reagan to Chernenko (unsigned), 3p
ND
B1
R
a
# 26
"
RESTRICTIONS
B-1 National security classified information [(b)(1) of the FOIA].
B-2 Release could disclose internal personnel rules and practices of an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA].
B-3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA].
B-4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or financial information [(b)(4) of the FOIA].
B-6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA].
B-7 Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA].
B-7a Release could reasonably be expected to interfere with enforcement proceedings [(b)(7)(A) of the FOIA].
B-7b Release would deprive an individual of the right to a fair trial or impartial adjudication [(b)(7)(B) of the FOIA]
B-7c Release could reasonably be expected to cause unwarranted invasion or privacy [(b)(7)(C) of the FOIA].
B-7d Release could reasonably be expected to disclose the identity of a confidential source [(b)(7)(D) of the FOIA].
B-7e Release would disclose techniques or procedures for law enforcement investigations or prosecutions or would disclose guidelines which could reasonably be
expected to risk circumvention of the law [(b)(7)(E) of the FOIA].
B-7f Release could reasonably be expected to endanger the life or physical safety of any individual [(b)(7)(F) of the FOIA].
B-8 Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA].
B-9 Release would disclose geological or geophysical information concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA].
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed of gift.
NSC/S PROFILE
SECRET
androper
ID 8401322
UNCLASSIPED
OF
CLASSIFIED
Hator
RECEIVED 15 FEB 84 16
TO
MCFARLANE
FROM MCMAHON, J
DOCDATE 14 FEB 84
KEYWORDS. USSR
SUBJECT. ANDROPOV'S LEADERSHIP STYLE & STRATEGY
ACTION. FOR RECORD PURPOSES
DUE:
STATUS C FILES PA
FOR ACTION
FOR CONCURRENCE
FOR INFO
MATLOCK
LENCZOWSKI
From ipls File of and this The under 1st 2" 2 put
ROBINSON
FORTIER
COMMENTS
ander The Striet lews
REF# 0136051
LOG
NSCIFID
( CB CB )
ACTION OFFICER (S)
ASSIGNED
ACTION REQUIRED
DUE
COPIES TO
DISPATCH
W/ATTCH FILE
(C)
SECRE
1322
Central Intelligence Agency
Washington, D. C 20505
14 FEB 1004
The Honorable Robert C. McFarlane
Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Bud:
Thank you for the note on our recent paper entitled Soviet Thinking on
the Possibility of Armed Confrontation with the United States. I also
appreciated Jack Matlock's commentary that you forwarded and agree with him
that an elaboration of Andropov's style and strategy would have helped.
I have attached some additional comments on Jack's remarks from one of
my senior Soviet analysts.
Sincerely,
John N. McMahon
Acting Director of Central Intelligence
Attachments:
Tab A - Comments
Tab B - Intelligence Memorandum
33
DECLASSIFIED IN PART
NLS Cit , NARA, Date 6/21/06
F00-009/1 d23
By
SECRET
SECRET
3 February 1984
Andropov's Leadership Style and Strategy
1. We would agree that the coercive measures employed by
Stalin to improve the economy probably have some appeal to
Andropov. Undoubtedly aware of the tensions that declining
economic growth and inefficiency are generating in Soviet
society, he seems to have set a course that combines regime
firmness toward the population with greater rewards for hard
work. It is an overall carrot and stick approach, albeit with
the emphasis on the stick during Andropov's first year in
office because of Brezhnev's inability to wrench productivity
from the workplace. There is no doubt, moreover, that
"conservative" elements in the party approve of Andropov's
administrative measures (the discipline and anticorruption
campaigns), but many Soviets would argue that these are needed
prescriptions. That approval is likely to hecome more
widespread since the measures appear to have contributed to an
upturn in industrial productivity in 1983.
2. The stereotypical Russian image of Jews as profiteers
may, in the present circumstances, cause anti-semitism to rise
as part of the campaign for discipline in the economy. A
similar campaign was conducted in the 1950s. There is, in
fact, a notable increase in government-approved anti-semitic
propaganda, which has taken the form of newspaper articles,
broadcasts, and the widely-publicized (by Soviet standards)
activities of the "Anti-Zionist Committee of Soviet
NLS F00-0091, PARTY
DECLASSIFIED IN
By CH NARA, Date 6/4/06
SECRET
CL BY
B1,33
SECRET
Citizens." Although the Anti-Zionist Committee has not figured
prominently in the Soviet media over the past several months,
the Committee, staffed by people of Jewish ancestry, will
probably serve as a mouthpiece for regime policy toward Soviet
Jews in the future. We are also struck by the harshly anti-
semitic article in Pravda on 17 January. This is the first
time in recent memory that an article like this has appeared in
such an authoritative forum. (See Tab B, our publication on
the subject written some years ago, for more background.)
3. We agree that Russian nationalism is more pronounced,
but this is not new with Andropov. Emerging demographic
trends, which threaten to alter the ethnic balance of the
population, the party and the military in favor of non-
Russians, have engendered the growth of Russian nationalism
since the late 1970s. In the face of foreign and domestic
problems, Russian nationalism is also likely to increase. It
is the traditional refuge of Soviet leaders in difficult
circumstances. So far, however, recent Soviet leaders,
including Andropov, have not moved away from the calculated
blurring of Russian chauvinism and Soviet patriotism,
stressing, as Stalin did, the former at the expense of the
latter.
4. Clearly Andropov has a stake in the "appearance" of
bilateral tension as long as it appears that the United States
is the offending party. This would not be the first time that
Soviet leaders have used international tensions to mobilize
their population. Nevertheless, there is no necessary
connection between what is essentially a propaganda strategy
(e.g. US military threat, danger of war) and actual Soviet
foreign policy behavior. There is no indication, for example,
that the propaganda strategy is having an impact on operational
foreign policy and, in fact, there are indications that the
Soviets want to curb any further escalation in the spiral of
tension. Moreover, we have seen other signs that the Soviets
are telling their own people that the international environment
is not that sour.
2
SECRET
V254
file
a
)
February 13, 1984
Please Note:
The following message drafted by Paula
NOTED
Dobriansky and John Lenczowski (and
cleared with State) was put on a 3x5"
card for the President's use and
hand-carried to the West Wing. The
President left at 4:30 p.m. today to
sign the Andropov condolence book at the
Soviet Embassy. No memoranda were
needed.
fl
PLEASE ACCEPT MY CONDOLENCES ON THE
DEATH OF CHAIRMAN ANDROPOV AND CONVEY MY
SYMPATHIES TO HIS FAMILY. THE AMERICAN
PEOPLE WANT TO COOPERATE WITH THE SOVIET
PEOPLE TO DEVELOP A BETTER AND MORE
PEACEFUL WORLD FOR ALL OF US.
S/S 8404443
1254
United States Department of State
Washington, D.C. 20520
CONFIDENTIAL
February 13, 1984
MEMORANDUM FOR MR. ROBERT C. MCFARLANE
THE WHITE HOUSE
SUBJECT: Andropov Condolence Book
The Department recommends that the President pay a call on the
Soviet Embassy to sign the condolence book for Yuri Andropov.
We believe such a gesture is important both because the
President signed the Brezhnev condolence book fifteen months
ago, and because it would reinforce our efforts to convey the
President's readiness to establish a more constructive relation-
ship with the Soviet Union. Secretary Shultz signed the
condolence book on Friday.
The Soviet Embassy is receiving visitors to sign the condolence
book today and tomorrow from 10:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m.
for Pometzenley Hill
Executive Secretary
Deser
(vy
LOJ
Date
2/22/01
CONFIDENTIAL
DECL OADR
PLEASE ACCEPT MY CONDOLENCES ON THE
DEATH OF CHAIRMAN ANDROPOV AND CONVEY MY
SYMPATHIES TO HIS FAMILY. THE AMERICAN
PEOPLE WANT TO COOPERATE WITH THE SOVIET
PEOPLE TO DEVELOP A BETTER AND MORE
PEACEFUL WORLD FOR ALL OF US.
FILE ANDROPOV
UNCLASSIFIED
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
SECRETARIAT
PAGE 01 OF 02 SECSTATE WASHDC 3218
DTG: 120119Z FEB 84 PSN: 044398
EOB981
AN008074
TOR: 043/02142
CSN: HCE518
BEGIN TEXT. AS THE PRESIDENT REAFFIRMED IN HIS JANUARY
DISTRIBUTION: STE1-01 DOBR-01 ROBN-01 LENC-01 MAT-01
16 ADDRESS, THE UNITED STATES HAS SOUGHT AND WILL
/005 A2
CONTINUE TO SEEK A CONSTRUCTIVE AND REALISTIC DIALOGUE
WITH THE SOVIET UNION AIMED AT BUILDING A MORE
PRODUCTIVE AND STABLE RELATIONSHIP. OUR OBJECTIVE IS
WHTS ASSIGNED DISTRIBUTION:
NOT A DIALOGUE FOR ITS OWN SAKE, BUT A DIALDGUE WHICH
SIT: VP EOB
PRODUCES REAL SOLUTIONS TO THE MANY CONCRETE PROBLEMS
EOB:
THAT DIVIDE US. THERE ARE TO BE SURE FUNDAMENTAL
DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE AMERICAN AND SOVIET SYSTEMS AND
OUR RESPECTIVE POLITICAL BELIEFS. BUT THE AMERICAN AND
SOVIET PEOPLE HAVE A COMMON INTEREST IN THE AVOIDANCE
OP IMMED
OF WAR AND THE REDUCTION OF ARMS. IT IS THIS NEED TO
DE RUEHC #3218 0430136
PRESERVE AND STRENGTHEN THE PEACE THAT IS AT THE HEART
0 120119Z FEB 84 ZEX
OF U.S. POLICY.
FM SECSTATE WASHDC
THE PRESIDENT'S POLICY TOWARD THE SOVIET UNION SEEKS TO
TO ALL DIPLOMATIC AND CONSULAR POSTS IMMEDIATE
ACHIEVE PROGRESS IN THREE BROAD AREAS: DEVELOPING WAYS
TO ELIMINATE THE USE AND THE THREAT OF FORCE IN
UNCLAS STATE 043218
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS; SIGNIFICANTLY REDUCING THE
VAST ARMED STOCKPILES IN THE WORLD, PARTICULARLY
E.O. 12356 N/A
NUCLEAR WEAPONS; AND FINALLY ESTABLISHING A BETTER
TAGS: PGOV, UR, US
WORKING RELATIONSHIP WITH MOSCOW CHARACTERIZED BY
SUBJECT: USG STATEMENTS ON DEATH OF SOVIET LEADER
GREATER COOPERATION AND UNDERSTANDING AND BASED ON
ANDROPOV
MUTUAL RESTRAINT AND RESPECT. AT THIS TIME OF
TRANSITION IN THE SOVIET UNION OUR TWO NATIONS SHOULD
LOOK TO THE FUTURE IN ORDER TO FIND WAYS TO REALIZE
1. FOLLOWING ARE TEXTS OF USG STATEMENTS ISSUED
THESE GOALS. IN THE NUCLEAR AGE THERE IS NO
FEBRUARY 10 ON DEATH OF SOVIET LEADER ANDROPOV:
ALTERNATIVE TO DIALOGUE.
THE UNITED STATES HOPES THAT THE SOVIE? LEADERS WILL
2. CONDOLENCE MESSAGE FROM PRESIDENT TO SOVIET ACTING
WORK WITH US IN THIS SPIRIT AND TAKE ADVANTAGE OF THE
HEAD OF STATE.
OPPORTUNITIES AT HAND TO FIND COMMON GROUND AND
ESTABLISH A MUTUALLY BENEFECIAL RELATIONSHIP. END TEXT.
BEGIN TEXT: PLEASE ACCEPT MY CONDOLENCES ON THE DEATH
OF CHAIRMAN OF THE PRESIDIUM OF THE SUPREME SOVIET
YURIY VLADIMIROVICH ANDROPOV. I ASK YOU TO CONVEY MY
SYMPATHIES TO THE ANDROPOV FAMILY.
5. STATEMENT BY SECRETARY OF STATE SHULTZ.
AT THIS SOLEMN TIME, I WISH TO EMPHASIZE THE DEEP AND
BEGIN TEXT: THE PRESIDENT HAS EXPRESSED HIS PERSONAL
HEARTFELT DESIRE OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE FOR WORLD
CONDOLENCES TO THE SDVIET LEADERSHIP ON THE DEATH OF
PEACE. WHILE OUR PERSPECTIVES MAY DIFFER, BOTH THE
CHAIRMAN ANDROPOV, AND I HAVE SENT A SIMILAR MESSAGE TO
SOVIET UNION AND THE UNITED STATES HAVE A VITAL
FOREIGN MINISTER GROMYKO.
INTEREST IN AVOIDING CONFILICT. WE WANT GENUINE
COOPERATION WITH THE SOVIET UNION TO MAKE THE WORLD A
AT THIS TIME OF TRANSITION IN MOSCOW, LET ME REAFFIRM
BETTER AND MORE PEACEFUL PLACE FOR ALL MANKIND. AT
THE BASIC PRINCIPLES OF OUR POLICY TOWARD THE SOVIET
THIS MOMENT IN HISTORY, I INVITE THE SOVIET PEOPLE AND
UNION. WE REMAIN READY FOR A CONSTRUCTIVE AND
THE NEW SOVIET LEADERSHIP TO JOIN WITH US IN THIS
REALISTIC DIALOGUE WITH THE SOVIET UNION. IN THIS
NUCLEAR AGE, THE UNITED STATES WILL WORK TO BUILD A
ENDEAVOR.
MORE STABLE AND MORE POSITIVE RELATIONSHIP. AS THE
PRESIDENT HAS STRESSED, WE SEEK TO FINO SOLUTIONS TO
SINCERELY, RONALD REAGAN. END TEXT.
REAL PROBLEMS, NOT JUST TO IMPROVE THE ATMORTHERE OF
OUR RELATIONS. THIS APPLIES, IN PARTICULAR, TO THE
TASK OF REACHING EQUITABLE AND VERIFIABLE AGREEMENTS
3. CONDOLENCE MESSAGE FROM SECRETARY SHULTZ TO SOVIET
FOR ARMS REDUCTION, AND REDUCING THE RISK OF WAR.
FOREIGN MINISTER GROMYKO.
THE PRESIDENT HAS MADE CLEAR TO THE PEOPLE AND
BEGIN TEXT: PLEASE ACCEPT MY CONDOLENCES ON THE DEATH
GOVERNMENT OF THE SOVIET UNION HIS DESIRE FOR
OF CHAIRMAN YURIY VLADIMIROVICH ANDROPOV. HIS LOSS
CONSTRUCTIVE COOPERATION IN THE SEARCH FOR PEACE. WE
WILL, I AM SURE, BE FELT GREATLY BY YOU AND ALL OF THE
INVITE THE SOVIET LEADERSHIP TO WORK WITH US TO THAT
SOVIET LEADERSHIP. IN THIS PERIOD OF MOURNING, I WANT
END. THERE ARE OPPORTUNITIES AT HAND. LET US FIND
TO REAFFIRM OUR DESIRE FOR PEACEFUL AND COOPERATIVE
COMMON GROUND AND LET US MAKE THE WORLD A SAFER PLACE.
RELATIONS BETWEEN OUR TWO COUNTRIES. PLEASE BE ASSURED
END TEXT.
THAT THE DEVELOPMENT OF SUCH RELATIONS WILL CONTINUE TO
BE A MATTER OF THE HIGHEST PRIORITY FOR MY COUNTRY. I
6. STATEMENT BY THE WHITE HOUSE.
LOOK FORWARD TO WORKING WITH YOU TOWARD THIS END.
BEGIN TEXT. THE PRESIDENT TODAY HAS ASHED VICE
SINCERELY, GEORGE P. SHULTZ. END TEXT.
PRESIDENT BUSH TO BE HIS PERSONAL REPRESENTATIVE TO THE
FUNERAL OF SOVIET CHAIRMAN YURIY ANDROPOV. THE
4. STATEMENT BY THE WHITE HOUSE.
PRESIDENT HAS ASKED THE VICE PRESIDENT, WHEN IN MUSCOW,
UNCLASSIFIED
UNCLASSIFIED
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
SECRETARIAT
PAGE 02 OF 02 SECSTATE WASHDC 3218
DTG:120119Z FEB 84 PSN: 044398
TO EXTEND CONDOLENCES AND GOOD WISHES OF THE AMERICAN
PEOPLE TO THE PEOPLE OF THE SOVIET UNION AND TO-EXPRESS
TO THEM OUR STRONG DESIRE FOR PEACE.
THE PRESIDENT ALSO HAS REQUESTED THE VICE PRESIDENT TO
CONVEY TO THE NEW SOVIET LEADERSHIP OUR HOPE FOR-AN
IMPROVED DIALOGUE AND COOPERATION WHICH CAN LEAD TO A
MORE CONSTRUCTIVE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN OUR TWO
COUNTRIES.
7. POST MAY SHARE ABOVE WITH HOST GOVERNMENTS AS
APPROPRIATE. SHULTZ
BT
UNCLASSIFIED
ANDROPOU
CONFIDENTIAL
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
SECRETARIAT
PAGE 01
MOSCOW 1740
DTG: 121806Z FEB 84 PSN: 045686
EOB127
AN008161
TOR: 043/1807Z
CSN: EHA836
DISTRIBUTION: STEI-01 DOBR-01 ROBN-01 LENC-01 MAT-01
/005 A2
WHTS ASSIGNED DISTRIBUTION:
SIT: KIMM VP EOB SIT
EOB:
OP IMMED
DE RUEHMO #1740 0431807
O 121806Z FEB 84 ZFF4
FM AMEMBASSY MOSCOW
TO WHITEHOUSE WASHDC NIACT IMMEDIATE
AMEMBASSY LUXEMBOURG NIACT IMMEDIATE 0974
C
N
F
L
-IMITED OFFICIAL USE MOSCOW 01740
WHITEHOUSE PLEASE PASS VICE PRESIDENT' S PLANE FOR SULLIVAN
AND GREGG
LUXEMBOURG FOR SULLIVAN AND GREGG WITH VICE PRESIDENT BUSH
E.O. 12356: N/A
TAGS: OVIP (BUSH, GEORGE) UR
SUBJECT: DRAFT MOSCOW ARRIVAL STATEMENT
1. DRAFT ARRIVAL STATEMENT FOR MOSCOW FOLLOWS. PLEASE
ADVISE FINAL APPROVED TEXT so THAT EMBASSY CAN PREPARE
COPIES FOR DISTRIBUTION TO PRESS.
2. BEGIN TEXT:
-
"I HAVE COME TO MOSCOW ON BEHALF OF PRESIDENT REAGAN
AND THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES TO EXPRESS OUR CON-
DOLENCES ON THE DEATH OF YURIY VLADIMIROVICH ANDROPOV.
OUR SYMPATHIES ARE WITH THE SOVIET PEOPLE AND ESPECIALLY
WITH THE ANDROPOV FAMILY AT THIS TIME OF SORROW.
-
I ALSO WANT TO CONVEY AT THIS TIME THE ABIDING
INTEREST OF MY GOVERNMENT IN PEACEFUL RELATIONS WITH THE
SOVIET UNION. WE ARE TWO GREAT NATIONS. A SENSE OF
REALISM REQUIRES US TO RECOGNIZE THAT WE HAVE DIFFERENCES.
THAT SAME SENSE OF REALISM COMPELS US TO RESOLVE THOSE
DIFFERENCES THROUGH NEGOTIATION AND MUTUAL RESTRAINT.
-
SOME FORTY YEARS AGO A WAR BROUGHT THE AMERICAN
AND SOVIET PEOPLES TOGETHER AS ALLIES IN A COMMON STRUGGLE.
TODAY, LET OUR TWO NATIONS LOOK TO THE FUTURE AND RE-
SOLVE THAT WE CAN REDUCE OUR MUTUAL SUSPICIONS AND FEARS,
ESTABLISH A CONSTRUCTIVE DIALOGUE, AND FIND SOLUTIONS TO
THE PROBLEMS WE FACE. THAT IS OUR OBJECTIVE.
-
IT IS IN THAT SPIRIT THAT I HAVE COME TODAY." END TEXT.
3. DRAFT CLEARED BY WHITEHOUSE ADVANCE PARTY.
HARTMAN
BT
Department
Gy
LOS
2/22/01
CONF IDENTIAL
FLCEANDROPOV
CONFIDENTIAL
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
SECRETARIAT
PAGE 01
MOSCOW 1731
DTG:121359Z FEB 84 PSN: 045471
EOB108
AN008555
TOR: 043/1546Z
CSN: HCE647
FINLANO. PRESIDENT KOIVISTO AND FOREIGN MINISTER
VAYRYNEN.
DISTRIBUTION: STE 1-01 DOBR-01 KRAM-01 SOMM-01 LINH-01 ROBN-01
FRANCE. PRIME MINISTER MAUROY, FOREIGN MINISTER
LENC-01 MAT-01 COBB-01 /009 A3
CHEYSSON AND PARLIAMENTARY DEPUTY ETIER.
GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC. CHAIRMAN HONECKER.
WHTS ASSIGNED DISTRIBUTION:
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY. CHANCELLOR KOHL AND FOREIGN
SIT:
MINISTER GENSCHER.
EOB:
GREAT BRITAIN. PRIME MINISTER THATCHER AND FOREIGN
SECRETARY HOWE AND PRIVATE SECRETARY FALL.
GREECE. PRIME MINISTER PAPANDREOU (PROBABLE)
GUYANA. A DELEGATION IS PLANNED BUT MEMBERS HAVE NOT
OP IMMED
YET BEEN SELECTED.
STU0873
HUNGARY. FIRST SECRETARY KADAR.
DE RUEHMO #1731/01 0431401
ICELANO. PRIME MINISTER HERMANNSSON AND SECRETARY
0 121359Z FEB 84
OF PM'S OFFICE BENEDIKTSSON.
FM AMEMBASSY MOSCOW
INDIA. PRIME MINISTER GANOHI AND FOREIGN MINISTER RAO.
BT
TO SECSTATE WASHOC IMMEDIATE 5173
INFO AMCONSUL LENINGRAD 5758
USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 2590
USMISSION USNATO 5427
AMEMBASSY LONDON 7941
AMEMBASSY PARIS 5146
AMEMBASSY BONN 6508
AMEMBASSY TOKYO 6815
AMEMBASSY BEIJING 5916
AMEMBASSY ROME 9771
AMEMBASSY ISLAMABAD 1872
LIMITED OFFICIAL USE SECTION 01 OF 02 MOSCOW 01731
E.O. 12356: N/A
TAGS: ODIP, UR, US
SUBJECT: ANDROPOV FUNERAL DELEGATIONS
REF: STATE 43215
THE INFORMATION BELOW IS WHAT WE HAVE GLEANED FROM
THE DEPARTMENT (REFTEL), FROM U.S. POSTS IN THIRD
COUNTRIES, AND FROM OTHER COUNTRIES' EMBASSIES IN
MOSCOW AS TO THE COMPOSITION OF THE DELEGATIONS TO
ANDROPOV'S FUNERAL. THE INFORMATION IS COMPLETE
(EXCEPT AS NOTED) AS OF 3 P.M. MOSCOW TIME FEBRUARY 12.
ANGOLA. PRESIDENT DOS SANTOS (PROBABLE).
ARGENTINA. VICE PRESIDENT MARTINEZ AND SECRETARY OF STATE
FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS KELLY.
AUSTRALIA. TREASURER KEATING.
AUSTRIA. CHANCELLOR SINOWATZ AND FOREIGN MINISTER LANC.
BELGIUM. VICE PRIME MINISTER GOL AND FOREIGN MINISTER
TINDEMANS.
BOTSWANA. MINISTER OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS MOGWE (PROBABLE).
BRAZIL. MINISTER OF SOCIAL WELFARE BELTRAO.
BULGARIA. CHAIRMAN ZHIVKOV.
CANADA. PRIME MINISTER TRUDEAU, DEPUTY MINISTER FOR
EXTERNAL MARCHAND, PRINCIPAL SECRETARY TO THE PM
AXWORTHY.
2/22/01
CAPE VERDE. MINISTER OF INTERIOR COL. DE CARVALHO.
PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA. VICE PREMIER WAN LI AND
DEPUTY FOREIGN MINISTER QIAN QICHEN.
COSTA RICA. NO SPECIAL DELEGATION.
ios
CUBA. FIDEL CASTRO.
CYPRUS. PRESIDENT KYPRIANOU.
CZECHOSLOVAKIA. PRESIDENT HUSAK.
DENMARK. PRESIDENT HENRIK AND PRIME MINISTER POUL
SCHLUTER.
EGYPT. MAMDUH SALIM, AIDE TO PRESIDENT MUBAREK.
ETHIOPIA. CHAIRMAN MENGISTU.
CONFIDENTIAL
CONF IDENTIAL
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
SECRETARIAT
PAGE 01
MOSCOW 1731
DTG:121359Z FEB 84 PSN: 045323
EOB109
AN008554
TOR: 043/1413Z
CSN:HCE621
TUNISIA. MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS CAID ES-SEBSI.
TURKEY. PRIME MINISTER OZAL AND FOREIGN MINISTER
DISTRIBUTION: STEI-01 DOBR-01 KRAM-01 SOMM-01 LINH-01 ROBN-01
HALEFOGLU (PROBABLE).
LENC-01 MAT-01 COBB-01 /009 A3
UGANDA. PRIME MINISTER/MINISTER OF DEFENSE/MINISTER
OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS/MINISTER OF INTERIOR (ALL PROBABLE).
VENEZUELA. AMBASSADOR TO USSR BERMUDEZ TO REPRESENT.
WHTS ASSIGNED DISTRIBUTION:
YUGOSLAVIA. PRESIDENT SPILJAK, PRESIDENCY MEMBER
SIT:
MARKOVIC, AND FEDERAL EXECUTIVE COUNCIL MEMBER SRBOVAN.
E OB:
ZAMBIA. UNIP SECRETARY GENERAL MULEMBA.
HARTMAN
BT
OP IMMED
UTS0164
DE RUEHMO #1731/02 0431402
o 121359Z FEB 84
FM AMEMBASSY MOSCOW
TO SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 5174
INFO AMCONSUL LENINGRAD 5759
USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 2591
USMISSION USNATO 5428
AMEMBASSY LONDON 7942
AMEMBASSY PARIS 5147
AMEMBASSY BONN 6509
AMEMBASSY TOKYO 5816
AMEMBASSY BEIJING 5917
AMEMBASCY ROME 9772
AMEMBASSY ISLAMABAD 1873
IMITED OFFICIAL USE SECTION 02 OF 02 MOSCOW 01731
E.O. 12356: N/A
TAGS: ODIP, UR, US
SUBJECT: ANDROPOV FUNERAL DELEGATIONS
INDONESIA. FOREIGN MINISTER MOCHTAR.
IRAQ. FOREIGN MINISTER TARIQ AZIZ (PROBABLE).
IRELAND. PRESIDENT HILLERY AND MINISTER OF FOREIGN
AFFAIRS BARRY.
ITALY. PRESIDENT PERTINI AND FOREIGN MINISTER ANDREOTTI.
JAPAN. FOREIGN MINISTER ABE.
JORDAN. COURT MINISTER ODEH, FOREIGN MINISTER AL-MASRI,
AND CHIEF OF STAFF (MIL) ABU TALEB.
KENYA. FOREIGN MINISTER MWANGALE.
KUWAIT. MINISTER OF STATE FOR CABINET AFFAIRS ABDUL
AL-AZIZ HUSAYN.
LIBYA. MAJOR JALLOUD (PROBABLE).
LUXEMBOURG. VICE PRESIDENT FLESCH (PROBABLE).
MALI. MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS BEYE.
NEPAL. FOREIGN MINISTER KHATRI.
NETHERLANDS. FOREIGN MINISTER VAN DEN BROEK.
NICARAGUA. JUNTA COORDINATOR ORTEGA, MINISTER OF
FOREIGN AFFAIRS D ESCOTO, FSLN SECRETARY GENERAL NUNEZ.
NORWAY. CROWN PRINCE HARALD AND PRIME MINISTER WILLOCH.
PAKISTAN. PRESIDENT ZIA AND FOREIGN MINISTER KHAN.
PHILIPPINES. FIRST LADY IMELDA MARCOS (PROBABLE).
POLAND. CHAIRMAN JARUZELSKI.
PORTUGAL. PRIME MINISTER SOARES.
ROMANIA. PRES DENT CEAUSESCU.
SIERRA LEONE. FOREIGN MINISTER CONTEH AND HIGH
COMMISSIONER IN LONDON.
CINGAPORE. NO ONE EXPECTED.
SPAIN. DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER GUERRA AND FOREIGN MINISTER
MORAN.
SR' LANKA. MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS HAMEED.
SWEDEN. PRIME MINISTER PALME AND THE CROWN PRINCE.
SYRIA. PRESIDENT ASSAD (PROBABLE).
TANZANIA. MINISTER WITHOUT PORTFOLIO KAWAWA.
CONF IDENTIAL
CONFIDENTIAL
USSR
BUREAU OF INTELLIGENCE AND RESEARCH - ANALYSIS - FEBRUARY 3, 1984
1. USSR: RUMORS OF A MARCH PLENUM
If the unconfirmed rumor of a Central Committee meeting in
early March turns out to be true, it could be the occasion for
Andropov's resignation. In the absence of indications that the
Politburo has agreed on a successor, we are inclined to doubt
that it has set a date for a plenum. If one has been scheduled,
there should soon be information about it as the word spreads in
the USSR.
*
*
*
The next plenum would normally be just prior to the June
meeting of the Supreme Soviet. A plenum in March would be for
especially important business which could not wait.
--There appears to be no programmatic need for an early
plenum. No theme such as agriculture or industrial
management has been developed in party literature.
--A plenum to reorganize the government seems unlikely.
If Premier Tikhonov--an old Brezhnev crony--is to step
down, that would more logically be done in June when the
Supreme Soviet would formally install a successor.
This leaves Andropov's health as a possible reason. A decision
in late January to schedule a March plenum would imply that the
Politburo concluded that Andropov could not recover and had to
be replaced, but that his condition was not so dire that he
would die sooner. We still do not know what Andropov's problem
is, but a slow, degenerative disease could plausibly have led to
such a judgment.
A decision to schedule a plenum because of Andropov's
health would also imply that the Politburo has agreed on a
successor (and has elected to move in a deliberate fashion to
effect the transition). One version of the rumor names
Gorbachev as the new general secretary. On balance, we doubt
that such a decision has been reached:
-There has not been evidence of the kind of political
jockeying one might have expected if such a decision were
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pending; and
None of the status indicators--the number of nominations
for the elections to the Supreme Soviet, for example--
point to any member of the Politburo having new prominence
as general secretary-elect.
Admittedly, our information on the state of Politburo considera-
tion of a question like naming a successor is circumstantial and
limited. If a plenum has in fact been scheduled, word of it
will of necessity spread widely in the USSR and we can expect to
hear more about it over the next few weeks.
CONFIDENTIAL/NOFORN
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Funeral
TO: (Agency)
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SUBJECT:
U.S. DELEGATION TO ANDROPOV FUNERAL
3
1. U.S. DELEGATION TO ANDROPOV FUNERAL SOLEMNITIES
4
WILL BE AS FOLLOWS:
s
--
VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATE GEORGE BUSH
6
--
SENATE MAJORITY LEADER HOWARD H. BAKER, JR.
,
-- U.S. AMBASSADOR TO THE USSR ARTHUR A. HARTMAN
8
2. POST IS AUTHORIZED TO INFORM SOVIETS. YY
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2/22/01
CONFIDENTIAL
(State/BE)
February 11, 1984
10:00 a.m.
PRESIDENTIAL RADIO TALK: U.S.-SOVIET RELATIONS AFTER ANDROPOV
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1984
I would like to speak to you about a subject always on the
minds of Americans, but of particular interest today, in view of
the death of Soviet leader Yuri Andropov -- our relations with
the Soviet Union.
Changes of leadership have not happened often in the Soviet
Union. Yuri Andropov was only the fifth Communist Party leader
in the 66 years since the Russian Revolution. In recent months,
he had been totally absent from public view, so his death did not
come as a shock to the world. Nevertheless, the importance of
the U.S. -Soviet relationship makes his passing away a time for
reflection on where that relationship is heading.
The changes in Moscow are an opportunity for both nations to
examine closely the current state of our relations, and to think
about the future. We know that our relationship is not what we
would like it to be. We have made no secret of our views as to
the reasons why. What is needed now is for both sides to sit
down and find ways of solving some of the problems that divide
US.
In expressing my condolences to Mr. Andropov's family and to
the Soviet government, I emphasized once again America's desire
for genuine cooperation between our two countries. Together, we
can help make the world a better, more peaceful place. This was
also the message for the Soviet people in my address on
Soviet-American relations last month.
Page 2
In that speech, as in my private communications with the
late Chairman Andropov, I stressed our commitment to a serious
and intensive dialogue with the Soviet Union, one aimed at
building a more constructive U.S.-Soviet relationship. This
commitment remains firm, and Vice President Bush will lead our
delegation to Moscow for Mr. Andropov's funeral. I hope there
will be an opportunity for the Vice President to meet with the
new General Secretary.
As we engage in discussions with Soviet leaders, we
recognize the fundamental differences in our values and in our
perspectives on many international issues. We must be realistic
and not expect that these differences can be wished away.
But realism should also remind us that our two peoples share
common bonds and interests. We are both relatively young nations
with rich ethnic traditions and a pioneer philosophy. We have
both experienced the terrible trauma of war; we have fought
side-by-side in the victory over Nazi Germany. And while our
governments have very different views, our sons and daughters
have never fought each other. We must make sure they never do.
Avoiding war and reducing arms is the starting point in our
relationship with the Soviet Union. But we seek to accomplish
more. With a good faith effort on both sides, I believe the
United States and the Soviet Union could begin rising above the
mistrust and ill will that cloud our relations. We could
establish a basis for greater mutual understanding and
constructive cooperation. And there is no better time to make
that good faith effort than now.
Page 3
At this time of transition in the Soviet Union, our two
nations should look to the future. We should find ways to work
together to meet the challenge of preserving peace. Living in
this nuclear age makes it imperative that we talk to each other,
discuss our differences and seek solutions to the many problems
that divide US.
America is ready. We would welcome negotiations, and I
repeat today what I have said before: We are prepared to meet
the Soviets half-way in the search for mutually acceptable
agreements.
I hope the leaders of the Soviet Union will work with us in
the same spirit. I invite them to take advantage of the
opportunities at hand to establish a more stable and constructive
relationship. If the Soviet government wants peace, then there
will be peace.
In recent days, millions of citizens inside the Soviet
Union, the United States and countries throughout the world have
been brought together by one great event --- the Winter Olympics.
The competition is fierce and we cheer for the men and women on
our respective teams. But we can and should celebrate the
triumphs of all athletes who compete in the true spirit of
sportsmanship and give the very best of themselves. And when
each race or event is done, and our teams come together in
friendship, we will remember that we are meant to be one family
of nations.
We who are leaders in government have an obligation to
strive for cooperation every bit as hard as our athletes who
Page 4
reach within for the greatest efforts of their lives. If the
Soviet government would join us in this spirit, then together, we
could build a safer and far better world for the human family --
not just for today, but for generations to come.
Until next week, thanks for listening and God bless you.
Page 4
This is the most comprehensive anticrime legislation in more
than a decade. In the interest of true justice, it deserves full
debate and a vote. Perhaps during this next week --- National
Crime Prevention Week -- you might inquire from your
Representative if he or she is ready to act -- and if not, why
not.
say that send a message to the
Before I close, I want to cutend-my condolences on the death
Soviet people
of Premier Andropov and express my sympathies to the Andropov
family and the Sortet people. May I also repeat the heartfelt
desire of the American people for world peace.
We want to work with the Soviet Union to build a safer and
more peaceful world. I invite the Soviet people and the new
Soviet leadership to join us in a spirit of constructive
cooperation. Together, we can achieve much good.
Until next week, thanks for listening and God bless you.
CONCLUSION TO PRESIDENT'S
SATURDAY RADIO ADDRESS
Before I conclude, I would like to make a few brief
comments on the recent events in Moscow.
The death of Chairman Andropov, little more than a year
after the passing of his predecessor Leonid Brezhnev, has
focused the world's attention on the Soviet Union and America's
relations with that great nation. In conveying my condolences
to the Soviet government, I emphasized once again my desire for
genuine cooperation between our two countries in order to make
the world a better and more peaceful place for all mankind.
Last month, I gave a speech setting forth our policy toward
the Soviet Union, and my hope for a more constructive working
relationship with the Soviet government. We have, to be sure,
important differences in our basic values and in our
perspectives on many international issues. But our peoples
have a common interest in avoiding war and reducing arms.
At this time of transition in the Soviet Union, our two
nations should look to the future in order to find ways to
realize these goals. In this nuclear age, there is no
alternative to dialogue. The United States is firmly committed
to a meaningful dialogue, one aimed at solving real problems.
I hope the leaders of the Soviet Union will work with us in the
same spirit, and take advantage of the opportunities at hand to
establish a more stable and constructive relationship.
0141M
PRESIDENTIAL RADIO ADDRESS
ON US-SOVIET RELATIONS AFTER ANDROPOV
I would like to speak to you today about a subject that is
always on the minds of Americans, but is of particular interest
today. That subject is our policy toward the Soviet Union in
light of the recent events in Moscow.
not Gappened often
Changes of leadership have historically been infrequent in
the Soviet Union. Yuri Andropov was only the fifth Communist
Party leader in the 66 years since the Russian Revolution.
Despite his long absence from public view, his death -- like
that of any world leader -- came as something of a surprise for
x
us all. And because of the importance of the US-Soviet
inevitably makes us think
relationship, his death brought with it increased uncertaintios
about where that relationship is heading.
The changes in Moscow are an opportunity for both
nations not just to look closely at the current state of our
relations, but to think about the future. We know that our
we would like it to be,
relationship is not what it should be. We have made no secret
of our views as to the reasons why. What is needed now is for
both sides to move beyond recriminations and to sit down and
find ways of solving some of the problems that divide us.
In expressing my condolences to the Soviet government, I
emphasized once again my desire for genuine cooperation between
our two countries in order to make the world a better and more
- 2 -
peaceful place for all mankind. This was also the message for
the Soviet people contained in my address on Soviet-American
relations last month.
In that speech, as in my private communications with the
late Chairman Andropov, I stressed my commitment to a serious
and intensive dialogue with the Soviet Union, a dialogue aimed
at building a more constructive working relationship between
our two countries. Let me say today that this commitment
remains firm. And as a demonstration of that commitment,
the Vice President will lead our delegation to Moscow for Mr. Andropov's
fan him
funeral. I hope there will be an opportunity to meet with the
new General Secretary.
As we engage in discussions with Soviet leaders, we
recognize the important differences in our basic values and in
our perspectives on many international issues. We have no
illusion that these differences will quickly disappear.
But we also believe it is important to remember that the
American and Soviet peoples share a number of common bonds. We
are both relatively young nations, with diverse ethnic
traditions and a pioneer philosophy. Our peoples have together
experienced the horrors of war, and fought shoulder-to-shoulder
in the victory over Nazi Germany. Although we continue to
- 3 -
ifferent
age
clash on the battlefield of ideas, our two peoples have never
been at war with one another. If we are wise, here is no
reason we ever should.
It is our common interest in avoiding war and reducing arms
that serves as the starting point in our relationship with the
Soviet Union. But we seek more than just this. We also hope
to begin to overcome the mistrust and ill will that color our
relations, and to establish a basis for greater mutual
understanding and constructive cooperation.
At this time of transition in the Soviet Union, our two
nations should look to the future in order to find ways to
realize these goals. In this nuclear age, there is no
alternative to dialogue. As I have stressed before, the United
States will never retreat from the bargaining table, and is
prepared to meet the Soviets half-way in the search for
mutually acceptable agreements.
I hope the leaders of the Soviet Union will work with us in
the same spirit, and take advantage of the opportunities at
hand to establish a more stable and constructive relationship.
If our two nations are up to the challenge, we should be able
build a safer world for all nations, and for generations to
come.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Dear Mr. Secretary:
Please accept my condolences on the death of
Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet
Yuriy Vladimirovich Andropov.
Chairman Andropov had written to me on January 28,
1984, about the Soviet Government's concern for
world peace and your willingness to pursue a
dialogue aimed at solving some of the very real
problems in our relations. I believe that this
dialogue is so important that we should proceed
with it as soon as your government is ready to do
so. Therefore, I have requested Vice President
Bush to deliver this letter to you.
As I made clear in my January 16 address, I have
no higher goal than the establishment of a rela-
tionship between our two great nations charac-
terized by constructive cooperation. Differences
in our political beliefs and in our perspectives
on international problems should not be an obsta-
cle to efforts aimed at strengthening peace and
building a productive working relationship.
Indeed, in the nuclear age, they make such efforts
indispensable.
In the months ahead, we will be ready to discuss
with you the entire agenda of issues in which our
two nations have an interest. We have specific
ideas for moving the relationship forward. We
will be interested in whatever ideas and proposals
you may have to put forth.
One area where practical steps are possible is the
reduction of strategic arms. When you are ready,
we have ideas on concrete ways to narrow the
differences between our respective positions. The
common framework we are prepared to discuss would
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- 2 -
incorporate elements of the current proposals of
both sides and permit forces that are not identi-
cal, while providing for a more stable strategic
balance at lower levels.
We are prepared to talk about such a framework in
diplomatic channels. But we also believe that we
need to return to the negotiating table. This
applies to intermediate range as well as strategic
nuclear forces. Here too, the world expects us to
resume our discussions and find solutions.
Another area where practical steps are possible is
the Vienna negotiations on conventional force
reductions. During the next round of negotiations
in Vienna, the Western side will be prepared to
introduce some new ideas. If the Soviet Union
demonstrates significant flexibility in meeting
our serious concerns about assuring effective
verification, you will find us flexible regarding
data.
A practical and business-like approach could also
be helpful in reducing the dangers of wider
confrontation in the many regional problems in
which our two nations' interests are involved. We
have had exchanges of views on southern Africa and
on Afghanistan over the past several years, and
more recently, Secretary Shultz and Ambassador
Hartman have discussed Middle East issues at some
length with Foreign Minister Gromyko. I see merit
to further exchanges of views on developments in
these areas.
We recently have had useful exchanges on a number
of questions of bilateral interest. For my part,
I am prepared to move ahead in the areas we
already have under discussion and to open up new
avenues of cooperation as well, assuming there is
interest on your side.
Let me conclude by seeking to lay to rest some
misunderstandings which may have arisen. The
United States fully intends to defend our inter-
ests and those of our allies, but we do not seek
to challenge the security of the Soviet Union
- 3 -
and its people. We are prepared to deal with you
in a manner that could establish the basis for
mutually acceptable and mutually advantageous
solutions to some of our problems.
Sincerely,
Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko
Secretary of the Central Committee
of the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union
Moscow, U.S.S.R.
White House Statement
andiepr
The President has sent a messace expressing his condolences to
Mr. Kuznetsov, the Acting Soviet Chief of State, on the death of
Chairman Andropov. In his message, the President emphasized to
the people and government of the USSR his desire for cooperation
between the two countries in the search for a more peaceful world.
As the President reaffirmed in his address of January 16, the
United States has sought and will continue to seek a constructive
and realistic dialogue with the Soviet Union aimed at bulding a
more productive and stable relationship. Our objective is not
dialogue for its own sake, but a dialogue that produces real
solutions to the many concrete problems that divide us.
There are, to be sure, fundamental differences between the
American and Soviet systems and our respective political beliefs.
But the American and Soviet peoples have a common interest in the
avoidance of war and the reduction of arms. It is this need to
preserve and strengthen the peace that is at the heart of U.S.
policy.
The President's policy toward the Soviet Union seeks to achieve
progress in three broad areas: developing ways to eliminate the
use and the threat of force in international relations;
significantly reducing the vast arms stockpiles in the world,
particulary nuclear weapons; and establishing a better working
relationship with Moscow characterized by greater cooperation and
understanding and based on mutual restraint and respect.
At this time of transition in the Soviet Union, our two nations
should look to the future in order to find ways to realize these
goals. In the nuclear age, there is no alternative to dialogue.
The United States hopes that the Soviet leader will work with us
in this spirit, and take advantage of the opportunities at hand
to find common ground and establish a mutually beneficial
relationship.
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY OF STATE SHULTZ
The President is expressing his personal condolences to
Mr. Kuznetsov, First Deputy Chairman of the Presidium of the
Supreme Soviet of the USSR, on the death of Chairman Andropov.
I am sending a similar message to Soviet Foreign Minister
Gromyko.
At this time of transition in Moscow, let me reaffirm that
our policy toward the Soviet Union continues to be based on the
pursuit of a constructive and realistic dialogue aimed at
building a more productive and stable relationship. As the
President has stressed, we seek not merely to improve the
atmosphere of our relations, but to find solutions to real
problems. This applies, in particular, to the task of reaching
equitable and verifiable arms reduction agreements, and
reducing the risk of war.
The President has emphasized to the people and government
of the Soviet Union his desire for constructive cooperation
between our two countries in the search for a more peaceful
world. The United States hopes that the Soviet leaders will
work with us to that end. We hope as well that the Soviet
leadership will join us in taking advantage of the
opportunities at hand to find common ground and establish a
mutually beneficial relationship.
Jack Matlock
WHITE HOUSE STATEMENT
The President has sent a message expressing his personal
condolences to Mr. Kuznetsov, the Acting Soviet Chief of State,
on the death of Chairman Andropov. In his statement, the
President emphasized to the people and government of the USSR
his desire for cooperation between the two countries in the
search for a more peaceful world.
As the President reaffirmed in his address of January 16,
the United States has sought and will continue to seek a
constructive and realistic dialogue with the Soviet Union aimed
at building a more productive and stable relationship. Our
objective is not dialogue for its own sake, but a dialogue that
produces real solutions to the many concrete problems that
divide us.
There are, to be sure, fundamental differences between the
American and Soviet systems and our respective political
beliefs. But the American and Soviet peoples have a common
interest in the avoidance of war and the reduction of arms. It
is this need to preserve and strengthen the peace that is at
the heart of U.S. policy. The United States will defend its
nterests, but does not seek to threaten the Soviet Union
The President's policy toward the Soviet Union seeks to
achieve progress in three broad areas: developing ways to
eliminate the use and the threat of force in international
relations; significantly reducing the vast arms stockpiles in
the world, particularly nuclear weapons; and establishing a
better working relationship with Moscow characterized by
greater cooperation and understanding and based on mutual
restraint and respect.
At this time of transition in the Soviet Union, our two
nations should look to the future in order to find ways to
realize these goals. In the nuclear age, there is no
alternative to dialogue.
The United States hopes that the Soviet leaders will work
with us in this spirit, and take advantage of the opportunities
at hand to find common ground and establish a mutually
beneficial relationship.