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Ronald Reagan Presidential Library
Digital Library Collections
This is a PDF of a folder from our textual collections.
Collection: Blackwell, Morton C.: Files
Folder Title: Chron Letters July 1982-December 1982
(3 of 5)
Box: 62
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THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 3, 1982
Miss Julia Habel
2829 Cameron Road
Falls Church, VA 22042
Dear Miss Habel:
Mrs. Dole has asked me to respond to your letter of August 4
regarding the President's proposed tuition tax credit legis-
lation.
I am afraid you have wrong information regarding the Presi-
dent's proposal. You suggest that tuition tax credits might
subsidize bastions of racism. To the contrary, there are
very tough provisions in the bill which would prevent tax
credits for payments made to any racially discriminatory
school.
You also are concerned about the exercise of religion in
public schools and you suggest that people might be forced
into religious participation. The President's proposed
voluntary prayer amendment specifically prohibits any
government agency from requiring any person to participate
in prayer.
The Supreme Court has already addressed this subject of
"coercion" with respect to the recitation of the Pledge of
Allegiance to the flag. The Court held that no one could be
required to recite the Pledge in school but that setting
aside a time for the Pledge was not infringing on the rights
of those students who did not wish to participate.
Enclosed are copies of White House Issue Updates on the
subjects of tuition tax credits and prayer in schools. I
hope this information will be of use to you.
Mortor Sincerely,
Morton C. Blackwell
Special Assistant to the President
for Public Liaison
Enclosures.
if Jast sweether you days & he will
want
to
AUG
7
REC'D
JB
2829 Cameron Road
August 4, 1982
Falls Church, Virginia 22042
Director, Public Liaison
The Honorable Elizabeth Dole
The White House
Washington, D.C.
My dear Mrs. Dole:
although I I do want write work as for a a Republican Senator on and the as Hill. a private citizen,
tuition-tax credits. While attending
Institute of Education, I did a contrastive analysis of
Great Britain's requirement for religious instruction in
public schools vs. our own tradition policy of separation of
church and state. According to the Education Act of 1944
there, the schools were required to teach an Anglican version
of Christianity. I have nothing against the Anglican Church;
however, as history transpired, many of the dissenting congre-
gations suffered-including the Methodists. The children of
these dissenters were persecuted in school.
Let me first of all establish that I do not hate
Jerry Falwell; however, I do not agree with much of his
theology (I am a former seminarian as well); nor do I feel
that his tactics (E.g. using Christian jargon to smear his
enemies- real and imagined) are exactly Christ-like. The question
I put to you is, would you want your children to be forced to
express their faith as he seems to think is the only correct
expression? I come from Lynchburg, Virginia where my father
is a clergyman, and let me assure you that there is a tendency
for Mr. Falwell to put down other Christian communions there.
I am afraid that to "go" with this tuition-tax credit bit is
to set an unhealthy and perhaps dangerous precedent in our
nation. Our traditional approach of separation of Church and
State has protected us all-from coercive religion. Can you
envision Christ forcing people to follow him-by laws? It
seems to me he offered a gentle invitation -"Come follow Me."
Also, can you not imagine a time when our nation has a
"Christian" counterpart to the Shite Islamic explosion? To
challenge the leaders of such a movement would cause one to
be labelled "the Great Satan". If that should happen, we
are headed towards facism - a facism which could make the
Nazis look tame.
Also, the move towards "tuition-tax" credits
is a comment, I feel, not necessarily on the lack of religion
- 2 -
in our public schools but on the quality of the education. it-
self. Many parents send their children to Catholic schools-
not merely because they are Christian but because they are
better academically. As a former teacher I can attest to
the need in our public schools for an upgrading of standards.
I can also attest that I shared Christ there - not so much
in overt rhetoric but in and through my person. Christ has
said we shall be known by the fruit we bear. He said, "You
are my witnesses", using a verb of being. My father, who
desegregated a black school in the Lynchburg area has often
told me, "Christ is more caught than taught". The older
I become, I believe this. We teach by who we are.
I do not think the public schools are godless.
Where else in our society are all children, all minorities,
going to be given a fair shake? I have seen many Christian
academies used as a bastion of racism-in the name of Christ.
Are we going to sanction such? Believe me, the Republican
Party will be blamed for this. Also, I remind you that
God will have the last say. Righteousness, we are told,
exalts a nation, and righteousness does not preclude JUSTICE.
Please use your good name and your expertise to
express this point of view to our President.
Think again. We will reap what we sow.
Most cordially,
Julia Hold
Julia Habel
cc/Dr. Edward Bauman
Americans United for Separation of Church and State
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 3 1982
Richard W. Johnson Jr
National Legislative Director
NCOA
219 North Washington St.
Alexandria, Va, 22314
Dear Richard,
Thank you for your recent letter concerning the employment
of military spouses. I am certain that you will be
delighted to see from the enclosed Executive order that
the original OPM draft has been accepted by the OBM with
only minor amendments.
The order was signed on May 12 this year.
Cordially,
Moston
Morton C. Blackwell
Special Assistant to the President
for Public Liaison
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 3,1982
The Honorable John Paul Hammerschmidt
U. S. House of Representatives
Washington, D. C. 20515
Dear John Paul:
Please excuse the delay in responding to your letter of August 5.
As you know, ACTION has withdrawn its request for interagency
agreement funding from the Veterans Administration. This was
done to avoid any appearance of the Vietnam Veterans Leadership
Program (VVLP) weakening other veterans programs. To have done
so would have been counter to the goals of the VVLP and this
Administration.
The VVLP was approved by President Reagan on July 16, 1981, as
a means to "complement the already existing federal, local, and
private veterans program." The program, as approved was to be
funded by ACTION and by fund transfers from other federal agencies
which have an interest in veterans. The catalytic involvement
of the Federal government will cease by September 30, 1984. To
date, the Department of Health and Human Services has provided
$850,000 in community services funding and the Department of Labor
has provided $850,000 in Employment and Training Administration
grant funding. In the past, neither of those sources has ade-
quately addressed the needs of veterans.
In little more than a year, the VVLP has established twenty
local programs, all developed and implemented by successful
Vietnam veterans. Each project director and each volunteer
chairman of the local programs and almost all board members are
Vietnam combat veterans. Three hold the Congressional Medal of
Honor, approximately half the chairmen and project directors
hold at least one Purple Heart and a number are severely disabled
as a result of their service to the nation. These people are
typical of the more than 500 unpaid volunteers who have stepped
forward to help solve the lingering problems of their fellow
veterans. For the most part, these individuals are highly
successful people who are able to work at the highest levels
of their communities on behalf of Vietnam veterans. They have
volunteered over 26,000 hours of time to help solve problems.
The programs are working in a number of different areas, including
the following:
- 2 -
1. Job development and placement. This is done, typically,
in cooperation with existing agencies and programs. VVLP
activity focuses on developing high-level contacts with
employers to secure their assistance in making jobs avail-
able for Vietnam veterans.
2. Major recognition events which present Vietnam veterans
in a healthy light that emphasizes their continuing contribu-
tions to our society.
3. Small business assistance and development. Typically
pro bono services are provided by volunteers to assist in
development of Vietnam-verteran-owned small businesses.
4. Education of health professionals regarding particular
Vietnam veteran health problems.
5. Public education efforts designed to affirm the pride
and integrity of military service and destroy the false
stereotypes of Vietnam veterans as drug-crazed killers,
guilt-ridden victims, etc.
As you know, à VVLP has been implemented in Arkansas under
the leadership of Leon Clements, an official with the Arkansas
Bankers Association and Don Grigg, a veteran who served two
tours in Vietnam, the second as an Army hospital administrator
in spite of the fact that he lost a leg as a result of
wounds suffered during his first tour as an infantry officer.
Don Grigg left his post as personnel director of the Univer-
sity of Arkansas in Pine Bluff to become project director of
the Arkansas VVLP.
Please contact this office, or ACTION directly, if we can
provide any further information. We welcome your interest
and look forward to your continued support of this exemplary
program.
Sincerely,
Elizabeth H. Dole
Assistant to the President
for Public Liaison
AUG 5 REC'D KC
DEMOCRATS
NINETY-SEVENTH CONGRESS
REPUBLICANS
G. V. (SONNY) MONTGOMERY, MISS.
JOHN PAUL HAMMERSCHMIDT, ARK.
DON EDWARDS, CALIF.
MARGARET M. HECKLER, MASS.
JACK BRINKLEY, GA,
G. V. (SONNY) MONTGOMERY
CHALMERS P. WYLIE, OHIO
RONALD M. MOTTL, OHIO
CHAIRMAN
ELWOOD HILLIS, IND.
BOB EDGAR, FA.
HAROLD 5. SAWYER, MICH.
SAM B. HALL, JR., TEX.
DOUGLAS APPLEGATE, OHIO
U.S. house of Representatives
GERALD B. H. SOLOMON, N.Y.
JIM JEFFRIES, KANS.
MARVING LEATH, TEX.
BOB MC EWEN, OHIO
W
ILL BONER, TENN.
COMMITTEE ON VETERANS' AFFAIRS
JIM DUNN, MICH.
F
SHELBY, ALA.
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, N.J.
D
FLA.
335 CANNON HOUSE OFFICE BUILDING
ALBERT LEE SMITH, JR., ALA,
DASCHLE, S. DAK.
DENNY SMITH, OREG.
BOB STUMP. ARIZ.
Mashington, D.C. 20515
MARK SILJANDER. MICH.
WAYNE DOWDY, MISS.
JOHN L NAPIER, S.C.
PHIL gramm. TEX.
JAMES L. NELLIGAN, PA.
AUSTIN J. MURPHY, FA.
BYRON L. DORGAN, N. DAK.
August 5, 1982
ANTONIO WON PAT, GUAM
MACK FLEMING
CHIEF COUNSEL AND STAFF DIRECTOR
Mrs. Elizabeth H. Dole
Assistant to the President
for Public Liaison
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Elizabeth:
I am informed that certain Administration officials at the
White House are about to direct the Veterans Administration and
other agencies to transfer 3 million or more dollars to ACTION
to fund one of that agency's programs relating to veterans.
issuming for the moment that ACTION proposed program is merit-
brious, I, nevertheless feel that such a transfer of funds would
be a very serious mistake and urge you to do what you can to
prevent it. My request is made for the following reasons:
a. Any ACTION program should be justified through
the usual budget and appropriations process and
not with a "backdoor" transfer of funds appropriated
for other purposes. ACTION has had ample time to
seek funds for this or any other program.
b. This proposed transfer is an example of forcing
"absorption" of the costs of a program rather
than obtaining of appropriations.
C. VA's General Counsel has advised its Administrator
that any transfer of funds for the purpose indicated
is of very questionable legality.
d. My position as Ranking Member of the House Veterans'
Affairs Committee causes me to be particularly know-
ledgeable of VA's budget. It is understood that over
one million dollars is proposed to come from that
budget which is already very tight with funding
substantially reduced from VA's original request.
VA's General Operating Expense account is very
strained and it is my understanding that that
account is the only one from which any transfer
could be made--even if the legal obstacles were
overcome--without specific Congressional approval.
Mrs. Elizabeth H. Dole
August 5, 1982
Page 2
It is imperative--in my view--that all programs of the Government
stand on their own merits. ACTION's proposed veterans program should
follow the normal course of budgeting. If it is a good program--and
I trust that it is--then it is my belief that the Congress will act
responsibly. But in no event should VA's budget and appropriations
or those of other agencies be used for programs other than those
justified in the normal manner. I trust you will agree and your
assistance toward that end would be most appreciated.
Sincerely,
John Baul JOHN PAUL HAMMERSCHMIDT
Member of Congress
JPH/wpd
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 7 1982
Norman A. Howard
PO Box 7554
Philadelphia
Pennsylvania 19101
Dear Mr. Howard
I am writing to you concerning your request for tickets
for the State of the Union address in January 1983.
I would dearly love to be of help but unfortunately
the Office of Public Liaison does not receive an
allocation of tickets for this event. I will not have
a ticket myself.
To obtain tickets you will have to apply to your Senators
and U.S. Representative, and I suggest that you write as
soon as possible.
Sincerely,
Morton Blashwell
Morton C. Blackwell
Special Assistant to the President
For Public Liaison
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 8, 1982
Lt. J. G. Andy Baan
USS Manitowoc (LST 1180)
FPO New York, N. Y. 09578
Dear Andy:
Nothing would please me more than to take a little cruise on
your ship in November. My kids would love it, too. Unfor-
tunately, the night of the trip is election night.
I am fully committed that evening to our biennial conserva-
tive election night social gathering.
It was certainly interesting for you to be unloading U. S.
troops at Beirut. That is the kind of amphibious landing I
like - unopposed.
It was great to have you at my Roast, but I am sorry you had
to listen to all those lies!
Drop in and see me when the Pentagon next calls you in for
orders.
Cordially,
Morton
Morton C. Blackwell
Special Assistant to the President
for Public Liaison
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 9 1982
Mr. Paul Mercer
Youth for Peace with Freedom
30a St James's Square
London SW1Y 4JH
United Kingdom
Dear Paul,
I enclose the text of the film "Attack on the Americas"
as metioned in my letter of last week. I will send the
film itself as soon as is possible. The film is available
to you at no cost on the condition that it is shown at
six colleges minimum this term. It would help if you
were able to send me any programmes, newsletters
or press cuttings from the screenings.
I hope that you will be able to circulate this
properly - it will certainly help you to do so.
yours,
Mark
OPL
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 10, 1982
Mr. Grover J. Rees, III
Assistant Professor
University of Texas Law School
Austin, Texas 78705
Dear Rocky:
Now that the Congress is considering the proposed
Voluntary School Prayer Amendment the President has proposed
I want to take the time to thank you for your immense help
to us.
You did the initial research for the prayer amendment
working group composed of Gary Bauer and me. You briefed
various Administration policy makers on the constitutional
law aspects of this question.
You drafted for us the amendment which, with hardly
any significant change, was subsequently sent by the
President to the Congress. You drafted questions and answers
about the proposed amendment which were adopted virtually
in their entirety by the White House. Thus your analysis
was the basic information printed for distribution at the
Rose Garden event May 6, as the President announced his
intention to propose this amendment.
As the amendment worked its way through our White House
decision making process, you made yourself constantly
available for our repeated questions on legal and policy
implications of the proposal.
Few historians of our era may trouble themselves
with the origin of President Reagan's initiative on
behalf of voluntary school prayer. Many of us whom you.
helped, however, will always remember with gratitude and
admiration the central role you played in this historic
event.
Cordially,
Morton
Morton C. Blackwell
Special Assistant to
the President
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 14, 1982
Dr. Ronald E. Johnson
Accelerated Christian Education
2600 Ace Lane
Lewisville, TX 75067
Dear Ron:
Thanks for sending me a copy of the letter from Steve
Symms regarding tuition tax credits.
Steve has told me that he does not believe tuition tax
credits will be passed this year. He has some problems with
the concept because of the spending implications. I hope
that when we do get a vote in the Senate on the subject, he
will be supportive.
One reason why some of our best conservatives from rural
states are not enthusiastic about tuition tax credits is
that the public school systems in rural states tend to be
more like the public schools of thirty or so years ago. That
is, the education achievement levels, the dedication of the
teachers, the school discipline, and the inculcation of
patriotism and traditional moral values have not disinte-
grated.
In urban and industrial states the situation is, of course,
much worse.
I remain hopeful that we can find a way to pass tuition tax
credits this year.
Cordially,
Morton
Morton C. Blackwell
Special Assistant to the President
for Public Liaison
First the fiom
United States Senate
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20510
July 16, 1982
Serfor me letters
Ronald E. Johnson
Accelerated Christian Ed., Inc.
2600 Ace Lane
Lewisville, Texas 75067
Dear Ronald:
Thank you for your recent letter.
I appreciate having your views in support of tuition tax
credits. Such credits have been considered by the Congress in
recent years and I have supported the concept in the past.
As you know, the Administration has proposed a tuition tax
credit to parents of children who attend private and parochial
schools. In promoting the legislation, the President said that
it is important to the continued vitality of our society that
parents have a meaningful choice between public education and the
many forms of private education that are available. However, the
additional burden of paying private schools tuition severely
limits the ability of many families to choose the nonpublic
educational alternative for their children. Tuition tax credits
would lighten the double burden.
S. 2673, introduced by Senator Dole and referred to the
Senate Finance Committee, would give families tax credits equal
to 50 percent of the tuition paid, up to $100 per elementary and
secondary student in 1983, $300 in 1984, and $500 thereafter.
Because of this years' budgetary constraints, however, it may not
be possible to pass the tuition tax credit bill or any other new
or expanded tax expenditure this Congress. Estimates of the
revenue loss to the Treasury from this proposal alone start at
$100 million and run up to $1 billion annually (by the time the
credit is fully phased in.)
While tuition tax credits are not likely this year, you may
Rear Mortan,
not by a
long shot
In this really Cononsies of Congress ?
Ronald E. Johnson
July 16, 1982
Page 2
be assured that the issue will continue to receive study and
consideration for inclusion in possible future tax bills.
With best regards, I am
Yours for 9 free society,
Store STEVE SYMMS
United States Senator
SS/acb
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 15, 1982
Mrs. John Cowell Fosgate
106 S. Interlachen, Apt. 619
Winter Park, Florida 32789
Dear Mrs. Fosgate:
Thank you for your letter of August 27 relating to the
President's proposed voluntary prayer amendment.
There is much in your letter that I agree with, but I think
there are excellent reasons to support the President's proposed
amendment.
You say that "we may pray in secret every hour of the day
wherever we are." One tragic result of the series of anti-
prayer decisions by the Federal courts is that prayer in
school has been reduced to the status of pornography, liquor,
and other drugs. That is, prayer is so "dangerous" that school
authorities must prevent any public expression of prayer.
Did you know that one Federal court upheld a principal's ruling
that kindergarten children could not say grace before a meal?
A Federal court has also ruled that public school children may
not assemble voluntarily to pray on school premises before or
after class.
Last June I delivered a commencement address at a public high
school in Manassas, Virginia, and the principal apologized to
me for "breaking the law" by having a Baptist minister offer an
invocation. This is not neutrality; this is not freedom of
religion; this is surely not what the founders of our country
intended by the First Amendment.
This is a difficult problem, and honorable people can disagree
as to what should be done about it. Enclosed is a copy of a
White House Issue Update which discusses the matter in more
detail.
I hope this information is of interest to you.
Sincerely,
Marton C. Blowell
Morton C. Blackwell
Special Assistant to the President
for Public Liaison
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 15, 1982
Mr. Jhoon Rhee
Chairman of the Board
AMICO, Inc.
6210 Chillum Place, N. W.
Washington, D. C. 20011
Dear Jhoon:
My family and I really enjoyed dinner at your home and we
are looking forward to being with you Sunday afternoon.
Enclosed is a copy of the exchange of memoranda regarding
the 1982 elections. I am sorry the first batch did not get
to you. I believe it may have been sent to an old address.
Looking forward to seeing you soon.
Cordially,
Mooton
Morton C. Blackwell
Special Assistant to the President
for Public Liaison
Enclosures
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 15, 1982
Dr. Robert Billings
Director of Regional Liaison
Department of Education
Room 4153
400 Maryland Avenue, S. W.
Washington, D. C. 20202
Dear Bob:
I enjoyed very much speaking to your Schedule C personnel.
I hope you all take to heart my thought that your resumes are
not improving with age at the Education Department.
You asked for material relating to my remarks. Here are three
items:
1. My exchange of memos with Jim Pinkerton.
2. My recent letter to Dick Wirthlin
3. The party committee fund raising data.
I hope these are helpful to you.
Cordially,
Martis Morton C. Blackwell
Special Assistant to the President
for Public Liaison
Enclosures
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 21, 1982
Dr. Robert Billings
Director of Regional Liaison
Department of Education
400 Maryland Avenue, S. W.
Room 4153
Washington, D. C. 20202
Dear Bob:
This is to introduce Lewis S. Doherty IV who is in the D. C.
area seeking employment.
I have known Lewis for many years. He is currently a member
of the Young Americans for Freedom National Board.
Lewis was the Youth for Reagan Chairman at LSU in the 1980
Republican Presidential primary. Lewis is hard working and
a dedicated conservative. His grandfather and his uncle
were instrumental in supporting conservative youth activ-
ities in Baton Rouge twenty years ago when I got started in
politics. He has a fine background.
Lewis has a long record of campaign activities. He has
worked on the staff in the Louisiana House of Represen-
tatives. His previous job ended due to a 10% reduction in
force at the State Legislature.
I would very much appreciate it if you would talk to Lewis
and see if you could find a suitable slot for him. He knows
he can't start at the top here. I can assure you, though,
that you will not go wrong by finding an opening for him.
Cordially,
Morton
Morton C. Blackwell
Special Assistant to the President
for Public Liaison
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 16, 1982
Rev. Kenneth Copeland
7860 Sky Lake Drive
Fort Worth, Texas 76179
Dear Ken:
I enjoyed very much having breakfast with you and your charming
wife and Johnny Johnson yesterday morning.
You have a powerful and influential ministry and it is clear
you are making changes in the world.
We discussed the changing climate in America and I thought
you might like to have these three items:
1.
My exchange of memos with Jim Pinkerton regarding the two
major continuing coalitions in American politics.
2. My letter to the President's pollster, Richard Wirthlin,
regarding the mechanisms by which Franklin Roosevelt created
a new governing majority in America.
3. My letter to Jenkin Lloyd Jones regarding the nature of
communism.
I look forward to working with you often in the days to come.
Cordially,
Morton Morton C. Blackwell
Special Assistant to the President
for Public Liaison
Enclosures
4°
3128 North 17th Street
Arlington, Virginia 22201
September 17, 1982
CONFIDENTIAL
DETERMINED TO
ADMINISTRATIVE MARKING
E.O. 12958 as
Doct
3,8(c)
BY NARA RW
DATE 10/31/11
If you could find an additional $100,000 or more to distribute
to your favorite twenty challengers to liberal incumbents
this year, would you do it?
Would you take a little of your valuable time to do it?
Would you invest $1,000 to do it?
I think you would. I hope you will. Here is how.
You are a widely recognized campaign activist. You have
been an early supporter of many candidates who went on to
win upset victories. You can use your good reputation for
spotting potential winners to mightily boost the chances of
conservative challengers in close 1982 races.
Here is a simple plan which will work for you:
1. Get a list of the top few hundred corporate and
association PACs.
2. Send each PAC a letter, either a personal letter
or a letter on your organization letterhead. List
your picks for the top challengers in close 1982 races.
Urge each PAC to make immediate, substantial contribu-
tions to each candidate.
Your letter could point out examples of winning candidates
you supported in past elections before most "experts"
thought they had a chance. Point out that, in the general
pessimism about the 1982 elections, we are in danger of
missing golden chances to upset some of the worst and most
vulnerable liberals in Congress.
You might want to give a few comments about each of the
races you pick for 1982. You might offer to provide addi-
tional information upon request.
For each candidate, list an address, a phone number and,
perhaps, a contact.
Big PAC leaders have millions of dollars still on hand, and
they know they can be held publicly accountable if they act
unwisely.
Why not use the leverage you have earned? Can you think of
a better way to get attention and resources to your favorite
challengers?
I am making this strong suggestion separately to several of
our major conservative political activists.
Will you do your part? Will you act immediately?
Cordially,
Morton C. Blackwell
P. S. Please send me a copy of the letter you send to PACs.
Mr. Paul M. Weyrich
Committee for Survival of a Free Congress
721 Second Street, N. E.
Washington, D. C. 20012
Mr. Bill Anderson
Independent Petroleum Association
1101 16th Street, N. W. 2nd Floor
Washington, D. C. 20036
Mr. Joseph Coors, President
Adolph Coors Company
Golden, Colorado 80401
Mr. John T. Dolan
National Conservative PAC
1500 Wilson Blvd., Suite 513
Arlington, Virginia 22209
Mr. Richard Viguerie
The Richard Viguerie Company
7777 Leesburg Pike
Falls Church, VA 22043
Mr. Reed Larson
National Right to Work Committee
8001 Braddock Road
Springfield, Virginia 22160
Mr. Alan Gottlieb
Citizens Committee for the Right to
Keep and Bear Arms
1601 - 114th Street, S. E.
Bellevue, Washington 98004
The Honorable H. L. "Bill" Richardson
Gun Owners of America
6162 Sunrise Vista Drive, Suite 100
Citrus Heights, CA 95610
Mr. Tom Ellis
Congressional Club
P. O. Box 829
Raleigh, N. C. 27602
Mr. Ralph Galliano
Congressional Majority Committee
1011 Arlington Boulevard
Suite 326
Arlington, VA 22209
Mr. David Y. Denholm, President
Public Service Research Council
Suite 600, 8330 Old Courthouse Road
Vienna, Virginia 22180
Mr. Lou Barnett
Citizens for the Republic
1253 Seventh Street, Suite 200
Santa Monica, CA 90401
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 21, 1982
Mr. Curtis M. Dombek
Editor-in-Chief
Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy
Harvard Law School
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138
Dear Curtis:
Thanks for sending me a second copy of the transcript of my
remarks at the Federalist Society Conference.
I edited these remarks once before and believe they were
sent to you by Peter Keisler. I had a bit of time, though,
and re-edited them since the original could not be located.
As you see, the transcript badly needed editing. I am more
of an activist and strategist than a polished speaker.
Hope this will be helpful to you.
Cordially,
Morton C. Blackwell
Special Assistant to the President
for Public Liaison
CC - Mr. Peter Keisler
4619 Yale Station
New Haven, Connecticut 06520
HARVARD JOURNAL of LAW AND PUBLIC POLICY
HARVARD LAW SCHOOL
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS 02138
September 1, 1982
Mr. Morton C. Blackwell
Special Assistant to the President
The White House
Washington, D.C.
20500
Dear Mr. Blackwell:
As current Editor-in-Chief of the Harvard Journal of
Law & Public Policy, I write regarding the belated publica-
tion of the proceedings of the Symposium on Federalism at
Yale. It is my understanding that Deborah Waire Post, of
the Houston firm of Bracewell & Patterson, has informed
you by letter of the tragic death of her associate Steve
Eberhard, who had undertaken to edit and publish the pro-
ceedings of the Conference. I also understand that in her
letter, Ms. Post indicated that she would be publishing
the proceedings in Houston. Although I have not been
apprised of the full extent of any communications Ms. Post
may have had with you, I have recently received the most
current set of transcripts from Houston, and the
present Journal staff will be completing the editing and
publication of the proceedings.
The records which Ms. Post sent us indicate that you
have not yet received a copy of the transcript of your
remarks, Accordingly, I have enclosed a copy which you may
edit and return to us at the above-captioned address. After
all editing has been completed, we will send galleys to
those speakers who have requested them in their questionnaires.
Publication will follow promptly.
We apologize for the extensive delays which we have
experienced. We thank you for your patience as we carry
this project to completion.
Sincerely,
Carti Mi Jonkele Me
Curtis M, Dombek
Editor-in-Chief
CMD
Student Organizations and Activism
Mr. Morton Blackwell
I know that everybody has had a long time here and I do not
anticipate taking a great deal of time you this afternoon
organions.
With
-
to
student
have organizatione little knowledge
of
orientation,
most
people
do
BARIL
much
grasp
of
What is going on politically in *** sollege
respect
I
I confess that with respect to the
left, my information is a bit out of date. But with respect
conservative operations, I am reasonably current. There
are about 3,600 colleges and universities in the United
States and the great majority of them have no conservative
student organization of any type.
Back when I left the Republican National Committee as execu-
tive director of the College Republicans, in November of
1970, we had about 900 College Republican Clubs out of those
3,600 campuses and a period of decline should. I do not
peasan
many
want to say it - cause and effect, but a period of decline,
ensued, so that by May of 1980 there were only about April, 250
P
1980
was
College Republican organizations. I had been asked by Bill
Casey to oversee the national Reagan youth effort . and
conducted a training program through that summer and placed
youth coordina to
30 full time Field men working in Lyfor the Youth for Reagan
in targeted states.
were
applied
operation and also got additional resources in through
the
November,
College Republican that by the 1980 elections in Novem
S.
ber, we had slightly over 1,000 College Republican Clubs.
P Remarkably
was not
fter
the
Unitke past experience, there has not been a falling off
a
election.
since that high point in November of 1980 and
Vigorous training program funded by the Republic National
found, choired by Bick Richards funded
Committee A 50 intensive three day schools
Richurds also supported
last fall and about 25-00 30 this spring. and
Right
whole lot of field work on local campuses, they now have there
about 1, 150 College Republican organizations, an d1-tim e recover
probably
recent
You may have seen literature from Young Americans for Freedom
some of
years.
Most of you probably have. That literature I
1
as
for
was
is not unusual political organizations, is a little bit
misleading. The best of their literature, the least mislead-
YAF having
ing, describes it as 80,000 or 100,000 members and supporters.
a
1980
It happens that in January 1990, they had in Young Americans
had
for Freedom a total student membership of -2,108 people.
That has increased comewhat. I do not know what the current 1982
figures are, but someone disgruntled with that state of
1780
at that time.
affairs leaked a copy of their information around Dintercol-
best known
the other, conservative campus group,
legiate Studies Institute has representatives on a few
local
hundred campuses, very few organizations.
A
2
I
think
f
cant
that
we
look
at
the
of
Our
need
is
conservative
on
as
campuses
to get in-depth organization many places as possible.
That
is
what
I
talk
about
and
then
make comments about activism in general. There are a bout
find, Something in the 200 law schools in America,
It the Fcderalist Socie ty,
this organization, which is obviously philosophically
conservative, is going to really have a major impact across
m
the nation,
I
think
it
is
from
important
that
be
go
far
beyond the number of campuses that Lake represented here.
you should
And in doing so, I think it is tant ^ keep in mind
always the maxim which I have been selling to some of you
over a long period of time that is it is organiza-
oriental
which usually
of
tional technology determines success
great
groups
outent.
Consei
back in the Goldwater days, when I first
politically
conservatives
became active in the early 1960s, had the belief that being
right, in the sense of being correct, was sufficient to
prevail. that victory would naturally fall into our deserving
hands like a ripe fruit off of a tree. P We believed in the
Sir Gallahad theory--I will win because my heart is pure.
But that is not the way the real world works. Most organiza-
tional technology is philosophically neutral. and the tech
niques which you use to organize a College Republican Club
or a Young Americans for Freedom club or a Federalist Society
3
club
those
roughly
analogous.
Similarly,
it
equally applicable to
could be a Young Democrat Club a Young Socialist Alliance
1th National Lawyers Quild.
club,
Different emphases for different sorts of organiza-
tions, certainly different potentials for growth of a mass
base, but besically the same tech nig ups.
hould
First, some things that I would suggest you avoid. Avoid
trying to send letters to all of the students; that is
reliance on
terribly inefficient financially. Avoid trying
put
to recruit
sign people up.
posters attracting people; that really does not great
deal. I think, very importantly avoid paid space advertise-
These Three "logica pproaches
ments. All of these things have been tried many times and
by many well meaning people and they are not very useful in
getting large numbers of people to affiliate.
technique
Some
would
useful
a
I-belleve,
would
be
to
itemsor
formation and activity
inserting little stories about your projects a in various
a
conservative publications, and go through a broad spectrum:
them, National Review, American Spectator, Intercollegiate
Human Ensults
Review, Reason Magazine, Conservative Digest, and so forth,
and encourage law students to write to a given address to
!
the Federalist society.
for student contacts
get information to get contacts You might write to lists
conservative
of a faculty members that could be acquired through ISI or -
Heritage Foundation or interviews with conservative law
4
P
should
faculty whom you know already. You might ae
method
write or visit school newspapers. I often use that way
students.
to find the right people. The school newspapers are ordinar-
but
ily very left wing have found over the years that if you
present yourself at a school newspaper office as a field man
"
conservative
for such and such an organization and ask who are the right
tell you.
wing activists on Was campus they know, because they have often
been subjected to attacks from these people.
over
a
long
period 81 time and they generally will net hesitate to 1
That will give you some initial contacts However, an
essential element for getting large numbers of people is a
membership table.
am reminded of the story that Congressman Phil Crane often
tells He was an dergraduate at Hillsdale but be went
story
bout his resistration
graduate school at Indiana University--Bloomington.
He
tells the story how during the College registration period,
phil
had paid his fees and he walked out Into open area
which sported
and there little card table and a big photograph of
the photo
Eleanor Roosevelt and the caption on ^ it was "Know your
llesiate
Inter
studies
enemy. " He sensed instinctively that this organization was
Institute,
his and so he signed up. and they did well. The tech-
niques for running a good membership table take about- 45
I can't + tuke the time have.
minutes to tell and I I will through that but I do suggest
5
you that It would highly desirable to set up . member-
at every low school.
ship tables Set up one an arresting table. which
Perhaps you can find a suitable
photograph of Teddy Kennedy the know your
or Tip O'Neil whemever Set It your up in an area of
table
if
maximum foot traffic, and so forth, just as though you were
for
any
the
tudent
ying to solicit members in College Republican or other
organization.
I think you should set up some sort of an incentive program.
Most people in any youth political organization are
but
totally localized to their own campus and yet it is extraor-
1
to another
dinarily easy, in my experience, for anybody to go, onto any
The left has often proved
campus and organize anything. You can run a dirty dishrag
up a flag pole on any college campus in America and somebody
will salute. If you understand organizational technology,
you can get a big crowd out for the ceremony. SO my Bugges-
A
tion to give people an incentive to
you do not now have
organize law schools where there are not organiza-
tions and if you wind up with anything like a budget, I
you crente a
would suggest a specifice beautiful pin, perhaps
with a diamond in it, or a synthetic ruby if you cannot
to be
afford a diamond, which is awarded only to people who have
organized a Federalist Society on a campus other than their
own. It gives Some sort of incontive. If you are going to
6
or
a
have an effort to organize out there, give people
ecognition for what they have done or Some certificate
signed by a number of federal judges on your advisory commit-
tee or whatever.
I blrink it quite important that structure the organiza-
tion property because ^ structure can strangle you an organization.
carefully
awkward
Try to set up a national structure presuming you are going
to have one which provides maximum service, includes a
strong executive, but avoids opportunities for a great
amount of patronage to an executive board. Q Many organizations
have troubles along those there lines Young Americans for Freedom, for instunce,
is frequently racked with internal problems and It is largely
because the people who are on their national board have of
and expanse accounts
certain national amount of patronage at their disposal and budgets
for, travel around here and there and various other things,
expense accounts. If you have a strong executive and without
primarily
perquisites to be passed out except in the area of service,
fieldwork,
will
1
I think you would be better off. Also, it is very important
P
a Fair
to establish whatever decision making apparątus you have to
officers
select your chairman, make sure there are iron clad guarantees
to
that prevent cheating in credentials fights. If you are
Q
you should certify
and apportion
going to have numbers of members of a club certified,
one
national convention
30
number of delegates per 100 members of the club or whatever,
^
7
no new P
Require local membership for inspection lists three to be months will filed discourage or so
before and available elections Thream of national ficers. destructive. This
credentials - your hauky-panks, which is very
you want to Make very sure that that is laid down in concrete
with a three month time delay where nobody can run in a lot
"
of paper members. You wherever possible avoid all
of those internal problems of organizations where people
spend their time and efforts bickering and fighting with one
another. R If possible I would try to get a field organizing
establish
Sand
program, to have field men who are working, at least part
a
time, maybe as volunteers with expenses paid, going to
out doing field organizing organiz at law schools where
you are not yet represented
should
the many
You need to study a lot of different elements of youth
political organization. Perhaps the one which is most
relevant to you would be the metter of fund raising for the
local organizations. because one of the things that obviously
to expense money for
you are going to want to do is get speakers coming to your
campus getting your people get to good conferences -
you may need to help
somewhere. P. I wrote a manual which at number of you have who
Leadership Institute
a manual I wrote
have been through my schools have seen years ago for College
^
Republicans called "How to Budget and Finance Your Club". and
In
:
"
in it is the famous fool proof fund raising formula
by which mung
which, in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, raised ^ thousands and
thousands of dollars yearly for conservative youth activity.
of hat procedure
and it works very well for local clubs, -
8
I think it is of preeminent importance for you, however, to
understand the importance of studying, not just the issues,
Abost general,
but study how to win. I think that is what made the
difference between the Old Right and the New Right. That
new understanding
be
we came to a conclusion after the Goldwater defeat,
onservatives
different ones at different rates and to different extents.
owe it to our philosophy to study how to win, and
most
Efect
not
the
one
most
that the ideal person is not someone simply who is knowledge-
We need people
able on all the issues, but somebody who is both philosophic-
ally sound and technologically proficient. Tous, 1 have
suggested when you study, you do not study just issues, you
do a fair amount of studying how to win and many of the
rudiments of the techniques are very important. The oppor
Ф
tunity always exists for & philosophically oriented organiza-
can
tion to degenerate through destructive agitation over exceed-
ingly fine points of doctrine. where you spiral down into
insignificance, where your last two members confront one
another and one yells at the other, "It is not enough that
you are for everything that I am for--if you are not for it
for the same reasons, to hell with you. " Immensely important
P
I think, to study how to win, and study those things which
your
are important to you to implement the philosophical ideas
,
which you have
9
Federalisty Society
I would suggest that at least 25% of all of your training
be
efforts should not just discussing the fine points of
of
you should be the prime souse expertise
doctrine and legal philosophy. but in fact study such on these
P1.
things as How to get the right people into the study of law.
topics:
1 3.
as a conservative
QP
L
2. how to get into the right law school, how to succeed in law
Q4.
school. law student participation in politics and govern-
P5.
Q6.
ment, how to get better people on law faculties. how to get
117.
98.
a good clerking job. how to become a judge, how to make sure
the right people get to be judges. And in doing this sort
of thing, I suggest it is important that you look for estab-
P Look for
Nehed expertise There are many people who have learned
these lessons on those questions which I threw out to you
lready They learned it in the school of hard knocks. but
the trouble with the school of hard knocks for most of us
that,
is, while it teaches its lesson well, by the time you grad-
uate, you are too old to go to work. So it is important to
find those people who have established the expertise, and let
P There are
them share it with you. Philosophically sound people who
become
have proved proficient in these areas of achievement, get
you and
them to make systematic presentations to others on how they
bad ^ success. R This n may perhaps not be as intellectually
ackdeved
ron
centration on "How to do it"
satisfying as elegant discussions on fine points of doctrine,
but it will surely triple the effectiveness of your organiza-
you may
tion. It may actually save your organization from collapsing
when your current leaders complete their stay at law school.
10
I have seen the program. Unfortunately, I was not able to
\be here for the rest of the program. It would have very
much interesting to me, but I observe tht you found that
there are some new and very outstanding judges. It is
you found
to no speak on program this
accident that there are some new and outstanding judges, IL
Because of the
is
because
change in the national elections in
Hurt
1980 1980, that there are these new and outstanding judges and
and j udicial
people with your political philosophy now have an opportunity
Federal
to serve on the bench, whereas before they did not.
next
Inc Order to elaborate on that, I, want to share with you some
thoughts of ssine about the real nature of politics, and how
we got where we are and where we are headed. Q I made some election
achieved that change,
for
predictions over a long period of years about elections the
congressional elections for a newsletter called The New
Right Report, published by my elong ong time emp Richard
also
Viguerie, the conservative direct-mail expert who publishes
Conservative Digest and New Right Report In 1980 In
1980,
January, I predicted the Republican Party would win a net of
seven new Senate seats and 35 new House seats. Mr. Viguerie,
very frankly, was disinclined to publish those predictions
overly
because he thought them to be wildly optimistic. The actual
Q
numbers were 12 in the Senate and 33 in the House: I- was -
1480 more accurately
guessing in January, closer than most people were guessing in
11
October. I made my evaluation based not on a careful study
race by race as to how many were likely winners and how many
were likely losers, but on a measurement of the aggregate, rival
P
resources which were available to the political process. I
started from the premise. what determines the success of
a political endeavor is, very frankly, not what most people
think it is, on the real nature of it is not. Most people
simply a
think is contest between two candidates.
others think it is the vigorous contest between everybody in
and
one political party versus everybody in the other political
party.
thers think of a political contest essentially
as a contest over two points of view to prove which one is
right. None of those are adequately descriptive, in my
P
judgment, of the real nature of the political process. What
my
we have, fast, is a system in which the numbers and
contesting
effectiveness of the activists on the respective sides are
what determines the outcome of a political contest. If that
and monitor
is true, and if we - measure the sources of activism which
come into play in the political process, we can then predict
where we are headed. if we can continue the measurement of
these sources of activism.
briefly
I want to quickly outline for you the major sources made of
1980
and
it
possible
for
activism which contributed to that election which
allowed
1
12
your program
some of these estimable gentlemen to get appointed to
federal judgeships. The first source of activism is the
party structure. The Republican Party structure is, by any
measure, immensely better off than the Democratic Party
structure. I did studies of what happened in the party
funds
committees after 1976 elections, 1978 elections and 1980
elections. The dollar resources are very impressive. Ф In
of
the biennium concluding with th the 1976 elections, there was a
of
$45.7
received
committees
total of about $45 million that receipted by the Republi-
can Party. On the other hand, in 1977-78, the total receipts
reported to the Federal Election Commission by Republican
$84.5
organizations were $81 million, almost doubled. In 1979-80,
the total receipts were $161. million, doubled again. R The
2
comparable figure for the democrats in 1976 was $18 million
in 1978, it was $27 million, in 1980 it was $36 million. So
not only is the Republican Party raising a lot more money,
P
Next,
but it is growing at a much faster rate. compare
the 1981 receipts to the 1979 receipts norder to get more
to
current figures and compare comparable nonelection years.
In 1979, the Republican Party- the three big. committees, the
national committee, senatorial committee and congressional
5
committee aggregated $33, million. In 1981, they aggregated
8
$80. million, almost tripled. In 1979, on the other hand,
the Democratic Party reported $4.9 million and in 1981 they
13
reported about $8.3 million, less than doubled P Again, the
Also
margin of lead is increasing. Another thing interest-
party
ing in respect is the number of contributors. Seventy- national
80.8 million
for
five percent of the money that in 1981 the Repub-
groups
lican National Committee was in contributions of $25 or
less. Seventy-five percent of the money that came into the
Democratic National Committee in 1981 was in contributions
of $500 or more. which means that we have approximately two
million people who actually made voluntary contributions to
the Republican Party in 1981, and only a few hundred thousand
gave contributions to the Democratic Party.
Tape
Q At every level, the training programs of
the GOP organis are incomparably spout
superior in-mombers to their Democratic counterposis.
P
The second source of activism for the President's winning
coalition of 1980 was the business and association political
action committees. PT Twenty years ago, there were hardly any
political action committees except those of organized
labor. Changes in the law, changes in court decisions and
the successful example of some pioneers have caused a revolu-
tion to take place in the political action community. The
corporate and association political action committees total
now about 1,850 and new ones are being founded every week.
numbers
of
contributors
Moreover, they are very quickly growing These that
were
They
preovisting are finding - better ways to raise funds,
A
they have more total dollars available to them.
14
another, significant aspect of IC, is
their pattern of giving has altered. Until the 1980 elec-
tions, the great majority of the contributions from these
corporate and association political actions committees went
to democrats surpribingly but they did to democrats,
Mons
largely to liberal democratic incumbents. These business
^
and association leaders were attempting to buy access to
incumbent politicians rather than to influence the course of
They
by
-
elections In 1980 that switched around.
about
a
60/40 ratio to republican candidates.
but
it
signi-
-
ficant
than
Just
that
The numbers of these contributions
each
election
going
challenger candidates against incumbents
is on the increase, the percentage of their money going to
pro-free enterprise candidates for open seats is on the
increase. Gemparably n the opposition coalition have
where organized labor is still doing a very
good job, and they have been doing a very good job over many
years,
getting resources out of the labor movement into
politics. But they do not have much area left for growth
because there are no major unions left without political
action committees and they have for years been extracting
all the money they reasonably can get.
They
have
known
that was important and they have all been deinged Even
now, the great majority of the major corporations and trade
15
associations in the United States do not have political
action committees: with the unions P There is no way
for
for the unions to greatly increase the resources,
they
bring.
because they have been trying to think
increase
do that for years. They cannot just double the
limit
thing
assessments because they operate in a free market system.
where they are losing certification elections. they cannot
double their income by doubling their political assessments
any more than the maker of a washing machine can double his
profits by doubling his prices. He might just price himself
out of the market so they really do not have much OI an
area growth available to them.
The third source of activism for the President's winning
is
coalition the voluntarily supported conservative grass
roots organizations which are growing up all over the place.
R
They come in all shapes and sizes and descriptions. Some of
them are focused in on a cluster of related issues like
right to work, right to life, tax limitation or gun control.
Others of them are broad spectrum- conservative on
virtually every issue, like Committee for the Survival of a
American
Conservative
union,
Free Congress, the Conservative Caucus, the National Conser-
vative Political Action Committee. In this category I place
wellas
the religious right the Heritage Foundation, the Federalist
16
Society and other groups whose primary contribution is
intellectual
as
an
organization,
DOU
to
1
Ф
conservative
These organizations are reasonably new phenomenon, at least
as major factors in the public policy process. They
to get very big, and did not start getting big until the
mid-1970s. The growth pattern is spectacular. Terry Dolan
told me day before yesterday that in the first quarter of
1980, he raised $900,000. In the first quarter of 1982, he
PP
raised $1.7 million. All of these groups were afraid that
proverbial
the little old lady in Peoria, who is responsible for making
a
stop giving
these voluntary contributions, would give up making contribu
tions after 1980 elections, because, after all, if you have
beaten Jimmy Carter, George McGovern, Frank Church, Birch
ours.
Bayh, and all the rest, the victory is over. We won Why
we
P To the
should you keep making contributions? But be
surprise
and pleasure of most of the leaders of these groups, the
contributions not only did not decline, they have increased.
I know of none of these groups that did not do better in
1981 than they did in 1979, and many of them did better in
1981 than they did in 1980. The early returns from 1982
indicate Significantly, a continued very an almost rapid growth. universally high priority of
conservative groups is their political the truining iberal programs.
own
P On the opposite side the opposite coalition has its a volun-
tarily supported grass roots groups,
as well
There are not
Americans for Democratic Action,
very many of them, but the the National Committee for
17
an Effective Congress, the environmentalist groups and
others come to mind. They have been doing good job of
this election cycle
when
trying to raise additional funds financial but there are not very many
of them and you look at their reports and they are not
showing great A and spectacular growth.
They
showing
Some
9
liberal PACs are
growth. And are some new ones that are being founded.
Many of the defeated democratic politicians of 1980 elections
have gene out and formed new groups. George McGovern has
one called, ironically I believe, the Americans for Common
Sense. Frank Church sent me a letter for a group called
Democrats for the 80's. It was a computerized letter that
which
began "Dear Morton". The thrust of the letter was that
I
should
the nation is
had to give money to this group because subjected to
all sorts of danger because Ronald Reagan has named all of
terrible right wingers to his administration, and c
hurchs
letter listed
examples.
there was a list of six I think I was number 4 on his
A
They
list.
But
groups,
by the very nature of direct mail,
I doubt
can't much raise
even
there exists a large reservoir of liberals out there
net
money
just waiting for Frank Church and George McGovern to ask
this your.
them for money. a propesition which I dispute because T have
a prejudice my belief is that liberals prefer to do good
with other people's tax money rather than make voluntary
P
untold liberals
contributions even if I am wrong and there are many people
out there just waiting to give money, the dynamics of direct
18
make
mail are such that it a practical impossibility for these
^
raise major
groups to major factor in producing resources for the
inst
requires initially
1982 elections. Direct mail operates in such a fashion that
expensive mass
& tot of mailings to people who have never contributed
only
before, and these mailings may break even. It is the people
prospect"
who contribute to the initial mailings who you subsequently
A
solicit for contributions where the organization to get its
net funds, to do the operations of the group. Frankly, it
very well by any new groups
cannot be done before the 1982 elections, for these groups to
have a lot of resources.
You would say that that schaustz the categories. We have
discuss
55
got the party groups, the business groups, the union groups,
the voluntarily supported groups, and that does exhaust the
sources of activism for the President's winning coalition.
But there is another source of activism for the opposition constion,
which is a major searce generally unrecognized source:
for
and that is the huge amount of federal funds that go $
to organizations for government
grants or outright expenditures which have histor-
ically over the last several years built up to very massive
purposes,
Q
expenditures for political advocacy organizations. My own
view
feeling is that it is not legitimate for tax money to go to
advocacy groups. I think it would not be appropriate for
-
tax dollars to go either to Phyllis Schlafley or
19
Eagle Forum Organization on the one hand, or to. the National
Organization for Women and its organizations on the other
group
hand. It is a fact that Mrs. Schlafle has never received
nor even asked for any government funds, but it is also a
an asciliate arm
fact that the National Organization for Women gets grants
from many sources, including, in the 1980-81 period, got a grant
of over half a million dollars for one of their subunits.
Q
Remarkably,
Frankly, we have found that no one in the federal government
to
has a good listing of all the money that goes out in this
to advocacy groups.
grants procedure. That money is spent in a great variety of
ways. Many of those programs are very blatant have been
in the past, going out and doing political organizing.
P your tax dollars are training
and
Training people how to organize precincts organizing people
to do voter registration drives. with federal funds. and
guess where they register people--in liberal democratic
Grent money pays for
areas. Doing get-out-to-vote drives to increase voter
turnout. and guess where--liberal democratic areas. The
the VISTA
VISTA program. We looked at their training operation and it
was largely concerned with
is just filled with informtion about how to organize people
uss isturnce
politically. The 300,000 CETA jobs and the public service
were
aployment- 300, 000 of these jobs^ largely given over to
patronage employees for local democratic machines.
-
probably
Most of you probably, in your home towns saw some type of
political scandal with respect to CETA. That has happened
20
QP Times are changing.
i Zendemic across the country. The fact is that, for
1
going
into
several reasons, the resources coming in through the political
spectrum, the to political activism through this ource is are this year
greatly reduced because, first, the total dollar amount that
of any kind
is being made available Second, for grants, to nongovernmental
groups has decreased. Some programs have been abolished,
public assistance jobs
such as the whole 300,000 CETA ^ program, 300,000 of these
public service jobs. In other cases by no means all cases,
Thind, many
now
many cases people who are making the decisions as to
new,
who gets grants are people who share the President's political
<
to oppose
philosophy and people who are inclined not to favor giving
grants of money to people who are for running advocacy programs.
There is a new priorits for
they are doing programs which help the needy rather than help
for
organize liberal democrats.
have reduced by
All those factors together combine to mean inevitably that
this year there will be literally millions of
the amounts
doziars leased tax dollars going into programs which of
P sum,
provide political advocacy. In net, I see every source of
still
activism for the President's winning coalition in the period
of growth. I see every source of activism for the opposition
static, growing but not at too great a rate, or, in
fact in one signficant case, shrinking-dramatically, and
therefore, I am prepared to fly in the face of everybody
21
P
else's predictions. Everyone is predicting doom and gloom
for the Republican Party this year. I do not believe 3.
it.
My own predictions of January of this year were that the GOD
Razly will pick up a net of four seats in the Senate and a
net of 15 seats in the House. P I base again not on a
those predictions
say for sure
careful study, race -by- individual race, because you never can tell what
is going to happen in races. Witness the death last night
yesterday afternoon of Congressman John Ashbrook. It is
just too soon to tell. He died suddenly yesterday in Johns-
town, his hometown. You cannot tell. Birt you can measure
the sources of activism that are there and the quality of
politics.
on that basis,
expertise that is going into these things and 1 there is
the GOP
every reason to think can have great gains.
always
It is not inevitable and 110 one can predict these things
with certainty. But + believe there is a close analogy, and
I will conclude with this an analogy, between what President Franklin
Roosevelt did in the 1930s and what is going on today.
P
President Roosevelt put together a new governing majority in
America which was reasonably stable, at least, for 48 years.
Rouevelt's
There were many keys to his success. One of the keys was
not that he solved the Depression in the 1930s, because as
you all know, the Depression did not show much sign of
-
Q
improvement until World War II came along. Yet in 1934,
22
consussional
He
Roosevelt gained seats, rather than lost. and broke what
an
some people describe as the iron law, that Presidents'
parties lose in mid-term elections. The secrets of Roose-
velt's success, in my judgment, were these.
First, he kept the issue initiative. He kept everybody
talking about what his programs were to solve the problems
of the country. He reduced the opposition to carping
about and reacting to his plans. Throughout the 1930s,
the public perce ption was
hardly any serious person could conceive that the Republican
no
Party had A plan to pull us out of the mess of the Depres-
sion. Roosevelt's plan did not pull us out of it, but he
any recognizable
was the only one who had such a plan. I do not think it is
must
necessary that there be a great economic turnaround this
the GOP
should there
year for us to win more seats. Not only are there going to
be more republican seats, let me say parenthetically, there
are likely to be more conservative democrats in the next
now
Congress than there are this time, because lots of these
sources of activism are applying themselves in democratic
primaries, particularly in the south. That was the first of
Roosevelt's secrets of success.
the
was
The second secret of success of Franklin Roosevelt Is that
he was able to hold his coalition together. There were some
23
There were
very disparate elements in the Roosevelt coalition. You had
segregationist southern democrats, you had unions with white
membership
only clauses, and you had liberal intellectuals and civil
ot many
diversence in his
coalition
rights organizations. That was just one areas of confronta
tion where there were inconsistenciess But still, that his
Geome a
coalition held together and was a. normal governing coalition.
Another major secret of his soccess was that
The other that 1 think is most important about what
n
Roosevelt did was that he kept the focus on his enemies. He
attacking and casting 6kme on
kept, everybody Lalking about his enemies. He himself contin
ued casting the blame, continued to the extent that he
could, to attack Herbert Hoower. He probably died in April
mumbling
on
1945 giving a speach attacking Herbert Hoover. Surely he
Those
did for the rest of his life make attack on what he called
the economic royalists and the malefactors of great wealth. "
He retained those same themes To the extent that he could,
Roosevelt
reran the 1932 elections in 1934 and 1936 and 1938 and so
forth. Q While the Reagan presidency has managed to hold the its
coalition together, while we have managed to retain the
issue initiative, at least to date, it is yet uncertain
to how well we are going to focus in on rerunning the subse-
for is in 1980.
quent elections on the same themes which won the last time
I think it is possible to do so. but whether or not we are
going to Confrontion do it depends of was century. a key. Roosevelt His supportens was virtually the almost most wors certainly used
beloved him. class President Interesting, This though, he was His opponents
the loathed haspit 10mg after his
most deeply despised president of death. this century. perhips
him, beloved cuan 20th century 24 president was hated Daight
E the ison next most contrast to Roosevelt, handly any one and
Brown
hower. In hower, but he was a political failure left
no era of political success for his party.
second-year fight
There were two ways we could have played this budget matter
^
which we just had. I was not privy to the internal decisions
on the budget final figures, came but I think it is
Measure
safe to say that the 1983 n budget represents somebody's
The deficit .,/d have been clearly and
correctly pin of on the liberal Democratic
judgment of about the best which could come out this of the
Congress. Certainly no one has suggested that that budget
is what the President thought was the ideal budget for the
United States. The Rocan with putting this budget forward
P
suck a
with the large deficit on it is that it did not accomplish
what some people may have thought it would, because it
neither placated our foes nor enthused our friends. In
fact, many ways elements of the President's winning
leadership.
coalition are in some ways disoriented, because here is our
deficit
president coming up with that P The alternative would have
been to put forward something much closer to what the Presi-
dent thought would be a good budget, to fight the battle and
P we could more Easily have
then lose where unavoidable and then reconstituted the same
coalitions of 1980 in the 1982 election. We would have had
the ev
how
basically the same lineups, and we know what the last chapter
a
of that book reads. That might have been a differ ent course,
but we are embarked on a slightly different one from that
My time is up.
25